Adolfo Lujan | Flickr (CC BY-NC-ND 2.0)
Mass demonstration in Madrid on International Women's Day
Multitudinaria manifestación en Madrid en el día internacional de la mujer

Priority Areas

Supporting feminist, women’s rights and gender justice movements to thrive, to be a driving force in challenging systems of oppression, and to co-create feminist realities.

Advancing Universal Rights and Justice

Uprooting Fascisms and Fundamentalisms

Across the globe, feminist, women’s rights and gender justice defenders are challenging the agendas of fascist and fundamentalist actors. These oppressive forces target women, persons who are non-conforming in their gender identity, expression and/or sexual orientation, and other oppressed communities.


Discriminatory ideologies are undermining and co-opting our human rights systems and standards,  with the aim of making rights the preserve of only certain groups. In the face of this, the Advancing Universal Rights and Justice (AURJ) initiative promotes the universality of rights - the foundational principle that human rights belong to everyone, no matter who they are, without exception.

We create space for feminist, women’s rights and gender justice movements and allies to recognize, strategize and take collective action to counter the influence and impact of anti-rights actors. We also seek to advance women’s rights and feminist frameworks, norms and proposals, and to protect and promote the universality of rights.


Our actions

Through this initiative, we:

  • Build knowledge: We support feminist, women’s rights and gender justice movements by disseminating and popularizing knowledge and key messages about anti-rights actors, their strategies, and impact in the international human rights systems through AWID’s leadership role in the collaborative platform, the Observatory on the Universality of Rights (OURs)*.
  • Advance feminist agendas: We ally ourselves with partners in international human rights spaces including, the Human Rights Council, the Commission on Population and Development, the Commission on the Status of Women and the UN General Assembly.
  • Create and amplify alternatives: We engage with our members to ensure that international commitments, resolutions and norms reflect and are fed back into organizing in other spaces locally, nationally and regionally.
  • Mobilize solidarity action: We take action alongside women human rights defenders (WHRDs) including trans and intersex defenders and young feminists, working to challenge fundamentalisms and fascisms and call attention to situations of risk.  

 

Related Content

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What’s a feminist like you doing in a place like this?

A conversation on international advocacy and global governance

✉️ By registration only. Register here

📅 Friday, March 14, 2025
🕒 2.30pm EST

🏢 Blue Gallery, The Blue Building, 222 East 46th Street

🎙️Facilitated by: Anissa Daboussi, Manager, Advancing Universal Rights and Justice team

Organizer: SRI, AWID

What languages will be included in the Forum?

English, French, Spanish and Mandarin.

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Preferred languages:

Boil them down to communications language preferences

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LEARN MORE GET THE USER GUIDEWHO CAN FUND ME DATABASE  JOIN THE DATABASE

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Radical Democracy and Climate Justice - the missing debate of COP30

As the world struggles with multiple intersecting crises, local communities and collectives of various kinds are resisting as also creating constructive alternatives.

📅 Wednesday, November 12, 2025
📍 Seminario Mar Nossa Sra Da Assunção, Pará, Brazil

More info here

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🎯 Deckgame: Organize. Strategize. Mobilize.

A hands-on deckgame for collectives to explore feminist economic alternatives and systems of care as crisis response. This deckgame is for all movements navigating global climate crises through play and strategy based on real-life scenarios. A creative avenue to strategize in meetings, workshops, and community gatherings!

Coming soon

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Young Feminist Activism

Organizing creatively, facing an increasing threat

Young feminist activists play a critical role in women’s rights organizations and movements worldwide by bringing up new issues that feminists face today. Their strength, creativity and adaptability are vital to the sustainability of feminist organizing.

At the same time, they face specific impediments to their activism such as limited access to funding and support, lack of capacity-building opportunities, and a significant increase of attacks on young women human rights defenders. This creates a lack of visibility that makes more difficult their inclusion and effective participation within women’s rights movements.

A multigenerational approach

AWID’s young feminist activism program was created to make sure the voices of young women are heard and reflected in feminist discourse. We want to ensure that young feminists have better access to funding, capacity-building opportunities and international processes. In addition to supporting young feminists directly, we are also working with women’s rights activists of all ages on practical models and strategies for effective multigenerational organizing.

Our Actions

We want young feminist activists to play a role in decision-making affecting their rights by:

  • Fostering community and sharing information through the Young Feminist Wire. Recognizing the importance of online media for the work of young feminists, our team launched the Young Feminist Wire in May 2010 to share information, build capacity through online webinars and e-discussions, and encourage community building.

  • Researching and building knowledge on young feminist activism, to increase the visibility and impact of young feminist activism within and across women’s rights movements and other key actors such as donors.

  • Promoting more effective multigenerational organizing, exploring better ways to work together.

  • Supporting young feminists to engage in global development processes such as those within the United Nations

  • Collaboration across all of AWID’s priority areas, including the Forum, to ensure young feminists’ key contributions, perspectives, needs and activism are reflected in debates, policies and programs affecting them.

Related Content

Quarante ans de campagne pour les droits et la sécurité des travailleuses du sexe

Quarante ans de campagne pour les droits et la sécurité des travailleuses du sexe

Depuis 1975, l’English Collective of Prostitutes (ECP, le Collectif anglais des prostituées) lutte pour obtenir la décriminalisation du travail du sexe et des conditions de travail plus sûres pour les travailleuses du sexe, tant au niveau national qu’au niveau international.


L’ECP apporte son soutien à toutes les personnes vivant du travail du sexe, indépendamment de leur genre, lorsqu’elles sont poursuivies pour racolage ou pour des faits de tenue de maison close, quand elles se voient contraintes de fermer leur lieu de travail ou qu’elles sont soumises à une ordonnance pour comportement antisocial (Anti-social behaviour orders, ASBOs) .

Nous ne sommes pas des criminelles

« Nous sommes des femmes qui travaillons ou avons travaillé dans différents domaines de l’industrie du sexe,  que ce soit dans la rue ou dans des établissements. »

Basé au Royaume-Uni, l’ECP milite pour que les lois qui  criminalisent les travailleuses du sexe et leurs familles soient abolies,  pour que les faits relatfs au travail du sexe soient supprimés du casier juduciaire et enfin pour que les travailleuses du sexe se voient offrir des alternatives en matière de logement et de développement économique ainsi que des salaires et dans les mots d'ECP, de sorte que "chacune de nous peut sortir de la prostitution si et quand nous le voulons."

Tenir tête au pouvoir de l’État

La lutte en faveur des droits des personnes qui vivent du travail du sexe est permanente et dure depuis des décennies. Il faut du courage pour résister aux lois criminalisantes adoptées par les autorités publiques et à la mise en application de celles-ci par les forces de police. Le courage de l’ECP a souvent été récompensé au cours de ces longues années de lutte et de résistance.

En 1982, 50 femmes du collectif ont occupé une église londonnienne pendant 12 jours pour protester contre les interventions illégales de la police mais aussi contre la violence et le racisme dont sont victimes des travailleurs-euses du sexe qui exercent leurs activités dans la rue. En 1995, avec le soutien de l’organisation Women against Rape (Femmes contre le viol), l’ECP a remporté une victoire qui a fait date. Cette toute première poursuite au privé pour viol avait été lancée parce que les autorités publiques avaient auparavant refusé de poursuivre un violeur en série qui ciblait les travailleuses du sexe.

Il y a dix ans, après le meurtre de cinq femmes à Ipswich, l’ECP a lancé la « Safety First Coalition » (la coalition pour la sécurité avant tout). Cette coalition a été le fer de lance d’une campagne contre la loi relative au maintien de l’ordre et à la prévention de la criminalité (le « Policing and Crime Act »),  qui octroyaient des pouvoirs étendus aux policiers pour « nous arrêter pour racolage, nous contraindre à suivre des programme de réhabilitation, rafler nos appartements, nous faire expulser, voler notre argent et nos biens. Cette loi criminalisait également les clients. »

Actuellement, l’ECP fait campagne contre la loi de réforme de la protection sociale qui abolit certaines aides sociales, qui étaient les seules sources de revenu sur lesquelles les mères et les victimes de violence domestique pouvaient compter. Comme l’ECP l’a expliqué à l’AWID, « la plupart des travailleuses du sexe sont des mères qui tentent de faire de leur mieux pour leurs enfants. Il faut les protéger plutôt que les agresser ».

« Nous sommes en contact avec des travailleurs-euses du sexe dans le monde entier. Notre point de départ est toujours la situation que nous vivons dans les pays du Sud, celle que nous vivons dans les rues, alors que beaucoup d’entre nous sont des femmes noires, métisses et/ou des immigrées. »

Membre institutionnel de l’AWID depuis 2014, l’ECP fait également partie de l’International Prostitutes Collective.


Regardez une vidéo dans laquelle Niki Adams, de l’ECP, parle de la décriminalisation du travail du sexe à Soho (en anglais)

 

Connectez-vous

Four Decades of Campaigning for the Safety and Rights of Sex Workers

Four Decades of Campaigning for the Safety and Rights of Sex Workers

Since 1975, the English Collective of Prostitutes (ECP) has worked nationally and internationally for the decriminalisation of sex work and towards safer working conditions for sex workers. ECP has supported women and other sex workers against charges of soliciting, closure orders, Anti-social behaviour orders (ASBOs), and brothel keeping.


Not criminals

The UK based ECP campaigns for the abolition of  laws which criminalize sex workers and their families, for the expunging of criminal records, as well as for housing, economic alternatives and higher benefits and wages and in ECP's words, so that "any of us can leave prostitution if and when we want."

Standing up to state power

The struggle for sex workers’ rights is a continued and decade long struggle. It takes courage to fight against criminalising laws passed by state authorities and enforced by police power. ECP’s courage has often paid off in its many years of advocacy and resistance.

For 12 days in 1982, 50 women from the Collective occupied a church in London to protest against illegal police action, violence and racism against street workers. In 1995, ECP, with the support of Women against Rape, won a landmark case (and first-ever private prosecution for rape) after the authorities declined to prosecute a serial rapist who targeted sex workers. And ten years ago, after the murder of five women in Ipswich, ECP launched the Safety First Coalition, spearheading a campaign against the Policing and Crime Act which gave police greater powers to “arrest us for soliciting, force us into “rehabilitation”, raid our flats, get us evicted, and steal our earnings and property. It also criminalised clients." 

Currently the English Collective of Prostitutes is opposing the new Welfare Reform law which abolishes income support as this is the only benefit that mothers and victims of domestic violence rely on. As ECP tells AWID, “Most sex workers are mothers trying to do our best for our children. Mothers should be supported not attacked.”

“We are in touch with sex workers all over the world. The situation of those of us in the Global South and those of us who work the streets, often black women, other women of colour and/or immigrant women, has always been our starting point.”

ECP, an AWID institutional member since 2014, is also part of the International Prostitutes Collective.


Watch Niki Adams of ECP talk about decriminalisation of sex work in Soho.

 

Connect:

Cuatro décadas haciendo campaña por la seguridad y los derechos de lxs trabajadorxs sexuales

Cuatro décadas haciendo campaña por la seguridad y los derechos de lxs trabajadorxs sexuales

Desde 1975 el English Collective of Prostitutes [Colectivo Inglés de Prostitutas, ECP] viene trabajando a nivel nacional e internacional contra la criminalización del trabajo sexual y para lograr condiciones de trabajo más seguras para lxs trabajadorxs sexuales. ECP ha respaldado a mujeres y otrxs trabajadorxs sexuales que enfrentaban cargos por prostitución, órdenes de clausura, órdenes civiles por comportamiento antisocial (ASBO por sus siglas en inglés) y por el mantenimiento de burdeles.


No somos criminales

«Somos mujeres que trabajamos o hemos trabajado en diferentes áreas de la industria del sexo - tanto en las calles como en locales.»

ECP tiene sede en el Reino Unido y hace incidencia por la abolición de las leyes que criminalizan a lxs trabajadorxs sexuales y a sus familias y por la eliminación de sus antecedentes penales. También  trabaja para lograr viviendas, alternativas económicas y beneficios y sueldos más altos para que lxs trabajadorxs sexuales tengan la posibilidad de dejar ese trabajo si así lo desean.

Haciendo frente al poder del estado

La lucha por los derechos de lxs trabajadorxs sexuales ha sido continua y ya lleva varias décadas. Se requiere valentía para luchar contra leyes criminalizadoras aprobadas por autoridades estatales y aplicadas por el poder policial. La valentía que ha demostrado ECP en sus muchos años de defensa y resistencia a menudo ha dado buenos resultados.

En 1982, durante 12 días, 50 mujeres del Colectivo ocuparon una iglesia en Londres para protestar contra las acciones ilegales de la policía, y también contra la violencia y el racismo hacia lxs trabajadorxs sexuales. En 1995 y con el apoyo de Women Against Rape [Mujeres Contra la Violación], ECP ganó un caso que sentó precedente (y que fue el primer juicio por violación iniciado por una organización a título particular) después de que las autoridades declinaron procesar a un violador en serie que atentaba específicamente contra trabajadorxs sexuales. Y hace diez años, luego del asesinato de cinco mujeres en Ipswich, el colectivo lanzó la Safety First Coalition [Coalición por la Seguridad Ante Todo], una campaña en contra de la Ley sobre Delito y Vigilancia Policial que daba mayor poder a la policía para «arrestarnos por prostitución, obligarnos a ir a ‘rehabilitación’, hacer redadas en nuestros apartamentos, conseguir que nos desalojaran y robar nuestros ingresos y bienes. También criminalizaba a los clientes». 

Actualmente, el Colectivo Inglés de Prostitutas se opone a la nueva Ley de Reforma de la Asistencia Social que suprime el apoyo a la renta, porque las madres y víctimas de violencia doméstica dependen de esta única prestación. Según lo que explicaron a AWID, «La mayoría de lxs trabajadorxs sexuales somos madres intentando hacer lo mejor para nuestrxs hijxs. A las madres se las debe apoyar y no atacar.»

«Estamos en contacto con trabajadorxs sexuales de todo el mundo. Nuestro punto de partida siempre ha sido la situación de aquellxs de nosotrxs que estamos en el Sur Global y de las que trabajamos en las calles, a menudo mujeres negras, otras mujeres de color y/o inmigrantes».

ECP, afiliada institucional de AWID desde 2014, también es parte del International Prostitutes Collective [Colectivo Internacional de Prostitutas].


Mira un video en el que Niki Adams del ECP habla (en inglés) sobre la despenalización del trabajo sexual en Soho.


Conéctate:

Féminisme, maternité et combat pour l’égalité de genre

Féminisme, maternité et combat pour l’égalité de genre

« Dans notre combat pour l’égalité, nous avons tendance à oublier que les femmes sont aussi des mères (si elles ont choisi de l’être). Nous ne devons pas avoir honte de notre capacité à donner naissance à un être humain. Les droits des mères font aussi partie des droits des femmes. Être une mère et être une féministe n’est pas contradictoire », affirme Aleksandra Miletić-Šantić, une avocate qui élève seule ses trois enfants.


Aleksandra est originaire de Mostar en Bosnie-Herzégovine. Elle vit actuellement à Sarajevo, où elle exerce en tant que point focal du Programme de formation aux droits de l’homme pour les professionnels du droit du Conseil de l’Europe. Elle est aussi spécialiste du suivi et de l’évaluation des programmes de développement.

Lors de la tourmente des années 1992-1995, pendant lesquelles la Bosnie-Herzégovine était déchirée par la guerre, Aleksandra était correspondante au War Studio de Mostar pour la Radio-télévision nationale basée à Sarajevo. Ce studio pluriethnique avait été créé dans l’objectif de redonner espoir aux habitants de la ville et il contribuait aux efforts pour préserver une vie culturelle et artistique malgré les conditions anormales. Le studio a dû fermer suite à un attentat, et en 1993 il a été complètement détruit lorsque l’immeuble dans lequel il se trouvait, qui abritait également le quartier général de l’armée de Bosnie-Herzégovine, a été incendié.

Son passé de journaliste et le conflit armé qu’elle a vécu alors qu’elle était une jeune femme ont fait d’elle une militante passionnée de la construction de la paix. De par ses fonctions actuelles elle participe activement à la mise en œuvre de la Résolution 1325 du Conseil de Sécurité de l’ONU sur les femmes, la paix et la sécurité. Elle a conçu et organisé des programmes de formation sur le genre et la sécurité, et elle collabore avec le Bureau de ONU Femmes en Bosnie-Herzégovine pour que soient créés des mécanismes de genre au niveau national favorisant la mise en œuvre de la Résolution 1325.

« Dans un monde idéal, être féministe serait la moindre des corrections car il serait considéré comme normal que toutes et tous aient les mêmes droits et les mêmes libertés. Tous les droits - civils, sociaux, économiques et politiques. »

Ces 15 dernières années, Aleksandra a œuvré à l’amélioration des droits humains en Bosnie-Herzégovine, et elle a été l’une des toutes premières conseillères en matière de genre auprès des missions de la Politique de sécurité et de défense commune (PSDC) de l’Union Européenne (UE). En tant que conseillère en matière de genre auprès de la Mission de police de l’Union européenne (MPUE) en Bosnie-Herzégovine, elle a mis en place un plan d’action pour l’intégration de la dimension du genre ; un outil axé sur l’amélioration du statut du personnel féminin, et qui visait aussi à intégrer la question du genre dans les activités entreprises par la MPUE au titre de son mandat en Bosnie-Herzégovine.

Aleksandra rêve d’un monde meilleur et c’est ce qui la motive dans sa vie professionnelle :

« Je rêve d’un monde où chacune et chacun pourra réaliser pleinement son potentiel, où personne ne connaîtra la pauvreté et l’insécurité. Malheureusement, alors qu’il y tant d’années que les instruments des droits humains fondamentaux ont été mis en place, le mode de vie n’est toujours pas une affaire de choix personnel. »

Aleksandra est membre de l’AWID depuis février 2014.

« Je suis devenue membre de l’AWID car sa mission et la façon dont elle la met en œuvre correspondent en tout point à mon idéal. J’apprécie aussi la façon dont l’AWID traite ses membres, en accordant la même attention à chacun d’entre eux sans aucun préjugé. Grâce à cela, chaque membre se sent un acteur/une actrice important-e du changement. »


Pour la contacter, vous pouvez écrire à membership@awid.org et/ou la retrouver dans l'annuaire des membres en ligne.

Feminism, motherhood and the struggle for gender equality

Feminism, motherhood and the struggle for gender equality

“In our struggle for equality, we tend to forget that women are also mothers (if they chose to be).  We should not be ashamed of our ability to give birth to a human being. The rights of mothers are also women's rights. Being a mother and a feminist is not a contradiction” says Aleksandra Miletić-Šantić, a lawyer and single mother of three children.


Aleksandra is originally from Mostar in Bosnia and Herzegovina (BH). She currently lives and works in Sarajevo as a BH focal point person for the Council of Europe’s Human Education for Legal Professionals Programme. She is also a specialist in the Monitoring and Evaluation of Development Programmes.

The years 1992-1995 was a tumultuous period in war torn Bosnia and Herzegovina when Aleksandra worked as a War Studio of Mostar correspondent for the Sarajevo-based Radio-Television BH. The multi-ethnic Studio had been created with the goal of being a source of optimism to citizens and as part of an attempt to preserve cultural and artistic life under abnormal conditions.  This studio was attacked and subsequently closed. In 1993 it was permanently destroyed when the building it occupied with the Headquarters of the BH Army was set on fire.

Aleksandra’s journalistic background and experience of living through armed conflict as a young woman has made her a passionate advocate for peace building.

In her current professional capacity she works on the implementation of the United Nations (UN) Security Council Resolution 1325 on Women, Peace and Security. She has designed and facilitated training programs on gender and security, and also engages with the UN Women Office in BH to support national gender mechanisms in the implementation of the Resolution 1325.

“In the ideal world, being a feminist would be a matter of decency as it would be considered normal that all people have the same rights and liberties. That would include all rights - civil, social, economic and political.”

For the past 15 years, Aleksandra has been working on the improvement of human rights in BH, and was one of the pioneer gender advisors for the Common Security and Defence Policy missions of the European Union (EU).

In her role as gender advisor for the EU Police Mission (EUPM) in BH she introduced the action plan for gender mainstreaming as a tool that focuses on improving the internal position of women staff members, while integrating gender in the EUPM mandate activities in BH.

Aleksandra’s dream of a better world drives her in the work she does:

“My dream is a world where everybody will be able to achieve their full potential, where not a single person will know about poverty or insecurity. Sadly, so many years after the adoption of basic human rights instruments, a way of life is still not a matter of individual choice.”

Aleksandra has been an AWID member since February 2014.

“I have become an AWID member as its mission and the way it is implemented strongly correspondents to my ideals. I also cherish the way AWID treats its members by paying due attention to every single member regardless of any basis. It makes every member feel as an important actor of change.”  

Feminismo, maternidad y la lucha por la igualdad de género

Feminismo, maternidad y la lucha por la igualdad de género

«En nuestra lucha por la igualdad, tendemos a olvidar que las mujeres también son madres (si así lo deciden). No deberíamos sentirnos avergonzadas por tener la capacidad de dar a luz a un ser humano. Los derechos de las madres son también parte de los derechos de las mujeres. Ser madre y feminista no es una contradicción», dice Aleksandra Miletić-Šantić, abogada y madre soltera de tres hijas/os.


Aleksandra es oriunda de Mostar, Bosnia y Herzegovina (BH). Actualmente vive y trabaja en Sarajevo como la persona de contacto en BH para el programa Human Rights Education for Legal Professionals [Formación en Derechos Humanos para Profesionales del Derecho] del Consejo de Europa. Aleksandra también es especialista en el seguimiento y evaluación de programas de desarrollo.

El período que va de 1992 a 1995 fue tumultuoso en una Bosnia y Herzegovina devastada por la guerra. Aleksandra trabajó en la estación de radio War Studio [Estudio de Guerra] de Mostar como corresponsal para la Radio-Televisión BH de Sarajevo. Era una estación de radio multiétnica que había sido creada con el objetivo de ser una fuente de optimismo para la ciudadanía y de preservar la vida cultural y artística en una situación anormal, pero que fue atacada y posteriormente cerrada. En 1993, la estación fue destruida para siempre cuando incendiaron el edificio que ocupaba junto al Cuartel General del Ejército de BH.

Su experiencia como periodista y como mujer joven que vivió durante un conflicto armado ha hecho que hoy día Aleksandra sea una ferviente defensora de la consolidación de la paz. En su actual rol como profesional, trabaja en la implementación de la Resolución 1325 del Consejo de Seguridad de las Naciones Unidas (ONU) sobre Mujeres, Paz y Seguridad. Aleksandra ha diseñado y facilitado programas de capacitación sobre género y seguridad y colabora con la Oficina de ONU Mujeres en BH para apoyar  a los organismos estatales que se ocupan del género en la implementación de la Resolución 1325 a nivel nacional.

«En un mundo ideal, ser feminista sería simplemente una cuestión de decencia, ya que sería considerado normal que todas las personas tuvieran los mismos derechos y libertades. Esto incluiría todos los derechos—civiles, sociales, económicos y políticos.»

Durante los últimos quince años, Aleksandra ha trabajado para mejorar los derechos humanos en BH y ha sido una de las asesoras pioneras en temas de género para las misiones de la Política Común de Seguridad y Defensa de la Unión Europea (UE). En su rol como asesora en género para la Misión de Policía de la UE en BH, Aleksandra introdujo el plan de acción para la transversalización de género como una herramienta enfocada a mejorar la situación del personal femenino al interno de la organización, al mismo tiempo que incorporaba temas de género en el mandato de la Misión para sus actividades en BH.

El sueño de Aleksandra por lograr un mundo mejor es lo que la impulsa a hacer el trabajo que hace:

«Mi sueño es un mundo donde todas las personas puedan alcanzar su máximo potencial y donde nadie sepa lo que son la pobreza o la inseguridad. Lamentablemente, tantos años después de haber adoptado las herramientas básicas de derechos humanos todavía hay personas que no tienen la libertad de elegir de qué forma quieren vivir.»

Aleksandra es afiliada a AWID desde febrero de 2014.

«Me afilié a AWID porque su misión y la forma en que la implementan coinciden totalmente con mis ideales. También valoro la forma como AWID trata a su membresía, prestando la debida atención a cada una/o, independientemente de quienes sean. Eso hace todas/os sientan que son agentes de cambio importantes.”  


Para comunicarte con ella, por favor envía un mensaje a membership@awid.org y/o encuéntrala en nuestro directorio en línea.

WE-Change: Stronger voices of LBT women in the Caribbean

WE-Change: Stronger voices of LBT women in the Caribbean

Across the Caribbean, advocacy for the recognition and fulfillment of Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual and Transgender (LGBT) rights occur in a non-inclusive, homophobic and transphobic context.


Women’s Empowerment for Change (WE-Change), an AWID member since their launch in May 2015, works on raising awareness and defending the rights of lesbian, bisexual and transgender (LBT) women in Jamaica and the Caribbean. The organisation is women-led and community-based. Recognising that LGBT advocacy spaces in the Caribbean are largely dominated by and focused on men - and women are often marginalized -, 20 LBT women founded WE-Change with the aim of strengthening the women’s movement within the LGBT community and increasing the participation of LBT women in social justice advocacy in Jamaica and the region.

“More and more LGBT people [are] standing for their rights, for equality before the law, for equity in social services and protection, and demanding that they be treated with the inherent dignity with which they were born. I am one of those LGBT people. And I remain committed to eliminating all forms of stigma and discrimination against my community in general and against the women in my community in particular.” – Latoya Nugent, Co-founder and Associate Director of WE-Change

Within just a couple of months of existence, the group organised legal literacy training sessions on domestic violence, training of facilitators on responding to and addressing gender-based violence and intimate partner violence, and a training on the Domestic Violence Act. Hosted in partnership with the Jamaica Forum of Lesbians, All-Sexuals and Gays (J-FLAG), watch what these participants had to say.

”WE-Change envisions a society where the rights of every person are recognised, respected, and protected, and where duty bearers and caregivers commit to creating an enabling environment for every person to contribute to the sustainable development of Jamaica.”

While working on creating alternative and safe spaces for the vocalisation of the LBT community and reducing homophobia and transphobia, WE-Change also promotes self-care and wellness through dance, yoga and fitness boot camp classes. During the ‘dancerobics’ for example participants were taught “several dance moves to the tune of new soca and dancehall hits.” And to celebrate love during #Pride2015, the women of WE-Change made this video because #LoveWins!

Region
The Caribbean
Source
WE-Change

WE-Change: Las voces de las mujeres LBT* en el Caribe se escuchan más fuerte

WE-Change: Las voces de las mujeres LBT* en el Caribe se escuchan más fuerte

En todo el Caribe, la incidencia por el reconocimiento y la realización de los derechos de lesbianas, gays, personas bisexuales y trans* (LGBT*) tiene lugar en un contexto excluyente, homofóbico y transfóbico.


Women’s Empowerment for Change [Empoderamiento de las Mujeres para el Cambio, WE-Change], afiliada a AWID desde su creación en mayo de 2015, crea conciencia acerca de los derechos de las mujeres lesbianas, bisexuales y trans* (LBT*) en Jamaica y el Caribe y los defiende. Es una organización de base comunitaria, liderada por mujeres. Veinte mujeres LBT* crearon WE-Change con el objetivo de fortalecer el movimiento de mujeres dentro de la comunidad LGBT* e incrementar la participación de las mujeres LBT* en la promoción y defensa de la justicia social en Jamaica y la región, reconociendo que en el Caribe los espacios de incidencia LGBT* en general están dominados por los hombres, se centran en ellos y suelen marginar a las mujeres.

“Las personas LGBT* cada vez defienden más sus derechos, la igualdad ante la ley, la equidad en los servicios sociales y la protección, y exigen ser tratadas con la dignidad intrínseca con la que nacieron. Yo soy una de esas personas LGBT*. Y tengo un compromiso permanente con la eliminación de todas las formas de estigma y discriminación contra mi comunidad en general y contra las mujeres de mi comunidad en particular”. – Latoya Nugent, Cofundadora y Directora Adjunta de WE-Change

A los pocos meses de haber sido creado, este grupo organizó sesiones de capacitación en nociones básicas de derecho aplicado a la violencia doméstica y sobre la Ley de Violencia Doméstica, además de preparar a facilitadoras para que supieran cómo dar respuesta a y abordar la violencia de género y la causada por la pareja. Para esta actividad se asoció con el Jamaica Forum of Lesbians, All-Sexuals and Gays [Foro Jamaiquino de Lesbianas, Pansexuales y Gays, J-FLAG]; aquí podrás escuchar lo que dijeron las participantes (en inglés).

“WE-Change quiere una sociedad en la que se reconozcan, respeten y protejan los derechos de cada persona, y en la que garantes de obligaciones y proveedores de cuidados se comprometan a crear un ambiente que permita a todas las personas aportar al desarrollo sostenible de Jamaica”.

Al mismo tiempo que procura crear espacios alternativos y seguros en los que la comunidad LBT* pueda expresarse y reducir la homofobia y la transfobia, WE-Change también promueve el autocuidado y el bienestar a través de clases de danza, el yoga y entrenamiento físico (fitness boot camp). Por ejemplo: en la ‘danza aeróbica’, a las participantes se les enseñan “distintos pasos de danza al ritmo de los últimos éxitos de la soca y el dancehall (géneros musicales caribeños)”. Y para celebrar el amor durante #Pride2015 [Orgullo 2015], las mujeres de WE-Change hicieron el video siguiente (en inglés) porque ¡#LoveWins [El amor triunfa]!

Region
El Caribe
Source
WE-Change

Our Companion Sites

The Young Feminist Wire

An online community for and by young feminists working on women’s human rights, gender equality and social justice around the world.

Visit the site

The Observatory on the Universality of Rights (OURs)

The platform is the go-to place for information and resources on safeguarding the universality of rights in international and regional human rights spaces.

Visit the site

The Young Feminist Fund-FRIDA

Provides funding for young feminist-led initiatives. It aims to strengthen the capacity of young feminist organizations to leverage resources for their work and to increase donors’ and allies’ commitments to resourcing young feminist activism.

Visit the site

Online Directory of Urgent Responses for WHRDs

A go-to site to learn about the urgent responses undertaken to protect women human rights defenders and to find tools and resources to support the work and wellness of WHRDs.

Visit the site

IM-Defensoras (Mesoamerican Initiative for Women Human Rights Defenders)

A regional initiative created to prevent, respond, document and make public all cases of violence against women human rights defenders in the Mesoamerican region.

Visit the site

The WHRD International Coalition

The WHRD IC is a resource and advocacy network for the protection and support of women human rights defenders worldwide.

Visit the site

Post-2015 Women´s Coalition

A Coalition of feminist, women´s rights, women´s development, grassroots and social justice organisations working to challenge and reframe teh global development agenda. 

Visit the site

Women´s Major Group on Development

The role of the Women’s Major Group is to assure effective public participation of women’s non-governmental groups in the UN policy processes on Sustainable Development, Post2015 and Environmental matters. 

Visit the site

Women Working Group on Financing for Development

An alliance of women’s organizations and networks to advocate for the advancement of gender equality, women’s empowerment and human rights in the Financing for Development (FfD) related UN processes.

Visit the site

WHRDs from the South and Southeast Asian region

7 Women Human Rights Defenders from across the South and Southeast Asian region are honored in this year’s Online Tribute. These defenders have made key contributions to advancing human and women’s rights, indigenous people’s rights, and the right to education. These WHRDs were lawyers, women’s rights activists, scholars, and politicians. Please join AWID in commemorating t their work and legacy by sharing the memes below with your colleagues, networks and friends and by using the hashtags #WHRDTribute and #16Days. 


Please click on each image below to see a larger version and download as a file

 

9. Advocate and tell the world!

The results of your research will also shape your advocacy – for example, your results will have revealed which sectors fund the most and which sectors you feel need donor education.

In this section

Build your advocacy strategy

In the “Frame your research” section of this toolkit we recommend that you plot out what goals you hope to accomplish with your research. These goals will allow you to build an advocacy strategy once your research is complete.

An advocacy strategy is a plan of distributing your research results in a way that allows you to accomplish your goals, falling under the broader goal of advocating with key sectors to make positive changes for resources for women’s rights organizing.

Using the goals defined in your research framing:

  • List the potential groups of contacts who can be interested in your research results
  • For each group, explain in one sentence how they can help you achieve your goal.
  • For each group, mark what tone you are supposed to use to talk to them (formal professional, commentary casual, do they understand the field’s jargon?)
  • List every media that can allow you to reach these audiences, in the proper tone (social media to build community feeling, press release for official announcement to a general audience, etc.)

From this list – as exhaustive as possible, chose which ones are the most efficient for achieve your goals. (See below for specific examples of audiences and advocacy methods)

Once you have a strategy, you can start the dissemination.

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Reach out to your network

To disseminate your results, reach out first to the contacts through whom you distributed your survey, as well as to all your survey and interview participants.

  • First, take this opportunity to thank them for contributing to this research.
  • Share with them the main survey results and analysis.
  • Make it easy for them to disseminate your product through their networks by giving them samples of tweets, Facebook posts or even a short introduction that they could copy and paste on their website.

Do not forget to state clearly a contact person and ask for a confirmation once they have published it.

On top of making you able to track who disseminated your report, it will help build stronger relationships within your network.

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Adapt your strategy to the sector

As an example, we present below a list of sectors AWID engages in advocacy.

  • Use this list as a point of departure to develop your own sector-specific advocacy plan.
  • Create an objective for what you hope to accomplish for each sector.
  • Be sure to add any additional sectors to this list that are relevant for your particular research, such as local NGOs or local governments, for example.

Your list of advisory organizations and individuals will also be useful here. They can help you disseminate the report in different spaces, as well as introduce you to new organizations or advocacy spaces.

1. Women’s rights organizations

Sample objectives: Update women’s rights organizations on funding trends; brainstorm collaborative efforts for resource mobilization using research findings; influence how they approach resource mobilization

Examples of possible advocacy methods:

  • Offer seminars, learning cafés or other events throughout your region, in relevant languages, in order to update women’s rights organizations with the findings of your research.

  • If you can’t physically reach everyone in your region, think about setting-up a webinar and online presentations.

  • Present your findings at larger convenings, such as the Commission on the Status of Women (CSW).

  • Beyond your own organizations’ newsletters and website, write articles on different platforms that are frequented by your target audience.
    Some examples: World Pulse, OpenDemocracy, feministing.

2. Bilaterals and multilaterals

Sample Objective: Raising awareness about how funding is not meeting established commitments and how this sector needs to improve funding mechanisms to finance women’s rights organizing.

Identify which bilateral & multilaterals have the most influence on funding – this could include local embassies.

Examples of possible advocacy methods:

  • Enlist ally organizations and influential individuals (some may already be your advisors for this research process) to do peer education.
  • Seek their assistance to disseminate research finding widely in large multilaterals (like the UN).
  • Present at and/or attend influential spaces where bilaterals and multilaterals are present, such as GENDERNET .
  • Publish articles in outlets that are read by bilaterals and multilaterals such as devex, Better Aid, Publish What You Pay.

3. Private foundations

Sample Objective: Expand the quality and quantity of support for women’s rights organizations.

Examples of possible advocacy methods:

4. Women’s funds

Sample Objective: Encourage them to continue their work at higher scale.

Examples of possible advocacy methods:

  • Hold presentations at the women’s funds in your region and in countries that you hope to influence.
  • Disseminate your research findings to all women’s funds that impact the region, priority issue or population you are focusing on.
  • Consider doing joint efforts based on the results of the findings. For example, you could propose to collaborate with a fund to develop an endowment  that closes the funding gaps found in your research.

5. Private sector and new donors

Sample Objective: Increase their understanding of the field and encourage coherence between their philanthropic interests and business practice.

Examples of possible advocacy methods:

  • Enlist ally organizations and influential individuals (some may already be your advisors for this research process) to do peer education.
  • Arrange meetings with influential private actors to present your research findings.
  • Host your own meeting, inviting private sector actors, to share the findings and to advocate for your position.

Make sure to adapt your presentations, propositions and applications to each targeted group.

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Previous step

8. Finalize and format


Are you ready to start your own research?

We strongly recommend referring to our Ready to Go worksheet to assess your own advancement.


Estimated time:

• 1-2 years, depending on advocacy goals

People needed:

• 1 or more communications person(s)

Resources needed:       

• List of spaces to advertise research
• List of blogs and online magazines where you can publish articles about your research finding
• List of advisors
• Your WITM information products
Sample of Advocacy Plan


Previous step

8. Finalize and format


Ready to Go? Worksheet

Download the toolkit in PDF

Key opposition strategies and tactics

Despite their rigidity in matters of doctrine and worldview, anti-rights actors have demonstrated an openness to building new kinds of strategic alliances, to new organizing techniques, and to new forms of rhetoric. As a result, their power in international spaces has increased.


There has been a notable evolution in the strategies of ultra conservative actors operating at this level. They do not only attempt to tinker at the edges of agreements and block certain language, but to transform the framework conceptually and develop alternative standards and norms, and avenues for influence.

Strategy 1: Training of UN delegates

Ultra conservative actors work to create and sustain their relationships with State delegates through regular training opportunities - such as the yearly Global Family Policy Forum - and targeted training materials.

These regular trainings and resources systematically brief delegates on talking points and negotiating techniques to further collaboration towards anti-rights objectives in the human rights system. Delegates also receive curated compilations of ‘consensus language’ and references to pseudo-scientific or statistical information to bolster their arguments.

The consolidated transmission of these messages explains in part why State delegates who take ultra-conservative positions in international human rights debates frequently do so in contradiction with their own domestic legislation and policies.

Strategy 2: Holding international convenings

Anti-rights actors’ regional and international web of meetings help create closer links between ultra conservative Civil Society Organizations (CSOs), States and State blocs, and powerful intergovernmental bodies. The yearly international World Congress of Families is one key example.

These convenings reinforce personal connections and strategic alliances, a key element for building and sustaining movements. They facilitate transnational, trans-religious and dynamic relationship-building around shared issues and interests, which leads to a more proactive approach and more holistic sets of asks at the international policy level on the part of anti-rights actors.

Strategy 3: Placing reservations on human rights agreements

States and State blocs have historically sought to undermine international consensus or national accountability under international human rights norms through reservations to human rights agreements, threatening the universal applicability of human rights.  

The Convention on the Elimination of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW) has received by far the most reservations, most of which are based on alleged conflict with religious law. It is well-established international human rights law that evocations of tradition, culture or religion cannot justify violations of human rights, and many reservations to CEDAW are invalid as they are “incompatible with the object and purpose” of CEDAW. Nevertheless, reference to these reservations is continually used by States to dodge their human rights responsibilities.

‘Reservations’ to UN documents and agreements that are not formal treaties - such as Human Rights Council and General Assembly resolutions - are also on the rise.

Strategy 4: Creating a parallel human rights framework

In an alarming development, regressive actors at the UN have begun to co-opt existing rights standards and campaign to develop agreed language that is deeply anti-rights.

The aim is to create and then propagate language in international human rights spaces that validates patriarchal, hierarchical, discriminatory, and culturally relativist norms.

One step towards this end is the drafting of declarative texts, such as the World Family Declaration and the San Jose Articles, that pose as soft human rights law. Sign-ons are gathered from multiple civil society, state, and institutional actors; and they are then used a basis for advocacy and lobbying.

Strategy 5: Developing  alternative ‘scientific’ sources

As part of a strategic shift towards the use of non-religious discourses, anti-rights actors have significantly invested in their own ‘social science’ think tanks. Given oxygen by the growing conservative media, materials from these think tanks are then widely disseminated by conservative civil society groups. The same materials are used as the basis for advocacy at the international human rights level.  

While the goals and motivation of conservative actors derive from their extreme interpretations of religion, culture, and tradition, such regressive arguments are often reinforced through studies that claim intellectual authority. A counter-discourse is thus produced through a heady mix of traditionalist doctrine and social science.

Strategy 6: Mobilizing Youth

This is one of the most effective strategies employed by the religious right and represents a major investment in the future of anti-rights organizing.

Youth recruitment and leadership development, starting at the local level with churches and campuses, are a priority for many conservative actors engaged at the international policy level.  

This strategy has allowed for infiltration of youth-specific spaces at the United Nations, including at the Commission on the Status of Women, and creates a strong counterpoint to progressive youth networks and organizations.

Key anti-rights strategies

Strategy 7: Defunding and delegitimizing human rights mechanisms

When it comes to authoritative expert mechanisms like the UN Special Procedures and Treaty Monitoring Bodies and operative bodies like the UN agencies, regressive groups realize their potential for influence is much lower than with political mechanisms[1].

In response, anti-rights groups spread the idea that UN agencies are ‘overstepping their mandate,’ that the CEDAW Committee and other Treaty Bodies have no authority to interpret their treaties, or that Special Procedures are partisan experts working outside of their mandate. Anti-rights groups have also successfully lobbied for the defunding of agencies such as the United Nations Population Fund (UNFPA).

This invalidation of UN mechanisms gives fuel to state impunity. Governments, when under international scrutiny, can defend their action on the basis that the reviewing mechanism is itself faulty or overreaching.

Strategy 8: Organizing online

Conservative non-state actors increasingly invest in social media and other online platforms to promote their activities, campaign, and widely share information from international human rights spaces.

The Spanish organization CitizenGo, for example, markets itself as the conservative version of Change.org, spearheading petitions and letter-writing campaigns. One recent petition, opposing the establishment of a UN international day on safe abortion, gathered over 172,000 signatures.


Overarching Trends:

  • Learning from the organizing strategies of feminists and other progressives.
  • Replicating and adapting successful national-level tactics for the international sphere.
  • Moving from an emphasis on ‘symbolic protest’ to becoming subversive system ‘insiders.’

By understanding the strategies employed by anti-rights actors, we can be more effective in countering them.

 


[1] The fora that are state-led, like the General Assembly, the Human Rights Council, and UN conferences like the Commission on the Status of Women and the Commission on Population and Development


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