Supporting feminist, women’s rights and gender justice movements to thrive, to be a driving force in challenging systems of oppression, and to co-create feminist realities.
Across the globe, feminist, women’s rights and gender justice defenders are challenging the agendas of fascist and fundamentalist actors. These oppressive forces target women, persons who are non-conforming in their gender identity, expression and/or sexual orientation, and other oppressed communities.
Discriminatory ideologies are undermining and co-opting our human rights systems and standards, with the aim of making rights the preserve of only certain groups. In the face of this, the Advancing Universal Rights and Justice (AURJ) initiative promotes the universality of rights - the foundational principle that human rights belong to everyone, no matter who they are, without exception.
We create space for feminist, women’s rights and gender justice movements and allies to recognize, strategize and take collective action to counter the influence and impact of anti-rights actors. We also seek to advance women’s rights and feminist frameworks, norms and proposals, and to protect and promote the universality of rights.
Our actions
Through this initiative, we:
Build knowledge: We support feminist, women’s rights and gender justice movements by disseminating and popularizing knowledge and key messages about anti-rights actors, their strategies, and impact in the international human rights systems through AWID’s leadership role in the collaborative platform, the Observatory on the Universality of Rights (OURs)*.
Advance feminist agendas: We ally ourselves with partners in international human rights spaces including, the Human Rights Council, the Commission on Population and Development, the Commission on the Status of Women and the UN General Assembly.
Create and amplify alternatives: We engage with our members to ensure that international commitments, resolutions and norms reflect and are fed back into organizing in other spaces locally, nationally and regionally.
Mobilize solidarity action: We take action alongside women human rights defenders (WHRDs) including trans and intersex defenders and young feminists, working to challenge fundamentalisms and fascisms and call attention to situations of risk.
Related Content
Snippet - WITM To build - AR
لبناء وقائع نسوية ترتكز على الأدلة عن كيف يتحرك المال ولمن يصل
Solidarity: membership why page
Solidarity
We take a position in solidarity with each other and diverse struggles for justice and freedoms. We strive to mobilize and strengthen collective action and practice meaningful ways of working with each other.
Snippet - WITM Why now_col 1 - AR
لماذا الآن؟
تتواجد الحركات النسوية، حركات حقوق النساء، حركات العدالة الجندرية، حركات مجتمع الميم - عين وحلفاءها/ يفاتها في مفترق شديد الأهمية وتواجه هجمات عصيبة على حقوق وحريات حصلت عليها. فتصاعد الاستبداد في الأعوام الأخيرة، وكذلك القمع العنيف للمجتمع المدني وتجريم النساء والأشخاص المتنوعين/ات جندرياً المدافعين عن حقوق الإنسان، تصاعد الحروب والأزمات في الكثير من أنحاء العالم، استمرار الظلم الاقتصادي والتقاطع بين الصحة، البيئة والأزمة المناخية.
Publications - Homepage - eng
Publications
Kindle for your feminist fire! Browse AWID’s research on funding, WHRDs, movement building, fundamentalisms, economic justice, feminist monitoring & evaluation and more
المجموعات، المنظمات والحركات التي تعمل خصوصاً وبالأساس على حقوق النساء، حقوق الفتيات، العدالة الجندرية، حقوق مجتمعات الميم - عين وحلفائها/يفاتها في جميع المناطق وعلى جميع المستويات، إن كانت مجموعات جديدة أو قديمة.
Ours report 2021 summary
Today, a complex and evolving network of anti-rights actors is exerting more influence in international and regional spaces as well as domestic politics. Anti-rights actors are entering multilateral spaces (spaces where multiple countries come together for international collaboration) to transform and undermine them from the inside out. They employ a range of persuasive discourses to gain legitimacy, often co-opting the language of rights and justice to hide their true agendas.
This report is the second in a series on human rights trends reports produced by the Observatory on the Universality of Rights (OURs). As well as analysis of key anti-rights actors, discourses, strategies, and impacts, the report features inspiring short stories of feminist action, and knowledge-building exercises to help strengthen our collective resistance.
The effect on our rights has already been grave, but this is not a done deal. We can all play a part in resisting anti-rights agendas and reclaiming our rights.
Внешнее финансирование включает гранты и другие формы финансирования от благотворительных фондов, правительств, двусторонних, многосторонних или корпоративных спонсоров и индивидуальных доноров – как внутри вашей страны, так и из-за рубежа. Сюда не входят ресурсы, которые группы, организации и/или движения генерируют самостоятельно, такие как, например, членские взносы, добровольные взносы "сотрудниц(-ков), участниц(-ков) и/или сторонниц(-ков), сборы через сообщество, сдача помещений в аренду или продажа услуг. Для удобства в опрос включены определения различных видов финансирования и краткие описания различных доноров.
فقدان الكلام | كلمة العدد
كلمة العدد
فقدان الكلام
بدأنا التخطيط لعدد المجلّة هذا مع نانا داركوا قُبيل مهرجان «ابدعي، قاومي، غيٍّري: مهرجان للحراكات النسوية» لجمعية «حقوق المرأة في التنمية» AWID، وانطلقنا وقتها من سؤالٍ هو بالأحرى ملاحظة حول حالة العالم، ورغبة في تغيير الاعتقادات السائدة: لماذا لا تزال جنسانيّاتنا وملذّاتنا تخضع للترويض والتجريم مع أنّه يتمّ تذكيرنا مراراً وتكراراً بأنّها لا تأتي بأيّ قيمة أو تطوّر؟ واستنتجنا أنّ جنسانيّاتنا، لمّا تتجسّد، فيها ما يتعارض مع النظام العالمي الذي ما زال يتجلّى من خلال ضوابط الحدود، والتمييز العنصري في توزيع اللقاح، والاستعمار الاستيطاني، والتطهير العرقي، والرأسمالية المُستشرية. هل يمكننا إذاً القول إنّ لجنسانيّاتنا قدرةٌ تعطيليّة؟ وهل يصحّ هذا القول عندما ننظر إلى واقع حركاتنا التي يتمّ الاستيلاء عليها ومأسستها في سعيها للتزوّد بالموارد؟
O meu idioma não é um dos oficiais do inquérito, e estou a ter dificuldades a preencher o mesmo. O que posso fazer?
A AWID compromete-se a alcançar a justiça linguística e lamentamos que, neste momento, não seja viável disponibilizar um inquérito do WITM em mais idiomas. No entanto, caso precise de apoio com traduções ou queira preencher o inquérito em qualquer outro idioma, entre em contacto connosco através de witm@awid.org.
Sexting Like a Feminist: Humor in the Digital Feminist Revolution Snippet Small
Sexting Like a Feminist: Humor in the Digital Feminist Revolution
by Chinelo Onwualu
On September 2nd, 2021, the amazing feminist and social justice activists of AWID’s Crear | Résister | Transform festival came together not only to share resistance strategies, co-create, and transform the world, but also to talk dirty on Twitter.
لم تتلق مجموعتنا التمويل بشكل متواصل بين الأعوام 2021-2023. هل علينا تعبئة الاستطلاع؟
نعم. نريد السماع منكم/ن دون أي علاقة ان حصلتم/ن على تمويل لثلاثة أعوام أو عامين أو عام واحد في السنوات 2021-2023.
Communicating Desire | Content Snippet
Communicating Desire
and Other Embodied Political Praxes
Communicating Desire
Host: We tend to think about communicating desire as something that is limited to the private intimacy of the bedroom and our personal relationships. But can we also think of this kind of communication as a structure, a praxis that informs our work, and how we are, how we do in the world?
Lindiwe
I believe that unfortunately in the past, expressing your sexuality has been limited. You were allowed to express it within the confines of your marriage, which was permitted, there have always been taboo and stigmas attached to expressing it any other way. When it comes to communicating, obviously the fact that certain stigmas are attached to expressing your sexuality or expressing your desire makes it a lot harder to communicate that in the bedroom or intimately with your partner. From my personal experience, I do believe that obviously if I feel more comfortable expressing myself outside of the bedroom on other matters or other topics, it’s easier for me to build that trust, because you understand conflict resolution with that particular person, you understand exactly how to make your communication special towards that particular person. It’s not easy. It’s something that is consistently done throughout whatever your engagement is, whether it’s your relationship or whether it’s casual and just in the moment. But I believe that confidence outside can definitely translate to how you communicate your desire.
Manal
Since childhood, a woman is raised with that, “you’re not allowed to talk about your body, you’re not allowed to talk about your desire,” which puts a heavy responsibility on women, especially girls in their teens when they need to express themselves and talk about these issues. So for me I think this is a big problem. You know, I have been married for more than 25 years, but still, until now, I cannot talk about my desires. I cannot say what I want or what I prefer, because it’s like I’m not allowed to go beyond this line. It’s like haram, despite it being my right. This is the case for all my friends, they just can’t express themselves in the right way.
Louise
Personally, I find that expressing our desires, my desires, however that expression comes in hand, has to do with the other, and the gaze that the other would have on me. So this is also something that we can link to cinema. And the gaze I would have on myself as well: what I think I am as an individual, but also what society expects of me and my sexuality. In the past, I somehow did the analogy between what happens in the bedroom and what happens in the workplace, because there is sometimes this dynamic of power, whether I want it or not. And oftentimes, verbal communication is harder than we think. But when it comes to representation in film, that’s a totally different game. We are very far away from what I guess all of us here would like to see on screen when it comes to just communicating sexual desires inside or outside the bedroom.
Online and Embodied
Host: We can think about the digital world as embodied: while it might be virtual, it is not less real. And this was made clear in the context of AWID’s feminist realities festival, which took place entirely online. What does it mean then to talk about sexuality, collectively, politically, in online spaces? Do we navigate virtual spaces with our bodies and affects, and in this case, what are the different considerations? What does it do to communication and representation?
Lindiwe
Social media makes you feel community-based. When you express what it is that you want or like, there is someone who’s either going to agree or disagree, but those who do agree make you feel that you belong to a community. So it’s easier to throw it out into the universe, or for others to see, and potentially not get as much judgment. And I say this very loosely because sometimes, depending on what it is that you’re expressing, it either will get you vilified or celebrated. But when it comes to the bedroom, there is an intimacy and almost a vulnerability that is exposing you and different parts of you that is not as easy to give your opinion on. When it comes to expressing your desire, speaking it and saying it and maybe putting a Tweet or a social media post, or even liking and reading other communities that are same-minded is a lot easier than telling your partner, “this is how I want to be pleasured” or “this is how what I want you to do next,” because of the fear of rejection. But not only that, just the vulnerability aspect – allowing yourself to be bare enough to let the other person see into what you are thinking, feeling, and wanting – I think this is where the difference would come in for me personally. I feel it is a lot more community-based on social media, and it’s easier to engage in discourse. Whereas in the bedroom, you don’t want to necessarily kill the moment. But I think that also kind of helps you understand going forward, depending on the relationship with the person, how you would engage thereafter. So I always know that if I try to communicate something and I fail to do so in the moment, I can always try to bring it up outside of that moment and see what the reaction would be so I know how to approach it going forward.
Louise
You know the question in films is, I don’t know if the male gaze is done intentionally or not. Like we don’t really know that. What we know is that the reason why sexuality in general has been so heternormative and focused on penetration and not giving any space for women to actually ask for anything in films, is because most of the people who have been working in this industry and making decisions in terms of, you know, storytelling and editing have been white men. So rape revenge is this very weird film genre that was birthed in the 70s, and half of the story would be that a woman is being raped by one or multiple people, and in the other half, she would get her revenge. So usually she would murder and kill the people who have raped her, and sometimes other people next to them. At the beginning of the birth of this genre and for 30 years at least, those films were written, produced, and directed by men. This is why we also want so much representation. A lot of feminists and pioneers in queer filmmaking also used the act of filming in order to do that and to reclaim their own sexuality. I’m thinking about Barbara Hammer, who’s a feminist and queer pioneer in experimental cinema in the U.S. where she decided to shoot women having sex on 16mm, and by doing so reclaimed a space within the narrative that was exposed in film at that time. And there is also then the question of invisibilization: we know now, because of the internet and sharing knowledge, that women and queer filmmakers have been trying and making films since the beginning of cinema. We only realize it now that we have access to databases and the work of activists and curators and filmmakers.
Resisting Colonization
Host: And this opens up the conversation on the importance of keeping our feminist histories alive. The online worlds have also played a crucial role in documenting protests and resistance. From Sudan to Palestine to Colombia, feminists have taken our screens by storm, challenging the realities of occupation, capitalism, and oppression. So could we speak of communicating desire – the desire for something else – as decolonization?
Manal
Maybe because my village is just 600 residents and the whole village is one family – Tamimi – there are no barriers between men and women. We do everything together. So when we began our non-violent resistance or when we joined the non-violent resistance in Palestine, there was no discussion whether women should participate or not. We took a very important role within the movement here in the village. But when other villages and other places began to join our weekly protests, some men thought that if these women participate or join the protests, they will fight with soldiers so it will be like they’re easy women. There were some men who were not from the village who tried to sexually harass the women. But a strong woman who is able to stand in front of a soldier can also stand against sexual harassment. Sometimes, when other women from other places join our protest, they are shy at first; they don’t want to come closer because there are many men. If you want to join the protest, if you want to be part of the non-violent movement, you have to remove all these restrictions and all these thoughts from your mind. You have to focus on just fighting for your rights. Unfortunately, the Israeli occupation realizes this issue. For example, the first time I was arrested, I wear the hijab so they tried to take it off; they tried to take off my clothes, in front of everybody. There were like 300-400 people and they tried to do it. When they took me to the interrogation, the interrogator said: “we did this because we want to punish other women through you. We know your culture.” So I told him: “I don’t care, I did something that I believe in. Even if you take all my clothes off, everybody knows that Manal is resisting.”
Lindiwe
I think even from a cultural perspective, which is very ironic, if you look at culture in Africa, prior to getting colonized, showing skin wasn’t a problem. Wearing animal skin and/or hides to protect you, that wasn’t an issue and people weren’t as sexualized unless it was within context. But we conditioned ourselves to say, “you should be covered up” and the moment you are not covered up you are exposed, and therefore it will be sexualized. Nudity gets sexualized as opposed to you just being naked; they don’t want a little girl to be seen naked. What kind of society have we conditioned ourselves to be if you’re going to be sexualizing someone who is naked outside of the context of a sexual engagement? But environment definitely plays a big role because your parents and your grannies and your aunts say “no, don’t dress inappropriately,” or “no, that’s too short.” So you hear that at home first, and then the moment you get exposed outside, depending on the environment, whether it’s a Eurocentric or more westernized environment to what you are used to, then you are kind of free to do so. And even then, as much as you are free, there’s still a lot that comes with it in terms of catcalling and people still sexualizing your body. You could be wearing a short skirt, and someone feels they have the right to touch you without your permission. There is so much that is associated with regulating and controlling women’s bodies, and that narrative starts at home. And then you go out into your community and society and the narrative gets perpetuated, and you realize that you get sexualized by society at large too, especially as a person of color.
Resistance as Pleasure
Host: And finally, in what ways can our resistance be more than what we are allowed? Is there a place for pleasure and joy, for us and our communities?
Louise
Finding pleasure as resistance and resistance in pleasure, first for me there is this idea of the guerrilla filmmaking or the action of filming when you’re not supposed to or when someone told you not to, which is the case for a lot of women and queer filmmakers in the world right now. For example, in Lebanon, which is a cinema scene that I know very well, most of the lesbian stories that I’ve seen were shot by students in very short formats with “no production value” as the west would say – meaning with no money, because of the censorship that happens on an institutional level, but also within the family and within the private sphere. I would think that filming whatever, but also filming pleasure and pleasure within lesbian storytelling is an act of resistance in itself. A lot of times, just taking a camera and getting someone to edit and someone to act is extremely hard and requires a lot of political stance.
Lindiwe
I have a rape support group. I’m trying to assist women to reintegrate themselves from a sexual perspective: wanting to be intimate again, wanting to not let their past traumas influence so much how they move forward. It’s not an easy thing, but it’s individual. So I always start with understanding your body. I feel the more you understand and love and are proud of it, the more you are able to allow someone else into that space. I call it sensuality training, where I get them to start seeing themselves as not sexual objects, but as objects of pleasure and desire that can be interchangeable. So you’re worthy of receiving as well as giving. But that’s not only from a psychological point of view; it is physical. When you get out of the shower, you get out of the bath, and you’re putting lotion on your body, look at every part of your body, feel every part of your body, know when there are changes, know your body so well that should you get a new pimple on your knee, you are so aware of it because just a few hours ago it wasn’t there. So things like that where I kind of get people to love themselves from within, so they feel they are worthy of being loved in a safe space, is how I gear them towards claiming their sexuality and their desire.
Manal
You know we began to see women coming from Nablus, from Jerusalem, from Ramallah, even from occupied 48, who have to drive for 3-4 hours just to come to join the protests. After that we tried to go to other places, talk with women, tell them that they don’t have to be shy, that they should just believe in themselves and that there is nothing wrong in what we are doing. You can protect yourself, so where is the wrong in participating or in joining? Once I asked some women, “why are you joining?” And they said, “if the Tamimi women can do it, we can do it also.” To be honest I was very happy to hear this because we were like a model for other women. If I have to stand for my rights, it should be all my rights, not just one or two. We can’t divide rights.
Я не хочу делиться названием организации и контактной информацией с AWID – могу ли я пройти опрос?
Безусловно, эти вопросы являются необязательными, мы ценим ваше право сохранять конфиденциальность. Пожалуйста, заполните опрос независимо от того, указываете вы название вашей группы, организации и/или движения и контактные данные или нет.
Clone of Mariam Mekiwi | Snippet AR
مريم مكيوي مخرجة أفلام ومصورة من الإسكندرية تعيش وتعمل في برلين.
Quando é que os resultados do inquérito estarão disponíveis?
Iremos analisar as respostas ao inquérito para obter informações e tendências, e iremos apresentar os resultados durante o 15.º Fórum Internacional da AWID em Bangkok, e online em dezembro de 2024. Registe-se para participar no Fórum aqui!
Hospital | Content Snippet AR
مستشفى
ترجمة مارينا سمير
«الآن قد يكون وقتًا مناسبًا لإعادة التفكير في الشكل الذي يمكن للثورة أن تتّخذه. ربما لن تبدو كمسيرةٍ من الأجساد الغاضبة والقادرة في الشوارع. ربما ستبدو وكأنّ العالم واقفٌ في ثباتٍ لأن جميع الأجساد الموجودة فيه منهَكة – حيثُ أنّه يجب إعطاء الأولوية للرعاية قبل فوات الأوان». - جوانا هيدفا
المستشفيات مؤسسات، ومواقع حيّة للرأسمالية، وما يحدث عندما يكون من المفترض أن يستريح شخصٌ ما ليس إلّا نموذجاً مصغّراً من النظام الأكبر. تَعمَد المؤسسات إلى فصلنا عن أنظمة رعايتنا – نَجِد أنفسنا معزولين في بُنى تراتبية راسخة، وغالبًا ما نشعر وكأنّ الرعاية هي شيء يُفعَل بنا بدلاً من أن تكون شيئًا يُعطى ويؤخَذ كجزء من محادثة. الرعاية المؤسسية معزولة بسبب اندماجها في الطلب الرأسمالي: شخص واحد يعالج رِجلك ورِجلك فقط، شخص آخر يعالج ضغط الدم وهكذا.
المستشفيات مؤسسات، ومواقع حيّة للرأسمالية، وما يحدث عندما يكون من المفترض أن يستريح شخصٌ ما ليس إلّا نموذجاً مصغّراً من النظام الأكبر. تَعمَد المؤسسات إلى فصلنا عن أنظمة رعايتنا – نَجِد أنفسنا معزولين في بُنى تراتبية راسخة، وغالبًا ما نشعر وكأنّ الرعاية هي شيء يُفعَل بنا بدلاً من أن تكون شيئًا يُعطى ويؤخَذ كجزء من محادثة. الرعاية المؤسسية معزولة بسبب اندماجها في الطلب الرأسمالي: شخص واحد يعالج رِجلك ورِجلك فقط، شخص آخر يعالج ضغط الدم وهكذا.
اضطرّت المصوّرة مريم مكيوي لإجراء عملية جراحية الشهر الماضي، ووثّقت هذا المسار. صورها للبيئات المعقّمة بألوانها الباهتة – أضواء نيون بيضاء وصفوف تلو صفوف من التكوينات المتكرّرة – تعكس مكانًا استُنزفت منه الحياة والحركة. كانت هذه إحدى الطرق التي حافظت بها مريم على بقاء روحها. لقد كان أحد أشكال الاحتجاج من داخل حدود مؤسسةٍ كان عليها التعامل معها.
تُشكّل الصور وصفًا لشيءٍ واهنٍ بشدّة، فمشاهدة شخصٍ ما وهو يعايش انهيار جسده هو دائمًا تذكير جليل بهشاشتنا. إنه أيضًا تذكير بهشاشة أنظمة الرعاية هذه، والتي قد تُمنَع عنّا لأسباب متعدّدة – بدايةً من عدم امتلاك الأموال وصولًا إلى عدم التواجد في جسدٍ يُعتبَر ذا قيمة كافية، فربما يكون أنثويًا أكثر مما ينبغي أو كويريًا أكثر مما ينبغي أو ملوَّنًا أكثر مما ينبغي.
الرعاية الانفرادية والمجرّدة من جوهرها والتي قد تُسلَب منّا في أي لحظة لا تساعدنا على الازدهار. وهي مختلفة تمامًا عن الطريقة التي يسلكها البشر عند رعاية بعضهم البعض. كم سيبدو عالمنا مختلفًا إذا التزمنا بتفكيك الهياكل الرأسمالية الحالية حول صحّتنا؟ كيف سيبدو إذا أعَدنا تخيُّلَه بشكل جذريّ؟
The Human Rights Council (HRC) is the key intergovernmental body within the United Nations system responsible for the promotion and protection of all human rights around the globe. It holds three regular sessions a year: in March, June and September. The Office of the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR) is the secretariat for the HRC.
The HRC works by:
Debating and passing resolutions on global human rights issues and human rights situations in particular countries
Examining complaints from victims of human rights violations or activist organizations on behalf of victims of human rights violations
Appointing independent experts (known as “Special Procedures”) to review human rights violations in specific countries and examine and further global human rights issues
Engaging in discussions with experts and governments on human rights issues
Assessing the human rights records of all UN Member States every four and a half years through the Universal Periodic Review
AWID works with feminist, progressive and human rights partners to share key knowledge, convene civil society dialogues and events, and influence negotiations and outcomes of the session.
With our partners, our work will:
◾️ Monitor, track and analyze anti-rights actors, discourses and strategies and their impact on resolutions
Movilización por las mujeres y las niñas víctimas de la violencia de la guerra en RDC
La organización Initiatives des Femmes en Situations Difficiles pour le Développement Intégré [Iniciativas de las mujeres en situaciones precarias por el desarrollo integrado] se afilió a AWID en 2012 porque consideraron que era «una red a través de la cual IFESIDI podía beneficiarse de la enorme experiencia acumulada en la promoción y la protección de los derechos de las mujeres».
«¡Juntas en la lucha por los derechos de las mujeres y las niñas!»
Durante más de veinte años, las guerras que afectaron a la República Democrática del Congo (RDC) han sido la causa de violaciones masivas a los derechos humanos —especialmente los derechos de las mujeres, las adolescentes y la niñez—, entre ellas la violación y otras formas de violencia contra mujeres y niñas. La apropiación de sus recursos y su consiguiente empobrecimiento, así como el estar en situaciones de vulnerabilidad como desplazadas tras ataques contra sus aldeas, son todos factores que contribuyen a la situación precaria en que viven las mujeres y las niñas. Frente a esa realidad, IFESIDI fue creada en 2002 para mejorar la situación social de las mujeres y niñas víctimas de la violencia relacionada con la guerra, incluidas aquellas que viven en zonas rurales, y para promover y proteger sus derechos. Esta organización no confesional y sin fines de lucro está formada por 35 integrantes; sus actividades cubren al menos la totalidad de la provincia de Kivu Sur, en el este de la RDC. Con el lema «¡Juntas en la lucha por los derechos de las mujeres y las niñas!», IFESIDI espera que las congoleñas de todas las edades puedan vivir con dignidad algún día.
Fortalecer las capacidades económicas y educativas de las mujeres víctimas de la guerra
Además de servicios de consejería para mujeres y niñas víctimas de violencia en diferentes esferas —doméstica, académica y profesional—, IFESIDI está implementando un programa de desarrollo de capacidades económicas y educativas para mujeres víctimas de la guerra. Este programa incluye capacitación laboral, como la fabricación artesanal de jabón, y corte y confección.
Una de las beneficiarias del programa explica: «Antes de que IFESIDI me invitara y me capacitara, yo acarreaba bolsas pesadas de arena para los trabajadores de la construcción en la ciudad de Bukavu y me pasaba el día entero yendo y viniendo con esas bolsas en la espalda. Como mujer desplazada que vivía sin recursos financieros en esta ciudad, no tenía esperanza de seguir viviendo y nadie me miraba al pasar a mi lado... Pero hoy, gracias a IFESIDI, puedo hablar, y cuando paso la gente sabe que «Ahí va la ‘'mamá’ Ponga Musema ».
Movilización como parte de los 16 Días de activismo
Como parte de la campaña «16 Días de activismo contra la violencia de género», que comienza el 25 de noviembre y termina el 10 de diciembre, IFESIDI está organizando actividades para crear conciencia, un panel de debate, estrategias de incidencia, intercambios y una evaluación con las mujeres y las niñas con las que trabaja la organización.
Garantizar la seguridad para las/os defensoras/es de derechos humanos, proteger la libertad de expresión
Originaria de Pakistán, Javeria Ayaz Malik es activista de derechos humanos, así como experta en comunicaciones y seguridad. Vive en Johannesburgo, Sudáfrica, y trabaja como Asesora en Seguridad Internacional y jefa del Departamento de Seguridad del Personal en ActionAid International. En ese rol coordina la política de protección y seguridad de la organización y entabla vínculos externos con redes globales de seguridad. Javeria también asesora a líderes de ActionAid sobre estrategias apropiadas para gestión de la seguridad dirigidas a reducir los riesgos que puede enfrentar el personal en materia de protección y seguridad al cumplir con sus tareas.
Javeria tiene una trayectoria profesional en periodismo y comunicación masiva. Trabajó para la televisión nacional de Pakistán, investigando y escribiendo guiones además de ser presentadora tanto de televisión como de radio. Javeria cree fervientemente en los derechos humanos, la libertad de expresión y la igualdad, y considera que el periodismo y la comunicación fueron sus «primeros amores». Nos comparte sus ideas acerca de la relación entre el periodismo y la seguridad:
"El periodismo ético y objetivo puede influir sobre la sociedad, empoderar a las personas que viven en la pobreza y exigir rendición de cuentas a quienes son responsables de cumplir obligaciones. No es sorprendente que las/os periodistas continúen sufriendo amenazas por parte de regímenes opresores e intereses corporativos en todo el mundo. Por eso mis conocimientos sobre seguridad se tornan relevantes."
Como capacitadora certificada y con experiencia en materia de seguridad, Javeria ha desarrollado planes y metodologías de formación que incluyen módulos específicos dirigidos particularmente a mejorar las estrategias de protección para defensoras/es de derechos humanos y sobre todo para las mujeres defensoras. Javeria es una de las escasas mujeres del Sur Global que son expertas en seguridad y desde esa perspectiva dice:
"En esta época y este momento, ¡las mujeres estamos librando una batalla constante! Cada día enfrentamos estereotipos y acoso, pero todo eso solo nos ha hecho más fuertes y más decididas."
Javeria ha estado afiliada a AWID desde marzo de 2015. Cuenta que «me sumé a AWID para entrar en contacto con personas afines a mí y participar más en iniciativas por los derechos de las mujeres a nivel global».
Assurer la sécurité des défenseur-e-s des droits humains, protéger la liberté d’expression
Javeria Ayaz Malik, originaire du Pakistan, est activiste des droits humains et experte en communication et en sécurité. Elle habite Johannesburg, en Afrique du Sud, où elle travaille en qualité d’International Security Advisor (conseillère en sécurité internationale) et responsable du Staff Security Department (département de sécurité du personnel) d’ActionAid International.
Dans cette fonction, elle coordonne les politiques de sécurité et de sûreté de l’organisation et noue des relations externes avec des réseaux de sécurité mondiaux. Javeria conseille aussi la direction d’ActionAid quant aux stratégies appropriées de gestion de la sécurité, visant à réduire les risques de sécurité et de sûreté auxquels le personnel peut être confronté dans l’exercice de ses fonctions.
Javeria a des antécédents professionnels en journalisme et communication de masse, elle a travaillé précédemment pour la télévision nationale du Pakistan, où elle a fait de la recherche et écrit des scripts pour la diffusion, sans oublier son travail d’animatrice de télévision et de présentatrice à la radio. Javeria, ardente défenseuse des droits humains, de la liberté d’expression et de l’égalité, considère le journalisme et la communication comme « son premier amour ». Elle partage avec nous ses réflexions sur le lien entre le journalisme et la sécurité :
Le journalisme éthique et objectif peut façonner une société, renforcer le pouvoir des personnes qui vivent dans la pauvreté et obliger les responsables à rendre des comptes. Il n’est pas étonnant que les journalistes continuent d’être menacés, dans le monde entier, par les régimes répressifs et les intérêts des entreprises. C’est là qu’interviennent mes compétences en matière de sécurité.
Les cours de formation et la méthodologie de Javeria, formatrice certifiée expérimentée en sécurité, comprennent des modules spécifiques particulièrement destinés à améliorer les stratégies de protection pour les défenseur-e-s des droits humains, en particulier pour les défenseuses des droits humains. Javeria, l’une des très rares femmes expertes en sécurité des pays du sud, déclare :
À notre époque, les femmes mènent un combat permanent ! Nous sommes confrontées et luttons contre les stéréotypes et le harcèlement au quotidien, mais cela nous a rendues plus fortes et plus déterminées.
Javeria est membre de l’AWID depuis mars 2015. Elle a adhéré à l’AWID pour « entrer en relation avec des personnes qui partagent les mêmes avis et pour s’impliquer davantage dans les initiatives en faveur des droits des femmes dans le monde. »
Ensuring Security for Human Rights Defenders, Protecting the Freedom of Expression
Originally from Pakistan, Javeria Ayaz Malik is a human rights activist, and a communications and security expert who lives and works in Johannesburg, South Africa as the International Security Advisor and head of the Staff Security Department at ActionAid International. In this role she coordinates the organisation’s safety and security policy and establishes external relationships with global security networks.
Javeria also advises ActionAid’s leadership on appropriate security management strategies aimed at reducing safety and security risks that staff may face in the course of their duties.
Javeria has a professional background in journalism and mass communications and previously worked for Pakistan’s national television where she researched and wrote scripts for broadcasting, in addition to working as a television host and radio presenter. As an ardent believer in human rights, freedom of expression, and equality, Javeria considers journalism and communication “to be her first love”. She shares with us her thoughts on the connection between journalism and security :
Ethical and objective journalism can shape a society, empower people living in poverty, and hold the duty bearers to account. No wonder journalists continue to be under threat at the hands of repressive regimes and corporate interests around the world. That’s where my security skills become relevant.
As a certified and experienced security trainer, Javeria’s training curriculums and methodologies include specific modules particularly aimed at enhancing protection strategies for human rights defenders, and especially for women human rights defenders. As one of the very few women security experts from the Global South, Javeria says:
Women in this age and time are in a constant combat! We face and fight stereotypes and mobbing on a daily basis, but this has only made us stronger and more determined.
Javeria has been an AWID members since March 2015. She joined AWID to “connect with like-minded people and to be more involved in women’s rights initiatives globally.”
Cuatro décadas haciendo campaña por la seguridad y los derechos de lxs trabajadorxs sexuales
Desde 1975 el English Collective of Prostitutes [Colectivo Inglés de Prostitutas, ECP] viene trabajando a nivel nacional e internacional contra la criminalización del trabajo sexual y para lograr condiciones de trabajo más seguras para lxs trabajadorxs sexuales. ECP ha respaldado a mujeres y otrxs trabajadorxs sexuales que enfrentaban cargos por prostitución, órdenes de clausura, órdenes civiles por comportamiento antisocial (ASBO por sus siglas en inglés) y por el mantenimiento de burdeles.
No somos criminales
«Somos mujeres que trabajamos o hemos trabajado en diferentes áreas de la industria del sexo - tanto en las calles como en locales.»
ECP tiene sede en el Reino Unido y hace incidencia por la abolición de las leyes que criminalizan a lxs trabajadorxs sexuales y a sus familias y por la eliminación de sus antecedentes penales. También trabaja para lograr viviendas, alternativas económicas y beneficios y sueldos más altos para que lxs trabajadorxs sexuales tengan la posibilidad de dejar ese trabajo si así lo desean.
Haciendo frente al poder del estado
La lucha por los derechos de lxs trabajadorxs sexuales ha sido continua y ya lleva varias décadas. Se requiere valentía para luchar contra leyes criminalizadoras aprobadas por autoridades estatales y aplicadas por el poder policial. La valentía que ha demostrado ECP en sus muchos años de defensa y resistencia a menudo ha dado buenos resultados.
En 1982, durante 12 días, 50 mujeres del Colectivo ocuparon una iglesia en Londres para protestar contra las acciones ilegales de la policía, y también contra la violencia y el racismo hacia lxs trabajadorxs sexuales. En 1995 y con el apoyo de Women Against Rape [Mujeres Contra la Violación], ECP ganó un caso que sentó precedente (y que fue el primer juicio por violación iniciado por una organización a título particular) después de que las autoridades declinaron procesar a un violador en serie que atentaba específicamente contra trabajadorxs sexuales. Y hace diez años, luego del asesinato de cinco mujeres en Ipswich, el colectivo lanzó la Safety First Coalition [Coalición por la Seguridad Ante Todo], una campaña en contra de la Ley sobre Delito y Vigilancia Policial que daba mayor poder a la policía para «arrestarnos por prostitución, obligarnos a ir a ‘rehabilitación’, hacer redadas en nuestros apartamentos, conseguir que nos desalojaran y robar nuestros ingresos y bienes. También criminalizaba a los clientes».
Actualmente, el Colectivo Inglés de Prostitutas se opone a la nueva Ley de Reforma de la Asistencia Social que suprime el apoyo a la renta, porque las madres y víctimas de violencia doméstica dependen de esta única prestación. Según lo que explicaron a AWID, «La mayoría de lxs trabajadorxs sexuales somos madres intentando hacer lo mejor para nuestrxs hijxs. A las madres se las debe apoyar y no atacar.»
«Estamos en contacto con trabajadorxs sexuales de todo el mundo. Nuestro punto de partida siempre ha sido la situación de aquellxs de nosotrxs que estamos en el Sur Global y de las que trabajamos en las calles, a menudo mujeres negras, otras mujeres de color y/o inmigrantes».
ECP, afiliada institucional de AWID desde 2014, también es parte del International Prostitutes Collective [Colectivo Internacional de Prostitutas].
Mira un video en el que Niki Adams del ECP habla (en inglés) sobre la despenalización del trabajo sexual en Soho.
Conéctate:
Ponte en contacto con el Colectivo Inglés de Prostitutas a través de nuestro directorio en línea o por correo electrónico a membership@awid.org.
Quarante ans de campagne pour les droits et la sécurité des travailleuses du sexe
Depuis 1975, l’English Collective of Prostitutes (ECP, le Collectif anglais des prostituées) lutte pour obtenir la décriminalisation du travail du sexe et des conditions de travail plus sûres pour les travailleuses du sexe, tant au niveau national qu’au niveau international.
L’ECP apporte son soutien à toutes les personnes vivant du travail du sexe, indépendamment de leur genre, lorsqu’elles sont poursuivies pour racolage ou pour des faits de tenue de maison close, quand elles se voient contraintes de fermer leur lieu de travail ou qu’elles sont soumises à une ordonnance pour comportement antisocial (Anti-social behaviour orders, ASBOs) .
Nous ne sommes pas des criminelles
« Nous sommes des femmes qui travaillons ou avons travaillé dans différents domaines de l’industrie du sexe, que ce soit dans la rue ou dans des établissements. »
Basé au Royaume-Uni, l’ECP milite pour que les lois qui criminalisent les travailleuses du sexe et leurs familles soient abolies, pour que les faits relatfs au travail du sexe soient supprimés du casier juduciaire et enfin pour que les travailleuses du sexe se voient offrir des alternatives en matière de logement et de développement économique ainsi que des salaires et dans les mots d'ECP, de sorte que "chacune de nous peut sortir de la prostitution si et quand nous le voulons."
Tenir tête au pouvoir de l’État
La lutte en faveur des droits des personnes qui vivent du travail du sexe est permanente et dure depuis des décennies. Il faut du courage pour résister aux lois criminalisantes adoptées par les autorités publiques et à la mise en application de celles-ci par les forces de police. Le courage de l’ECP a souvent été récompensé au cours de ces longues années de lutte et de résistance.
En 1982, 50 femmes du collectif ont occupé une église londonnienne pendant 12 jours pour protester contre les interventions illégales de la police mais aussi contre la violence et le racisme dont sont victimes des travailleurs-euses du sexe qui exercent leurs activités dans la rue. En 1995, avec le soutien de l’organisation Women against Rape (Femmes contre le viol), l’ECP a remporté une victoire qui a fait date. Cette toute première poursuite au privé pour viol avait été lancée parce que les autorités publiques avaient auparavant refusé de poursuivre un violeur en série qui ciblait les travailleuses du sexe.
Il y a dix ans, après le meurtre de cinq femmes à Ipswich, l’ECP a lancé la « Safety First Coalition » (la coalition pour la sécurité avant tout). Cette coalition a été le fer de lance d’une campagne contre la loi relative au maintien de l’ordre et à la prévention de la criminalité (le « Policing and Crime Act »), qui octroyaient des pouvoirs étendus aux policiers pour « nous arrêter pour racolage, nous contraindre à suivre des programme de réhabilitation, rafler nos appartements, nous faire expulser, voler notre argent et nos biens. Cette loi criminalisait également les clients. »
Actuellement, l’ECP fait campagne contre la loi de réforme de la protection sociale qui abolit certaines aides sociales, qui étaient les seules sources de revenu sur lesquelles les mères et les victimes de violence domestique pouvaient compter. Comme l’ECP l’a expliqué à l’AWID, « la plupart des travailleuses du sexe sont des mères qui tentent de faire de leur mieux pour leurs enfants. Il faut les protéger plutôt que les agresser ».
« Nous sommes en contact avec destravailleurs-euses du sexe dans le monde entier. Notre point de départ est toujours la situation que nous vivons dans les pays du Sud, celle que nous vivons dans les rues, alors que beaucoup d’entre nous sont des femmes noires, métisses et/ou des immigrées. »
Membre institutionnel de l’AWID depuis 2014, l’ECP fait également partie de l’International Prostitutes Collective.
Regardez une vidéo dans laquelle Niki Adams, de l’ECP, parle de la décriminalisation du travail du sexe à Soho (en anglais)
Four Decades of Campaigning for the Safety and Rights of Sex Workers
Since 1975, the English Collective of Prostitutes (ECP) has worked nationally and internationally for the decriminalisation of sex work and towards safer working conditions for sex workers. ECP has supported women and other sex workers against charges of soliciting, closure orders, Anti-social behaviour orders (ASBOs), and brothel keeping.
Not criminals
The UK based ECP campaigns for the abolition of laws which criminalize sex workers and their families, for the expunging of criminal records, as well as for housing, economic alternatives and higher benefits and wages and in ECP's words, so that "any of us can leave prostitution if and when we want."
Standing up to state power
The struggle for sex workers’ rights is a continued and decade long struggle. It takes courage to fight against criminalising laws passed by state authorities and enforced by police power. ECP’s courage has often paid off in its many years of advocacy and resistance.
For 12 days in 1982, 50 women from the Collective occupied a church in London to protest against illegal police action, violence and racism against street workers. In 1995, ECP, with the support of Women against Rape, won a landmark case (and first-ever private prosecution for rape) after the authorities declined to prosecute a serial rapist who targeted sex workers. And ten years ago, after the murder of five women in Ipswich, ECP launched the Safety First Coalition, spearheading a campaign against the Policing and Crime Act which gave police greater powers to “arrest us for soliciting, force us into “rehabilitation”, raid our flats, get us evicted, and steal our earnings and property. It also criminalised clients."
Currently the English Collective of Prostitutes is opposing the new Welfare Reform law which abolishes income support as this is the only benefit that mothers and victims of domestic violence rely on. As ECP tells AWID, “Most sex workers are mothers trying to do our best for our children. Mothers should be supported not attacked.”
“We are in touch with sex workers all over the world. The situation of those of us in the Global South and those of us who work the streets, often black women, other women of colour and/or immigrant women, has always been our starting point.”
ECP, an AWID institutional member since 2014, is also part of the International Prostitutes Collective.
Watch Niki Adams of ECP talk about decriminalisation of sex work in Soho.
