Priority Areas

Supporting feminist, women’s rights and gender justice movements to thrive, to be a driving force in challenging systems of oppression, and to co-create feminist realities.

Movement Building

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🚹New report out now🚹

Where is the Money? An Evidence-Driven Call to Resource Feminist Organizing

This new report shines a light on the resourcing realities of feminist and women’s rights organizations amid unprecedented political and financial upheaval. Drawing on over a decade of analysis since AWID last Where is the Money? report (Watering the Leaves, Starving the Roots), it takes stock of the gains, gaps, and growing threats in the funding landscape.

The report celebrates the power of movement-led initiatives to shape resourcing on their own terms, while sounding the alarm on massive aid cuts, shrinking philanthropy, and escalating backlash. 

It calls on funders to invest abundantly in feminist organizing as essential infrastructure for justice and liberation. It also invites movements to reimagine bold, self-determined models of resourcing rooted in care, solidarity and collective power. 

Download the report now!

Snippet - COP30 - Feminist Demands for COP30 col 2

What We Demand:

  • Climate finance as reparations: grants, not loans
  • Direct funding to frontline communities
  • Phasing out fossil fuels NOW
  • Defunding military and prison complexes
  • Corporate accountability mechanisms
  • Enabling environments for feminist alternatives to thrive
  • The liberation of Palestine, Congo and Sudan
  • Debt cancellation and an end to austerity
  • Rapid, direct and flexible funding to frontline communities
  • Decolonial feminist just transitions

From “WID” to “GAD” to Women’s Rights: The First Twenty Years of AWID

In 2002 AWID celebrated its 20th anniversary. Given the challenging political, economic and funding environment in which women's organizations must survive, a milestone such as this is worthy of recognition.

In the past two decades the geo-political landscape has been transformed and development theories have come and gone, but approaches to ensure women benefit from development processes have endured.

In its twenty-year history, AWID grew from a volunteer organization for U.S. "Women in Development" (WID) specialists to an international network striving to support proactive and strategic gender equality research, activism and policy dialogue.

On the occasion of its 20th anniversary, this paper charts not only the changes in AWID's organizational structure and goals but also the shifts in policy approaches to gender equality in a changing global environment, through the lens of a membership organization committed to improving the lives of women and girls everywhere.

AWID Forum: Co-creating Feminist Futures

In September 2016, the 13th AWID international Forum brought together in Brazil over 1800 feminists and women’s rights advocates in a spirit of resistance and resilience.

This section highlights the gains, learnings and resources that came out of our rich conversations. We invite you to explore, share and comment!


What has happened since 2016?

One of the key takeaways from the 2016 Forum was the need to broaden and deepen our cross-movement work to address rising fascisms, fundamentalisms, corporate greed and climate change.

With this in mind, we have been working with multiple allies to grow these seeds of resistance:

And through our next strategic plan and Forum process, we are committed to keep developing ideas and deepen the learnings ignited at the 2016 Forum.

What happens now?

The world is a much different place than it was a year ago, and it will continue to change.

The next AWID Forum will take place in the Asia Pacific region (exact location and dates to be announced in 2018).

We look forward to you joining us!

About the AWID Forum

AWID Forums started in 1983, in Washington DC. Since then, the event has grown to become many things to many peoples: an iterative process of sharpening our analyses, vision and actions; a watershed moment that reinvigorates participants’ feminisms and energizes their organizing; and a political home for women human rights defenders to find sanctuary and solidarity.

Learn more about previous Forums

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Sans frontiĂšres ni barriĂšres

Sans frontiĂšres ni barriĂšres

« Ne cessez jamais de vous battre parce que la lutte n’est pas finie ; elle vient juste de commencer. » – Marianna Karakoulaki

Depuis l’étĂ© 2005, Idomeni, un village situĂ© Ă  la frontiĂšre grĂ©co-macĂ©donienne, est progressivement devenu le plus vaste camp officieux de rĂ©fugiĂ©-e-s de GrĂšce. À la fin du mois de mai, ce camp a Ă©tĂ© fermĂ© par les autoritĂ©s. Et depuis maintenant un an, Marianna Karakoulaki, une jeune journaliste indĂ©pendante originaire d’une petite ville du nord-ouest du pays, couvre les Ă©vĂ©nements qui se produisent dans ce village.

 

Accompagnée par des collÚgues derriÚre la police anti-émeute grecque durant une manifestation à Thessalonique

Marianna a aussi couvert les manifestations et les Ă©meutes qui se sont dĂ©roulĂ©es principalement Ă  Thessalonique, la ville oĂč elle vit depuis quelques annĂ©es. Outre le travail qu’elle effectue pour diffĂ©rents mĂ©dias, dont Deutsche Welle (DW), IRIN News et the Middle East Eye, elle rĂ©alise Ă©galement des reportages pour la tĂ©lĂ©vision. Elle a rĂ©cemment co-rĂ©alisĂ© un reportage d’actualitĂ©, Macedonia: Tracking down the refugee kidnap gangs (MacĂ©doine : sur la trace des gangs qui kidnappent les rĂ©fugiĂ©s, en anglais), qui a remportĂ© plusieurs prix dont celui  du meilleur reportage d’actualitĂ© pour la tĂ©lĂ©vision dĂ©cernĂ© par l’Association de la presse Ă©trangĂšre Ă  Londres.

Le féminisme, un fil rouge

« Je me sens absolument fĂ©ministe, sans aucune rĂ©serve. Mon fĂ©minisme fait partie de mon identitĂ©, tout comme mon athĂ©isme et mes convictions politiques de gauche. »​ – Marianna Karakoulaki

Le fĂ©minisme a Ă©tĂ© le fil rouge de la vie, de l’éducation et du travail de Marianna. Elle a l’impression « de s’ĂȘtre toujours sentie fĂ©ministe, mĂȘme quand elle ne savait pas encore vraiment ce que ce mot signifiait », et ce depuis son adolescence et tout au long de ses Ă©tudes de master en sĂ©curitĂ© internationale Ă  l’universitĂ© de Birmingham, au Royaume-Uni. Pendant les Ă©pisodes dĂ©pressifs occasionnels qu’elle a connu et pendant toutes ses annĂ©es d’études des mouvements et de la lutte pour l’égalitĂ©, le fĂ©minisme l’a inspirĂ©e et lui a permis d’adopter une nouvelle approche « d’à peu prĂšs tout ».

« Il [le fĂ©minisme] a entiĂšrement changĂ© mon orientation acadĂ©mique, mon idĂ©ologie politique et mon approche de la vie au sens large. C’est la raison pour laquelle je porte toujours autour du cou le poing fĂ©ministe. » - Marianna Karakoulaki

Pendant une manifestation Ă  la frontiĂšre greco-macĂ©donienne Ă  cĂŽtĂ© d’une clĂŽture macĂ©donienne nouvellement construite

Dans le cadre de son travail, Marianna tente de se consacrer aux questions fĂ©ministes en donnant la possibilitĂ© Ă  celles qui sont relĂ©guĂ©es Ă  la marge de s’exprimer, notamment en GrĂšce oĂč « les questions relatives au genre sont soit ignorĂ©es soit insuffisamment prises en charge ».

Elle travaille  depuis un an sur la crise des rĂ©fugiĂ©-e-s, mais elle a dĂ©libĂ©rĂ©ment Ă©vitĂ© d’écrire un article sur les femmes rĂ©fugiĂ©es.

« J’ai pris cette dĂ©cision tout d’abord parce que je ne voulais pas faire intrusion dans la vie de ces femmes dans le simple but de dĂ©nicher une bonne histoire. J’ai entendu des rĂ©cits qui auraient mĂ©ritĂ©es d’ĂȘtre publiĂ©es mais, sans vraiment savoir pourquoi, je ne me suis jamais sentie autorisĂ©e Ă  raconter la vie de ces personnes dans telle situation de vulnĂ©rabilitĂ©. Il faut que leurs voix soient entendues, mais il y a un bon moment pour le faire, et je pense qu’il faut attendre qu’elles atteignent enfin un espace sĂ»r dans laquelle leur protection est assurĂ©e. »  - Marianna Karakoulaki

Quelques informations complémentaires sur Marianna

Dans le cadre acadĂ©mique, elle est membre de l’équipe de direction et de rĂ©daction de E- International Relations (E-IR), un site acadĂ©mique pour lequel elle dirige la publication d’un livre sur les migrations au XXIe  siĂšcle, Ă  paraĂźtre fin 2016. Marianna a Ă©galement dispensĂ© des cours lors de diffĂ©rents ateliers organisĂ©s en GrĂšce sur l’égalitĂ© de genre, les questions de genre et la diversitĂ© des fĂ©minismes. Elle a Ă©galement Ă©crit des articles sur le droit Ă  l’avortement notamment aux États-Unis mais aussi sur les questions fĂ©ministes ou relatives aux femmes dans le Moyen-Orient.

 

Marianna explique comme suit sa dĂ©cision de devenir membre de l’AWID :

 

« Je suis devenue membre de l’AWID parce qu’il s’agit d’une organisation dont les domaines d’action prioritaires sont trĂšs proches de mon idĂ©ologie et de mes prĂ©occupations et qui donne la parole aux personnes du monde entier que l’on entend jamais, et j’aime beaucoup cela. »  

À la question « quel changement aimeriez-vous voir se matĂ©rialiser de votre vivant ? », Marianna apportĂ© cette rĂ©ponse :

« Si je devais choisir un changement que j’aimerais voir survenir de mon vivant, ce serait l’instauration d’une Ă©galitĂ© issue d’une approche venue de la base ; cela demandera du temps, des efforts et du dĂ©vouement. Cela exigera Ă©galement une refonte des tactiques et stratĂ©gies des mouvements. Je fais aussi le rĂȘve utopique d’un monde sans nations ni frontiĂšres fondĂ© sur l’auto-organisation, mais je crains que cela ne soit pas possible. »

Pour en savoir plus sur Marianna, n’hĂ©sitez pas Ă  consulter son site internet (en anglais)

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Without Borders and Barriers

Without Borders and Barriers

“Don’t give up fighting because the struggle is not over; it has just begun”. – Marianna Karakoulaki

Since the summer of 2015, Idomeni, a village at the Greek-Macedonian border, has increasingly turned into a site of the largest unofficial refugee camp in Greece. At the end of May it was shut down by authorities. For a year now, Marianna Karakoulaki, a young woman originally from a small town in the north-western part of the country has been covering the refugee crisis in Idomeni as a freelance journalist. 

With colleagues behind Greek riot police during a protest in Thessaloniki, Greece

Marianna has also been covering social protests and riots, mostly from Thessaloniki where she has been living for the past couple of years. Reporting for several media outlets, including Deutsche Welle (DW), IRIN News, and the Middle East Eye, she additionally produces TV reports, recently being part of a  Channel 4 News production: Macedonia: tracking down the refugee kidnap gangs which has won several awards including ‘TV News Story of the Year’ from Foreign Press Association in London.

Feminism, a red thread

“I absolutely and without any doubt identify as a feminist, it’s part of my identity along with being an atheist and a leftist.” – Marianna Karakoulaki

Throughout Marianna’s experiences, education and work, feminism has been a red thread throughout her life. She feels she has “always identified with feminism, without actually knowing what it was”, from her teen years and all through her Master’s degree studies in International Security at the University of Birmingham, United Kingdom. Marianna has countered occasional bouts of depression, and alongside studying about movements and the struggle for equality, feminism has inspired and given her a new approach to “pretty much everything”.

“It [feminism] entirely changed my academic focus, political ideology, and general approach to life. That is the reason I always wear a necklace with the feminist fist.” - Marianna Karakoulaki

During a protest at the Greek-Macedonian border next to the newly built Macedonian fence

In her work, Marianna tries to focus on feminist subjects aiming to give voice to those on the margins especially in Greece seeing “gender related issues are either ignored or not covered as they should be.”  

But even though she has been reporting about the refugee crisis for the past year, she has been, as she tells us, deliberately avoiding writing a story on refugee women.

“The main reason for that is that I don’t really want to intrude in refugee women’s lives just for the sake of a good story; I have heard some stories that would have been worth publishing, but for a reason it never felt right as these people are in a vulnerable position. Their voice needs to be heard but there is the right moment for that and for me this is when they finally reach a safe space where they are protected.” - Marianna Karakoulaki

A bit more about Marianna

In her current academic work, she is one of the directors and editors of E- International Relations (E-IR), an online academic publication, where she is currently editing a book on migration in the 21st century due to be published in late 2016. Marianna has also taught at several workshops in Greece on gender equality, gender issues, and the diversity of feminisms and has written papers and articles on abortion rights specifically in the United States of America, as well as about feminist and women’s issues in the Middle East.

Marianna joined AWID as a member because:

“I joined AWID as it’s an organization where its priority areas are very close to my ideology and focus, plus it is giving a voice to those in parts of the world that cannot be heard, and I like that.”

And in answer to the question “what change would you like to see in your lifetime?” Marianna responded:

“If I had to choose a change that I’d like to see in my lifetime, that would be equality that will come from a bottoms-up approach; that will demand time, effort, and devotion. It will also demand a re-approach of the movements’ tactics and strategy. I also have a utopian dream of a world without nations and borders based on self-organisation, but that is rather impossible.”

To find out more about Marianna, please visit her website

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Sin lĂ­mites ni barreras

Sin lĂ­mites ni barreras

«No dejen de pelear porque la lucha no ha terminado: reciĂ©n empieza.» – Marianna Karakoulaki

Desde el verano (boreal) de 2015, Idomenei, un pueblo ubicado en la frontera entre Grecia y Macedonia, albergó el campamento no oficial de personas refugiadas mås grande de Grecia. A fines de mayo de 2016, las autoridades lo cerraron. Desde hace ya un año, Marianna Karakoulaki, una joven originaria de otra ciudad pequeña pero en el noroeste del país, ha venido cubriendo la crisis de las personas refugiadas en Idomenei como periodista independiente. 

Con colegas tras la policĂ­a en una protesta en Thessaloniki, Grecia

Marianna tambiĂ©n ha cubierto protestas y levantamientos sociales, en particular desde Thessaloniki donde viviĂł durante los Ășltimos años. Es corresponsal de varios medios como Deutsche Welle (DW), IRIN News, y Middle East Eye. AdemĂĄs, produce informes para la televisiĂłn y recientemente intervino en una producciĂłn de Channel 4 News: Macedonia: tracking down the refugee kidnap gangs [En la pista de las bandas que secuestran refugiadxs en Macedonia; en inglĂ©s] que obtuvo varios premios, entre ellos el de cobertura noticiosa del año en televisiĂłn otorgado por la AsociaciĂłn de Prensa Extranjera en Londres. 

Feminismo, un hilo conductor rojo    

 «Me defino como feminista, absolutamente y sin ninguna duda. Es parte de mi identidad, al igual que ser atea y de izquierda.»  – Marianna Karakoulaki

El feminismo ha sido un hilo conductor rojo que recorre todas las experiencias, la formación y el desempeño laboral de Marianna a lo largo de su vida. Considera que: «desde siempre me he identificado con el feminismo, sin saber qué era», ya en su adolescencia y durante sus estudios de Maestría en Seguridad Internacional en la Universidad de Birmingham, Reino Unido. Marianna hizo frente a crisis depresivas esporådicas y ademås de estudiar los movimientos y las luchas por la igualdad, el feminismo la ha inspirado y le ha aportado un nuevo enfoque «pråcticamente sobre todas las cosas».

«El feminismo cambió por completo mis prioridades académicas, mi ideología política y mi enfoque sobre la vida en general. Por eso siempre llevo puesto un colgante con el puño feminista.»  - Marianna Karakoulaki

Durante una protesta en la frontera entre Grecia y Macedonia cerca de la recientemente construida barrera fronteriza macedonia

En su trabajo, Marianna intenta abordar temåticas feministas para hacer que se escuchen las voces de los mårgenes sobre todo en Grecia  «ya que los temas de género son ignorados o no se los cubre como se debería».

Pero aunque lleva mås de un año informando sobre la crisis de las personas refugiadas ha tratado, en forma deliberada, de evitar escribir sobre las mujeres refugiadas. 

 «La razón principal es que no quiero entrometerme en las vidas de las mujeres refugiadas solo para obtener una buena nota; escuché algunas historias dignas de ser publicadas, pero nunca sentí que fuera apropiado hacerlo porque son personas en una posición de vulnerabilidad. Es necesario que se escuchen sus voces pero hay un momento adecuado para hacerlo y para mí ese momento serå cuando por fin lleguen a un espacio seguro donde estén protegidas.» - Marianna Karakoulaki

Un poco mĂĄs acerca de Marianna

En su trabajo académico actual, es una de las directoras y editoras de E- International Relations [Relaciones internacionales electrónicas; E-IR], una publicación académica en línea para la que estå editando un libro sobre migraciones en el siglo XXI que se publicarå este año. Marianna también ha dictado varios talleres en Grecia sobre igualdad de género, otras temåticas de género y la diversidad de los feminismos. Escribió artículos académicos y periodísticos sobre el derecho al aborto en Estados Unidos así como sobre temåticas feministas y de mujeres en Medio Oriente.

Marianna se afiliĂł a AWID porque:

«...es una organización cuyas åreas prioritarias son muy afines a mi ideología y a lo que yo priorizo. También porque le da voz a quienes viven en zonas del mundo desde las que no pueden ser escuchadas, y eso me gusta.»

En respuesta a la pregunta sobre qué cambios le gustaría ver en su vida, Marianna afirmó:

«Si tuviera que elegir un cambio que quiero ver en mi vida, serĂ­a una igualdad producto de un enfoque ‘desde abajo hacia arriba’. Eso llevarĂĄ tiempo, esfuerzo y dedicaciĂłn, asĂ­ como una revisiĂłn de las tĂĄcticas y la estrategia de los movimientos. TambiĂ©n tengo el sueño utĂłpico de un mundo sin naciones ni fronteras, cuya base sea la organizaciĂłn autĂłnoma, pero eso es bastante imposible.»

Para saber mås sobre Marianna, por favor visita su sitio de Internet [en inglés]

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WHRDs from Sub-Saharan Africa

In our 2015 Online Tribute to Women Human Rights Defenders No Longer With Us we are commemorating four women from Sub-Saharan Africa, three of whom were murdered due to their work and/or who they were in their gender identity and sexual orientation. Their deaths highlight the violence LGBT persons often face in the region and across the globe. Please join AWID in honoring these women, their activism and legacy by sharing the memes below with your colleagues, networks and friends and by using the hashtags #WHRDTribute and #16Days. 


Please click on each image below to see a larger version and download as a file

 

5 Major Threats

In the current context, we have identified five major threats to the struggle towards feminist just economies.


1. Financialisation of the world economy.

“Financialisation refers to the increasing importance of financial markets, financial motives, financial institutions, and financial elites in the operation of the economy and its governing institutions both at the national and international levels”. - Gerald Epstein

Epstein Gerald A. 2006: Financialization and the World Economy. Edward Elgar Publishing.

Financial institutions exert a strong influence over economic governance and the direction of development policy. The growing dominance of the corporate sector and international financial institutions in defining local and global public policies, has resulted in the capture of the State in the interest of capital. The current financial system, including controversial credit and debt policies, are integral to the reproduction and expansion of capital accumulation processes.

This raises important questions of how to regulate and re-think the global financial system, not only to avoid serious negative consequences of debt-driven crises,but to allow for sustainable livelihoods and the realization of economic and social rights without retrogression.

For more details, see the article by Balakrishnan and Heintz  “Debt, Power, and Crisis: Social Stratification and the Inequitable Governance of Financial Markets”

2. Harmful trade agreements.

For the past 20 years, trade agreements (both bilateral or multilateral) have expanded their role demonstrating increased interest in Intellectual Property Rights (IPR) to be given to corporations.

IPR has clearly benefitted transnational corporations with huge impacts on the ability of poorer nations and peoples to realize human rights, notably:

  • the right to food,
  • the right to conserve,
  • the right to use and sell seeds, and
  • the right to access to essential medicines.

In addition, agriculture import liberalisation resulting in an influx of cheap goods jeopardise women’s self-employed farmers in poor countries and food security. Investment protection clauses included in trade agreements limit the policy space of national governments to create and enforce regulations on issues as crucial as environmental protection, labour rights, and the duration of copyrights.

Feminist movements have been, and are, at the forefront of resistance to these agreements exposing its pitfalls.

(See for example, the reactions by feminist networks around the globe to both the Transatlantic and TransPacific Trade and Investment Partnership Agreement negotiations.)

3. Unprecedented scale of threat to ecosystems and biodiversity.

The commodification of the Earth’s resources and resulting environmental degradation and climate change produced by decades of aggressive industrialisation, plunder and extractivism of the world’s resources, have damaged biodiversity and ecological resilience. These damages are now threatening the existence of human society itself.

The international community has failed to address production and consumption patterns sitting at the root of the problem. Instead, governments –with the support of large corporations interested in making a profit - are leaning towards a “green economy” approach promoting “energy-efficient technologies” (including nuclear energy, biofuels, genetically modified organisms and geo-engineering) and carbon trade schemes as the silver bullet.

4.Commodification of land and accelerating global phenomenon of land and resource grabbing.

While the processes of land and resource appropriation is not new – in fact, they are central struggles in colonial histories- what is new is the advanced means by which land and natural resource wealth are becoming commodities in new markets.

International Financial Institutions play a central role in promoting land markets in developing countries. These institutions finance land reforms that enable powerful actors to use land for speculative gain in exchange of meagre promises of jobs and growth. Land-grabbing has far reaching negative impacts on local peoples’ access to essential goods and services apart from displacement and environmental degradation that are associated with it.

People who are resisting land grabbing, among them women human rights defenders, face diverse forms of violence including physical attacks and sexual abuse, on a daily basis.

5. Entrenched patriarchal foundations that structure the capitalist system

This patriarchal foundation is particularly hegemonic in today’s neoliberal models.

The many ways in which political economy and development are connected to sexuality or gender is evident: think how capitalism defines what can even be characterized as labour and ties human worth to wage-labour productivity.

For the most part, women’s position in the global economy continues to be one of gender-based labour exploitation with women’s work undervalued in precarious jobs, domestic subsistence, reproduction, and in unwaged household production.  Because reproductive labour has been naturalized as women's unpaid work, it has provided an immense subsidy to capitalism at the same time as a source of gender oppression and subjugation.

This situation is aggravated by the fact that as social protection mechanisms begin to dwindle, women’s care burden increases.

Further, the phenomenon of global migration spurred on by thousands of economic refugees escaping oppressive poverty across the globe is not estranged to that of capitalist gender power relations. Remittances become a major source of development financing for the families and communities, but at a major cost for women migrants who struggle to earn a living wage in their new country.

In the same vein, we have seen how patriarchal capitalist systems are using violence and oppression to maintain their status quo. Rising global expenditures in militarism and violence, both perpetrated by state and non-state actors, is increasingly used to control dissent, women’s bodies and voice and settle economic, political and social disputes.

Across the world, violence, incarceration and discrimination disproportionately targets

  • women, communities of colour,
  • indigenous peoples,
  • people with disabilities,
  • sex workers,
  • impoverished people, and
  • LGBTQI people.

An intersectional analysis linking gender, race, ethnicity, age, ability, nationality, sexual orientation and gender identity, among other status is needed to challenge structural violence and its links with a capitalist global system.

A profound crisis in the current global governance system is also evident in the feeble inter-governmental agreements reached and how they often lack the most fundamental accountability mechanisms. The multilateral system that served global governance before is failing to respond to the current multiple crises. The same system continues to be deeply undemocratic, with increasing presence and power by corporations occupying the spaces where States used to be.

Rethinking, Renewing & Reactivating

These threats challenge feminists to re-think our framework and strategies. To renew and reactivate our commitment to movement building with others for a just economy.

They challenge us to consider broad agendas for socio-economic transformations, from a feminist perspective, in ways that address the realities of the majority of the impoverished. Now is the time to bring about change for a just economy and to address the persistent systemic challenges.


See also

Where does the project come from?

Our vision

Key opposition actors

We are witnessing an unprecedented level of engagement of anti-rights actors in international human rights spaces. To bolster their impact and amplify their voices, anti-rights actors increasingly engage in tactical alliance building across sectors, regional and national borders, and faiths.


This “unholy alliance” of traditionalist actors from Catholic, Evangelical, Mormon, Russian Orthodox and Muslim faith backgrounds have found common cause in a number of shared talking points and advocacy efforts attempting to push back against feminist and sexual rights gains at the international level.

Holy See

  • Key activities: As the government of the Roman Catholic Church, the “Holy See” uses its unique status as Permanent Observer state at the UN to lobby for conservative, patriarchal, and heteronormative notions of womanhood, gender identities and “the family”, and to propagate policies that are anti-abortion and -contraception  

  • Based in: Vatican City, Rome, Italy.

  • Religious affiliations: Catholic

  • Connections to other anti-rights actors: US Christian Right groups; interfaith orthodox alliances; Catholic CSOs

Organization of Islamic Cooperation (OIC)

  • Key activities: Self-described as the “collective voice of the Muslim world”, the OIC acts as a bloc of states in UN spaces. The OIC attempts to create loopholes in human rights protection through references to religion, culture, or national sovereignty; propagates the concept of the “traditional family”; and contributes to a parallel but restrictive human rights regime (e.g. the 1990 Cairo Declaration on Human Rights in Islam).

  • Based in: Jeddah, Saudi Arabia

  • Religious affiliations: Muslim

  • Connections to other anti-rights actors: Ultra conservative State missions to the UN, such as Russia

World Congress of Families

  • Key activities: International and regional conferences; research and knowledge-production and dissemination; lobbying at the United Nations “to defend life, faith and family”

  • Based in: Rockford, Illinois, U.S.

  • Religious affiliation: Predominantly Catholic and Christian Evangelical

  • Connections to other anti-rights actors: Sutherland Institute, a conservative think-tank; the Church of Latter-Day Saints; the Russian Orthodox Church’s Department of Family and Life; the anti-abortion Catholic Priests for Life; the Foundation for African Culture and Heritage; the Polish Federation of Pro-Life Movements; the European Federation of Catholic Family Associations; the UN NGO Committee on the Family; and the Political Network for Values; the Georgian Demographic Society; parliamentarians from Poland and Moldova, etc; FamilyPolicy; the Russian Institute for Strategic Studies; and HatzeOir; C-Fam; among others

Center for Family and Human Rights (C-Fam)

  • Key activities: Lobbying at the United Nations, particularly the Commission of the Status of Women to “defend life and family”; media and information-dissemination (Friday Fax newsletter); movement building; trainings for conservative activists

  • Based in: New York and Washington D.C., U.S.

  • Religious affiliations: Catholic

  • Connections to other anti-rights actors: International Youth Coalition; World Youth Alliance; Human Life International; the Holy See; coordinates the Civil Society for the Family; the Family Research Council (U.S.) and other Christian/Catholic anti-rights CSOs; United States CSW delegation

Family Watch International

  • Key activities: Lobbying in international human rights spaces for “the family” and anti-LGBTQ and anti-CSE policies; training of civil society and state delegates (for example, ‘The Resource Guide to UN Consensus Language on Family Issues’); information dissemination; knowledge production and analysis; online campaigns

  • Based in: Gilbert, Arizona, U.S.

  • Religious affiliations: Mormon

  • Connections to other anti-rights actors: leader of the UN Family Rights Caucus; C-Fam; Jews Offering New Alternatives to Homosexuality (JONAH); the National Association for Research and Therapy of Homosexuality (NARTH); World Congress of Families; CitizenGo; Magdalen Institute; AsociaciĂłn La Familia Importa; Group of Friends of the Family (25 state bloc)

World Youth Alliance

  • Key activities: Advocacy in international policy spaces including the United Nations, the European Union, and the Organization of American States for “the family”, against sexual and reproductive rights; training youth members in the use of diplomacy and negotiation, international relations, grassroots activities and message development; internship program to encourage youth participation in its work; regular Emerging Leaders Conference; knowledge production and dissemination

  • Based in: New York City (U.S.) with regional chapter offices in Nairobi (Kenya), Quezon City (The Philippines), Brussels (Belgium), Mexico City (Mexico), and Beirut (Lebanon)

  • Religious affiliations: primarily Catholic but aims for interfaith membership

  • Connections to other anti-rights actors: C-Fam; Human Life International; the Holy See; Campaign Life coalition

Russian Orthodox Church

  • Key Activities: The Russian Orthodox Church (ROC), capitalizing on its close links to the Russian state, has operated as a “norm entrepreneur” in human rights debates.  Russia and the ROC have co-opted rights language to push for a focus on “morality” and “traditional values”  as supposed key sources of human rights.  Russia led a series of “traditional values” resolutions at the Human Rights Council and has been at the forefront of putting forward hostile amendments to progressive resolutions in areas including maternal mortality, protection of civil society space, and the right to peaceful protest.

  • Connections to other anti-rights actors: Organization of Islamic Cooperation; Eastern European and Caucasus Orthodox churches, e.g. Georgian Orthodox Church; U.S. Christian Right including U.S. Evangelicals; World Congress of Families; Group of Friends of the Family (state bloc)


Other Chapters

Read the full report

Framework & Theme

The theme of the 14th AWID International Forum is: “Feminist Realities: our power in action”. 

In our 14th Forum, we will celebrate and amplify Feminist Realities that are around us, in all stages of development. 

We want to make this Forum our Feminist Reality - a place where you can inhabit a different world, where you bring your victories, the solutions you have devised; what makes you feel stronger, hopeful and ready to go on. It will be different from any other convening you have previously attended. 

We urge you to join us in co-creating this world. It will be worth it!


Each Forum has a theme that reflects the needs of our membership and movements, and responds to our analysis of the current context.

The global context

Currently fascisms, fundamentalisms, authoritarianism and unfettered corporate power are gaining momentum globally. We see these threats converging with the State to shape public norms, narratives, and policies,  entrenching a culture of fear, hate and incitement to violence in public discourse. States, previously the target of advocacy and rights claims, in many cases no longer feel accountable and in some cases themselves don’t have the power to uphold rights.

This time of volatility, complexity and uncertainty requires creativity in how we organize across movements, coherence in what we demand and daring in what we propose. 

From Feminist Futures to Feminist Realities

AWID’s 2016 Forum centered on Feminist Futures and the conditions needed to bring such futures about. It was clear then, and remains evident now, the enormous challenge for many social justice movements to think outside of the current system for structural solutions. Imaginations can become narrowed from long experiences of inequality and oppression. But what we also heard then and we see all around us is that feminist movements are indeed living and promoting rights-and justice-oriented realities and solutions in big and small ways. 

Indeed we see an urgency to mobilize from a place of hope, rather than from a lowest common denominator - hope that is grounded in the certainty that across the globe, however imperfectly, are experiences and practices that embody more just ways of being in the world and that by sharing, strengthening and building on these experiences, we can help them grow their influence.

These are not impossible dreams, but lived realities. This sense of possibility is a spark to re-examine and re-appreciate the transformative dimensions in our work. 


A few examples of Feminist Realities across the globe

At AWID, we understand feminist realities as the living, breathing examples of the worlds we know are possible.  We understand these diverse feminist realities as reclamations and embodiments of hope and power. They are embedded in the multiple ways  that show us that there is a different way of living, thinking and doing-- from the daily expressions of how we live and relate to each other, to alternative systems of governance and justice. Feminist Realities resist dominant power systems such as patriarchy, capitalism, and white supremacy. 

These are powerful propositions that orient us toward a vision of what is possible, and show how feminist organizing is blazing a path toward justice in movements and communities around the world. 

  • In a deeply marginalized Black community in Jackson, Mississippi, an experiment in solidarity and cooperative economics is taking place through Cooperation Jackson. An ambitious plan to build community ownership outside of capitalist modes of production.

  • In West Africa, women farmers are resisting land grabbing and refusing industrialized agriculture projects, boldy claiming We Are The Solution, in a campaign to build agro-ecological solutions that center women farmers and their knowledges as the solutions to feed communities and mitigate climate change

  • Similarly, in India, 5,000 women have come together to develop community-based food sovereignty systems based on local knowledge, including grain and seed banks

  • Women in Mexico have created a moneyless economy project created by and for women and everyone they know. In El Cambalache everything has the same value: people exchange things they no longer need for things they want as well as knowledge, abilities and mutual aid that people would like to share. El Cambalache was built on the anti-systemic, anti-capitalist values of local social movements

  • In Rojava, Kurdish people are building democracy without the state and Kurdish women offer Jineology as a framework for challenging patriarchy, capitalism and the state, creating systems and institutions to put this framework into practice

  • In the UK, Anarcho Agony Aunts are a sex and dating advice show, covered from a feminist, antifascist, anarchist perspective. Hosts Rowan and Marijam are reclaiming space from the alt-right in giving people (mostly men) a space to ask tricky questions in a judgment-free zone. 

  • The African Feminist Judgment Project drafts and disseminates alternative judgments for important African landmark cases on a range of legal issues. At the heart of the project is propositional feminist judicial practice and alternative feminist judgments that contribute to African jurisprudence, legal practice and judicial decision-making 

  • The Usha Cooperative in India was founded when mainstream banks refused services to sex workers in Sonagachi. Sex workers self-organized to prioritize their economic concerns and set up their own financial institution. The Usha Cooperative is cooperative bank of over 20,000 sex workers and has provided over USD 4.7M in loans to 7,231 sex workers in a span of one year. With a membership entirely of sex workers, the bank provides real ownership and influence over the cooperative’s governance and management, pioneering ways for individuals and communities on the margins to build economic power on their own terms. 

  • In Puerto Rico, a community land trust is helping to transform an informal settlement around a polluted and flood prone river channel into a sustainable community. It provides a new model for improving informal settlements in cities without them then becoming unaffordable for the original residents.

  • In several Latin American countries activists are providing peer-to-peer counselling and accompaniment on medical abortion, reclaiming womenÂŽs right to decide over their bodies as well as to medical knowledgde. (for safety reasons, no links are provided.


The 14th AWID international Forum

The AWID Forum will be organized around 6 thematic anchors:

  • Resources for Communities, Movements and Economic Justice
  • Governance, accountability and justice
  • Digital Realities 
  • Bodies, pleasure and wellbeing
  • Planet and living beings
  • Feminist organizing 

Learn more about these anchors

Building on those realities, we expect the 2020 Forum to:

  • Build the power of Feminist Realities, by naming, celebrating, amplifying and contributing to build momentum around experiences and propositions that shine light on what is possible and feed our collective imaginations
  • Replenish wells of hope and energy as much needed fuel for rights and justice activism and resilience
  • Strengthen connectivity, reciprocity and solidarity across the diversity of feminist movements and with other rights and justice-oriented movements

The Forum is a collaborative process

The Forum is more than a four-day convening. It is one more stop on a movement strengthening journey around Feminist Realities that has already begun and will continue well beyond the Forum dates.

Join us on this journey!

Our arepa: Resistance from the Kitchen


by Alejandra Laprea, Caracas, Venezuela (@alejalaprea)

I live in a country of the impossible, where there are no bombs yet we are living in a war.

A war that exists only for those of us living in this territory.

I live in a country no one understands, which few can really see, where various realities co-exist, and where the truth is murdered time and again.

I live in a country where one has to pay for the audacity of thinking for oneself, for taking on the challenge of seeing life another way.

I live in a country of women who have had to invent and reinvent, time and again, how they live and how to get by.

I live in Venezuela, in a time of an unusual and extraordinary threat.

Since 2012 my country has been subjected to an unconventional war. There are no defined armies or fire power. Their objective is to dislocate and distort the economy, affecting all households, daily life, the capacity of a people to dream and build a different kind of politics, an alternative to the patriarchal, bourgeois, capitalist democracy.

Venezuelan women are the primary victims of this economic war. Women who historically and culturally are responsible for providing care, are the most affected and in demand. However, in these years of economic and financial embargo, Venezuelan women have gone from being victims to the protagonists on the front lines defending our territory.  

Battles are fought from the barrios, kitchens, and small gardens. We defend the right of girls and boys to go to school, and to be given something so simple as some arepas for breakfast.

Arepas are a kind of corn cake that can be fried, roasted or baked and served sweet or savoury as a side or main dish. It is a staple in the diet of all Venezuelans.

In Venezuela, arepas mean culture, family, food sovereignty, childhood nostalgia, the expert hands of grandmothers molding little balls, the warmth that comforts you when recovering from illness.

Arepas connect us as a people with the pre-Colombian cultures of corn, a resistance that has endured for more than five centuries. They are the Caribbean expressed differently on firm ground.

They are an act of resistance.

When my mother was a girl, they would start grinding the dry corn early in the morning to make arepas. The women would get up and put the kernels of corn in wooden mortars and pound it with heavy mallets to separate the shells. Then they would boil, soak, and grind the corn to make dough, and finally they would mold it into round arepas. The process would take hours and demand a lot of physical effort.   

In the mid-20th century a Venezuelan company industrialized the production of corn meal. For an entire generation that seemed like an act of liberation, since there was now a flour that you could simply add water to and have hot arepas in 45 minutes time.

But that also meant that the same generation would lose the traditional knowledge on how to make them from scratch. My grandmother was an expert arepa maker, my mother saw it as a girl, and for me the corn meal came pre-packaged.

In the war with no military, the pre-cooked corn meal came to be wielded as an instrument of war by the same company that invented it, which was not so Venezuelan anymore: today the Polar group of companies is transnational.

We women began to recuperate our knowledge by talking with the eldest among us. We searched in the back of the closets for our grandmothers’ grinders, the ones we hadn’t thrown away out of affection. Some families still prepared the corn in the traditional way for important occasions. In some towns there were still communal grinding stations which had been preserved as part of local history or because small family businesses refused to die. All of these forms of cultural resistance were activated, and we even went so far as to invent new arepas.

Today we know that in order to resist we cannot depend on one food staple. Although corn arepas continue to be everyone’s favourite, we have invented recipes for arepas made of sweet potato, cassava, squash, and celery root.

We have learned that we can use almost any root vegetable to make arepas. Cooperative businesses have developed semi-industrial processes to make pre-cooked corn meal. In other words, we have recuperated our arepas and their preparation as a cultural good that belongs to all.

 



“Entretejidas” [Interwoven women]

by Surmercé, Santa Marta (@surmerce)

My artivism aims to decolonize our senses in everyday life. I like to create spaces that communicate how we weave together our different struggles, and that render visible dissident (re)existences, other possible worlds, and living bodies here in the SOUTH.

 


“We carry one another towards the future”

by Marga RH, Chile, UK (@Marga.RH)

Let's take care of one another

As we continue to fight in our struggles, let us remember how essential it is that we support each other, believe each other, and love ourselves and our sisters. When this system fucks us over, we must take time to look after our (physical and mental) health, that of our sisters, and to understand that each one of us carries unique stories, making us fighters in resist

Marga RH (@Marga.RH)

Until dignity becomes a habit

These portraits are inspired by the voices of resistance and protest movements in Latin America, especially by the key role that feminised bodies play in these struggles. It is a tribute to the grassroots feminist movements in resistance.

 

Feminist Embodiments of Hope and Power

A Film Series on Feminist Realities from the SWANA region


by Esra Ozban

In a product-obsessed world, prioritizing process is a fundamental feminist method. Processes matter, and curation is no exception. While figuring out which of the films from the SWANA region would speak the loudest to the Feminist Realities theme, the global pandemic we are still facing shifted our everyday lives tremendously. Even to think, write, or express myself has become an everyday struggle. I kept missing all of my deadlines and sending apology emails to Kamee Abrahamian, whom I was working with as an independent curator for AWID’s Feminist Film Club. Kamee’s invaluable support, understanding, and suggestions reminded me that even in two different parts of the world, as colleagues who never met in person, we can co-create micro versions of the Feminist Realities for which we live and yearn. 

Feminist Realities for me have a lot to do with sisterhoods. Sisterhoods that help womxn clearing mines in Artsakh/Nagorno-Karabakh. Sisterhoods baked in Vegan Inclusive Trans Cake by young trans feminists in Ankara that remind cis-ters that they are not welcomed by the Z generation. Sisterhoods that are growing into the mint on Dragica Alafandi’s rooftop in the Dheisheh Refugee Camp in Occupied Palestine in Sowing seeds of resistance. Sisterhoods that embrace intimate, sexual, and revolutionary proximities in Gezi Park in #resistayol. Sisterhoods that unearth an imagined encounter between two generations of womxn in exile in the streets of Haifa in Your father was born 100 years old and so was the Nakba. Cross-species sisterhoods that build in a fictional (brave) space created by Mounia Akl in Submarine for her rebel character Hala, who refuses to evacuate from a city full of garbage and is left behind with a dog friend.
 
This selection gathers bits and pieces of many Feminist Realities that have been realized in the SWANA region over the last couple of years. We will continue to imagine, learn, and share feminist embodiments of hope and power. In the meantime, let’s immerse ourselves in the powerful alternatives brought to life by the filmmakers and protagonists of these films. We may co-create every step, every act, and every attempt as we continue to cohabitate this world with others who are living Feminist Realities and continue to dream more of them into existence. 



MOTHERLAND 


By Emily Mkrtichian& Jesse Soursourian

“With beautiful visuals paired with compelling veritĂ© scenes, Motherland is a show of female camaraderie and strength
 The film is a testament of women around the world who are willing to work harder to overcome any obstacle they meet.”
    - Nosarieme Garrick, award winning filmmaker

“Motherland is an inspiring visualization of solidarity, courage, and grit
”
    - Hers is Ours Collective, organizers of the Outsider Moving Art & Film Festival

Motherland from jesse soursourian on Vimeo.

Emily Mkrtichian on Feminist Realities and Artsakh/NKR:
We shot the short film, Motherland, in the Republic of Artsakh in 2018. I was drawn to each of these women for their strength, their resilience and their humor -- despite the context in which they lived. In 2018, that context was the aftermath of a brutal war in the 1990’s, after which their country remained an unrecognized (or, in the international community, disputed) territory that was not given the autonomy and independence so many other countries enjoy. Artsakh was also deeply affected by the consequences we see in almost all places that go through violent conflict -- consequences that so often fall on women to bear: PTSD, high rates of alcoholism, high rates of domestic abuse, less equality and freedoms granted to women, little to no representation of women in politics and civil service. In the face of all these challenges, this film tries to capture the fire and power of the women of Artsakh, one that might not fit the traditional Western feminist paradigm, but one they have created for themselves through deep community ties, care for their families, hard work, and the ability to laugh with eachother through it all. Today, the Republic of Artsakh has been newly devastated by another war that left it without 70% of the lands these women grew up understanding were theirs. Yet, I can promise you that these women, and thousands of others, continue to pull their families, communities, and culture together through the same networks of care, commitment to hard work, and deep riotous laughter in the face of an uncertain future. 



SOWING SEEDS OF RESISTANCE


By Baladi-Rooted Resistance

“A timely film to watch after having born witness to the latest bombardment of Gaza by Israeli Defence Forces. A glimpse into the way that women in Palestinian communities survive structural oppression, through the story of a library of traditional seeds.. and the women that sustain them as a form of nourishing rebellion.”

    - Jessica Horn, PanAfrican feminst strategist, writer and co-creator of the temple of her skin


“Watching women coming together and working collectively for food autonomy is both therapeutic and empowering for me.”
    - Hers is Ours Collective, organizers of the Outsider Moving Art & Film Festival

Baladi-Rooted Resistance Team on Feminist Realities:
How to talk about Feminist Realities when you live in Deheisheh, a Palestinian refugee camp, built 70 years ago to serve 3000 refugees, but now home to 15000 people, in the occupied West Bank? Or when the land you farm is under constant threat by illegal settlers.
If you’re a woman in occupied Palestine you will have to struggle not only against patriarchy but also against colonialism and a brutal military occupation. 

Dragiča and Vivien are fighting these multiple systems of domination in their own way. 
Vivien uses native seeds to help Palestinians maintain their identity. Growing traditional food in traditional ways has great significance: “If you’re not a producer anymore, you’re a consumer, and what better way to enslave someone than turning them into your consumer. This is happening all around the world, but here you have it doubled with the military occupation.”

31.5% of households in the West Bank are food insecure. Through a rooftop edible garden, Dragiča managed to increase her family’s food autonomy. In the crowded camp, where the Israeli army conducts regular nighttime incursions to arrest and harass residents, Dragiča’s rooftop garden not only nourishes her family, but it especially nourishes her soul.



#RESISTAYOL


By Ruzgar Buski

Ruzgar Buski on Feminist Realities:
I don’t know what to say about Feminist Realities but as a trans artist, an activist from Turkey, I know our realities are harsh. We live with violences- physical, emotional, economical, sexual! That is why we have to build our own networks, and co-creating micro realities for each other is a Feminist Reality for me. #resistayol is my first film, and at the beginning I was planning to make a film by/for/with trans people that does not try to convince anyone to the fact that trans people are human or focuses on raising awareness on trans issues. However, Gezi Uprising, one of the biggest uprising in the history of Turkey, happened and the film became something different. 

I believe the production process really affects what the film is. We tried very hard for women, trans and non-binary people to work on every step of the film. This film is made by people who gathered with camaraderie and friendship. Kanka Productions is founded on transfeminist comradeship. I want the film to give hope, to heal because we carry a lot of traumas in our bodies- this is what makes us and what bonds us. Healing is a never-ending process and we have to create spaces to breath. #resistayol is an hour of breathing collectively.

Boysan Yakar in #resistayol:
Well lubunyas (queers) were sitting in the park, all of a sudden bulldozers arrived and everyone got pissed off. Actually in summary this is it. It's Lubunya's park,and we had thirty days to explain that to this huge city. Everyone acknowledged that at night ibnes (faggots) fuck in that park...LGBTI Block carried our commune there. We already didn't trust the state and police  and didn't have any security, we've established our own ways of doing things, our own laws and customs to survive... We carried our law to Gezi rapidly...With an effort to establish some common language and understanding among all these groups, the LGBT language of togetherness spread all through the park. Every day was a Pride march, everyone was continuously saying ‘ayol’. We spruced up the stinky, fusty language of the left. I guess we had such an impact because we've been disowned for all these years. From the most radical ones to the most conservative and nationalist ones, they all needed us, because everyone got used to being confronted with everything. ΀hey were not used to such energy, our energy. That’s why it was a great political space for us. Every day, we actualized our biggest and main struggle there, that is, a struggle for visibility and recognition. That’s why we left Gezi with a huge gain.


VEGAN INCLUSIVE TRANS CAKE


By Pembe Hayat

“...a multifaceted statement, showing the joy that exists in the friendships within the queer  community in Turkey as a display of rebellion and resistance.”
 
    - Nosarieme Garrick, award winning filmmaker

“...fun, light, and random. In a world constantly marked and scarred by violence against the trans community, nothing, no action, is (unfortunately) deprived of meaning. So to more joy, love, and meaningful randomness!”
 

    - Hers is Ours Collective, organizers of the Outsider Moving Art & Film Festival

Cayan Azadi in Vegan Inclusive Trans Cake:
Hello Barbies, Kens, porcelain dolls,  Olive Oyls, cabbage dolls. Brides of Chucky, sisters of Chucky, brother-in-laws of Chucky and last but not least, esteemed brother-in-law lovers.

So why did we make this cake. 

Now we got the news that a trans woman sex worker has attempted suicide due to the violence from street-guards and police on the street. She’s being kept at a police station now and that’s exactly why we made this cake. This transvestite cake is baked to show that we exist in every part of life, that we exist persistently and this cake shows that won’t be wiped off or ignored in this society. 

Yes, there is violence in our lives, yes there is a lot of shade as well but despite all of that, we can still have fun, enjoying life as much as we can. Bon appetit, sis! 


YOUR FATHER WAS BORN 100 YEARS OLD AND SO WAS THE NAKBA Â Ű§ŰšÙˆÙƒÙŠ ŰźÙ„Ù‚ ŰčÙ…Ű±Ù‡ ÙĄÙ Ù  ŰłÙ†Ű©ŰŒ ŰČي Ű§Ù„Ù†ÙƒŰšŰ©


By Razan AlSalah


SUBMARINE

By Mounia Akl

“It is directed as a poem is written
 simple, a touch abstract, and moving.” 
 
    - Hers is Ours Collective, organizers of the Outsider Moving Art & Film Festival

Esra Ozban:
Esra Ozban is a film programmer and filmmaker from Turkey. Their artistic, curatorial, and scholarly work intersects critical archival practices, sex work, pornography, feminist/queer film cultures among others.


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