Over the past few years, a troubling new trend at the international human rights level is being observed, where discourses on ‘protecting the family’ are being employed to defend violations committed against family members, to bolster and justify impunity, and to restrict equal rights within and to family life.
The campaign to "Protect the Family" is driven by ultra-conservative efforts to impose "traditional" and patriarchal interpretations of the family, and to move rights out of the hands of family members and into the institution of ‘the family’.
“Protection of the Family” efforts stem from:
rising traditionalism,
rising cultural, social and religious conservatism and
sentiment hostile to women’s human rights, sexual rights, child rights and the rights of persons with non-normative gender identities and sexual orientations.
Since 2014, a group of states have been operating as a bloc in human rights spaces under the name “Group of Friends of the Family”, and resolutions on “Protection of the Family” have been successfully passed every year since 2014.
This agenda has spread beyond the Human Rights Council. We have seen regressive language on “the family” being introduced at the Commission on the Status of Women, and attempts made to introduce it in negotiations on the Sustainable Development Goals.
Our Approach
AWID works with partners and allies to jointly resist “Protection of the Family” and other regressive agendas, and to uphold the universality of human rights.
In response to the increased influence of regressive actors in human rights spaces, AWID joined allies to form the Observatory on the Universality of Rights (OURs). OURs is a collaborative project that monitors, analyzes, and shares information on anti-rights initiatives like “Protection of the Family”.
Rights at Risk, the first OURs report, charts a map of the actors making up the global anti-rights lobby, identifies their key discourses and strategies, and the effect they are having on our human rights.
The report outlines “Protection of the Family” as an agenda that has fostered collaboration across a broad range of regressive actors at the UN. It describes it as: “a strategic framework that houses “multiple patriarchal and anti-rights positions, where the framework, in turn, aims to justify and institutionalize these positions.”
“Je n’avais pas prévu d’être chanteuse; c’est le chant qui avait prévu de m’habiter” - Dorothy Masuka (interview avec Mail & Guardian)
Dorothy Masuka, née en 1935 à Bulawayo (alors en Rhodésie du Sud, aujourd’hui le Zimbabwe), a grandi en Afrique du Sud. Elle est devenue une auteure, compositrice, chanteuse de jazz et activiste renommée, et fervente partisane de la lutte contre l’apartheid. Qualifiée d’“architecte du discours de la musique populaire de libération africaine”, Dorothy a souvent chanté la politique dans des langues africaines autochtones et tout au long de son oeuvre, et s’est opposée aux politiques racistes du gouvernement sud-africain.
L’une de ses chansons, intitulée "Dr Malan" (du nom de l'homme politique pro-apartheid D.F. Malan) a été censurée. Elle a poursuivi avec l’enregistrement de "Lumumba" (1961), une chanson sur l'assassinat du leader anticolonialiste Patrice Lumumba. Le travail et l'activisme de Dorothy ont alors attiré l'attention de la section spéciale de la police sud-africaine, ce qui la contraignit à un exil politique qui s’étendit sur plus de 3 décennies. Tout au long de cette période, elle travailla avec des groupes pro-indépendantistes, dont le Congrès national africain. En 1992, alors que l'apartheid commençait à s'effondrer et que Nelson Mandela fut libéré de prison, elle retourna en Afrique du Sud.
Parmi ses autres œuvres, on peut citer sa première chanson, enregistrée en 1953 et intitulée "Hamba Notsokolo", qui fut un tube des années 1950 et un grand classique. Elle composa également "El Yow Phata Phata", une chanson adaptée par Miriam Makeba qui contribua à offrir une popularité internationale à "Pata, Pata".
Ancrés dans la résistance, la musique et l’activisme de Dorothy étaient entrelacés et laissent un merveilleux héritage inspirant. Elle était également très connue sous le nom de “Auntie Dot”.
Le 23 février 2019, Dorothy s’est éteinte à Johannesburg à 83 ans des suites d’une maladie.
📅 Wednesday, March 12, 2025
🕒 5.00-7.00pm EST
🏢 Chef's Kitchen Loft with Terrace, 216 East 45th St 13th Floor New York
Organizers: Women Enabled International and AWID
¿AWID realizará un llamado a presentar propuestas?
¡Sí! Por favor lee la Convocatoria de Actividades y presenta tu propuesta aquí. La fecha límite es el 1ero de febrero de 2024.
Love letter to Feminist Movements #3
Love Letter to Feminism
By: Marianne Mesfin Asfaw
I have many fond memories in my journey with feminism, but one in particular that stands out. It was during my time at graduate school, at a lecture I attended as part of a Feminist Theory course. This lecture was on African feminism and in it the professor talked about the history of Pan Africanism and the ways in which it was patriarchal, male-centric, and how Pan Africanist scholars perpetuated the erasure of African women. She talked about how African women’s contributions to the anti-colonial and decolonial struggles on the continent are rarely, if ever, discussed and given their due credit. We read about the African feminist scholars challenging this erasure and actively unearthing these stories of African women led movements and resistance efforts. It seems so simple but what stood out to me the most was that somebody put the words African and feminist together. Better yet, that there were many more of us out there wrestling with the complicated history, politics and societal norms in the various corners of the continent and we were all using a feminist lens to do this. I came out of that lecture feeling moved and completely mind-blown. After the lecture three of my friends (all African feminists) and I spent some time debriefing outside the classroom. We were all so struck by the brilliance of the lecture and the content but, more than anything, we all felt so seen. That feeling stood out to me.
Falling in love feminism was thrilling. It felt like finally getting to talk to your longtime crush and finding out that they like you back. I call it my crush because in high school I referred to myself as a feminist but I didn’t feel like I knew enough about it. Was there a right way to be feminist? What if I wasn’t doing it right? Attending my first Women’s Studies lecture answered some of these questions for me. It was thrilling to learn about stories of feminist resistance and dismantling the patriarchy. I felt so affirmed and validated, but I also felt like something was missing.
Deepening my relationship with feminism through academia, at an institution where the students and teaching staff were mostly white meant that, for those first few years, I noticed that we rarely had discussions about how race and anti-blackness show up in mainstream feminist movements. In most courses we had maybe 1 week, or worse 1 lecture, dedicated to race and we would usually read something by bell hooks, Kimberly Crenshaw’s work on intersectionality, and maybe Patricia Hill Collins. The following week we were back to sidelining the topic. I dealt with this by centring race and black feminism in almost all my assignments, by writing about black hair and respectability politics, the hypersexualization of black women’s bodies, and so much more. Over time I realized that I was trying to fill a gap but didn’t quite know what it was.
Encountering and learning about African feminism was a full circle moment. I realized that there was so much more I had to learn.
Mainly that my Africanness and my feminist politics did not have to be separate. In fact, there was so much that they could learn from each other and there were African feminists out there already doing this work. It was the missing piece that felt so elusive during my exploration of feminism throughout my academic journey.
Feminism to me is the antithesis to social and political apathy. It also means once you adopt a feminist lens, nothing can ever be the same. My friends and I used to talk about how it was like putting on glasses that you can never take off because you now see the world for what it is, mess and all. A mess you can’t simply ignore or walk away from. Therefore my vow to the feminist movement is to never stop learning, to keep stretching the bounds of my empathy and to never live passively. To dedicate more time and space in my life to feminist movements and to continue to amplify, celebrate, document and cite the work of African feminists. I also commit to centring care and prioritizing pleasure in this feminist journey because we can’t sustain our movements without this.
Advancing Feminist Agendas: Key Progressions on Gender and Sexuality
While fundamentalisms, fascisms and other systems of oppression shapeshift and find new tactics and strategies to consolidate power and influence, feminist movements continue to persevere and celebrate gains nationally and in regional and international spaces.
Leah Tumbalang was a Lumad woman of Mindanao in the Philippines. The story of Lumad Indigenous peoples encompasses generations of resistance to large-scale corporate mining, protection of ancestral domains, resources, culture, and the fight for the right to self-determination.
Leah was a Lumad leader as well as a leader of Kaugalingong Sistema Igpasasindog to Lumadnong Ogpaan (Kasilo), a Lumad and peasant organization advocating against the arrival of mining corporations in Bukidnon, Mindanao province. She was unwavering in her anti-mining activism, fervently campaigning against the devastating effects of mineral extraction on the environment and Indigenous peoples’ lands. Leah was also an organizer of the Bayan Muna party-list, a member of the leftist political party Makabayan.
For almost a decade, Leah (along with other members of Kasilo) had been receiving threats for co-leading opposition against the deployment of paramilitary groups believed to be supported by mining interests.
“Being a Lumad leader in their community, she is at the forefront in fighting for their rights to ancestral land and self-determination.” - Kalumbay Regional Lumad Organization
Being at the forefront of resistance also often means being a target of violence and impunity and Leah not only received numerous death threats, but was murdered on 23 August 2019 in Valencia City, Bukidnon.
According to a Global Witness report, “the Philippines was the worst-affected country in sheer numbers” when it comes to murdered environmental activists in 2018.
Snippet - CSW69 - Feminist Solidarity Space 12 - ES
Espacio de solidaridad feminista
✉️ Requiere inscripción previa para grandes grupos. Entrada libre para grupos reducidos. Reserven aquí
📅 Miércoles 12 de marzo de 2025
🕒 de 02:00 a 04:00 p.m., EST
🏢 Chef's Kitchen Loft with Terrace, 216 East 45th St 13th Floor, New York
Organiza: AWID
Faut-il être membre de l'AWID pour participer au Forum ?
Non, il n'est pas nécessaire d'être membre de l'AWID pour y participer, mais les membres de l'AWID bénéficient d'une réduction sur les frais d'inscription ainsi que d'un certain nombre d'autres avantages.
Feministas sudanesas: «Una revolución dentro de la revolución»
«Mientras estaba en la primera línea de la protesta, fui sometida a violencia sexual, a lesiones físicas y a otras formas de violencia. Pero no me detendré hasta que logremos pleno gobierno civil en Sudán. Debemos impedir la militarización del Estado. Nuestros cuerpos no deben seguir siendo tratados como campos de batalla»
Durante los últimos cuatro años, las mujeres lideraron la revolución en Sudán. Su liderazgo no fue solo callejero, sino que constituyó el poder que impulsó la resistencia constante en todos los niveles. Las mujeres y las jóvenes feministas se convirtieron en la conciencia alerta del movimiento de cambio y democratización sudanés. Desde la primera protesta del 13 de diciembre de 2018 contra el régimen anterior, en la ciudad de Aldmazein, en el área de conflicto del Nilo Azul, las jóvenes estudiantes fueron las voces que demandaron el fin de la dictadura de los militares y los Hermanos Musulmanes, que ya lleva treinta años en el poder.
El movimiento feminista, liderado por mujeres de entre 16 y 35 años, ha entablado una revolución dentro de la revolución en Sudán durante los últimos cuatro años de lucha ininterrumpida. Las potentes voces de las jóvenes que ocupan espacios en las calles, las redes sociales, la sociedad civil y las organizaciones políticas se elevaron lo suficiente como para reconfigurar la opinión pública y desafiar las normas sociales. Por primera vez en la historia de Sudán, las discusiones sobre violencia sexual y de género y sobre los tabúes de la violencia doméstica y los procesos de toma de decisiones dominados por los hombres se convirtieron en debates generalizados. Los equipos de fútbol de mujeres designaron voceras ante los comités de resistencia, y los sindicatos profesionales liderados por mujeres son parte de la expresión de la nueva ola del movimiento feminista de Sudán. El logro más importante es que las jóvenes se identifican como feministas en forma orgullosa y pública, en un país regido por el fundamentalismo islámico durante tres décadas. Los jóvenes varones que apoyan el activismo feminista -y se identifican como feministas- son otra señal de progreso notable.
Bajo el actual régimen del golpe militar, las jóvenes que lideran estas iniciativas y los grupos de mujeres que trabajan en el territorio no pueden mencionarse aquí debido a varios problemas de seguridad. Pero su resiliencia, su fuerza y su valentía serán incluidas en los libros de historia. Las audaces jóvenes que encabezan la resistencia en las calles y detrás de las pantallas, y que trabajan en diferentes profesiones y áreas de activismo están dando forma al futuro de Sudán. Las jóvenes feministas de Sudán están creando nuevos espacios para que las narrativas y los discursos feministas reestructuren la distribución del poder a nivel político, económico y social.
A pesar de la inmensa violencia, del resurgimiento del islamismo fundamentalista, de la militarización y de la reducción de los espacios cívicos, las activistas feministas de Sudán se mantienen arraigadas en su sororidad. Siguen siendo una gran inspiración para los movimientos feministas de todo el mundo.
Nazik Awad
1 «Amal» es un seudónimo utilizado para proteger a la joven activista citada. 2 Desde 2018, Sudán vive en una revolución constante. Una nueva ola opositora arrancó a partir del golpe militar del 25 de octubre de 2021.
Una colección viva de recursos para apoyar a los movimientos feministas, a personas que diseñan políticas y a aliadxs que resisten a las tendencias fascistas, fundamentalistas y anti-derechos.
Sarah Hegazy, una audaz activista egipcia por los derechos LGBTQI+, vivía en una sociedad en la que lxs integrantes de su comunidad, sus cuerpos y sus vidas, enfrentan prejuicios letales a menudo. La resistencia de Sarah estaba arraigada en la deconstrucción del sistema dominante, opresor y patriarcal, y de sus actores antiderechos.
«[En Egipto], toda persona que no sea varón, musulmán, suní, heterosexual y partidario del sistema, es rechazada, reprimida, estigmatizada, arrestada, exiliada o asesinada. Este problema se relaciona con el sistema patriarcal en su conjunto, ya que el Estado no podría ejercer su represión contra lxs ciudadanxs, si no hubiera una opresión preexistente desde la infancia», escribió Sarah Hegazy el 6 de marzo de 2020
La supresión de la voz de Sarah por parte del gobierno egipcio alcanzó su pico más violento en 2017, cuando fue arrestada por alzar una bandera arcoíris en el recital de Mashrou’ Leila (una banda libanesa cuyo cantante principal es abiertamente gay) en El Cairo. Fue acusada de pertenecer a un grupo ilegal, y de «promover la desviación sexual y el libertinaje».
«Fue un acto de apoyo y solidaridad, no solamente con el cantante [de Mashrou’ Leila] sino con todas las personas oprimidas... Nos enorgulleció alzar la bandera. Nunca nos imaginamos la reacción de la sociedad y del Estado egipcio. Para ellos, yo era una criminal: alguien que buscaba destruir la estructura moral de la sociedad.» - Sarah Hegazy
Sarah estuvo encarcelada por tres meses, durante los cuales fue torturada y agredida sexualmente. En enero de 2018, después de ser liberada bajo fianza, pidió asilo en Canadá, donde estaba segura, pero seguía prisionera de los recuerdos del abuso y la violencia que su cuerpo y su alma habían sufrido.
«Salí de esta experiencia después de tres meses con un caso muy intenso y serio de TEPT [trastorno por estrés postraumático]. La prisión me mató. Me destruyó», dijo Sarah Hegazy a NPR.
Sarah se quitó la vida el 14 de junio de 2020, luego de dejar una nota escrita a mano en árabe:
«A mis hermanxs: traté de encontrar redención y fallé, perdónenme.
A mis amigxs: la experiencia [el viaje] fue muy dura y soy demasiado débil como para resistir, perdónenme.
Al mundo: has sido tremendamente cruel, pero perdono.»
Su legado y su coraje continuarán, llevados adelante por quienes la aman y creen en aquello por lo que Sarah luchó.
Tributos:
«A Sarah: Descansa, solo descansa, libre de esta violencia implacable, de este patriarcado letal impulsado por el Estado. Con rabia, con dolor, con extenuación, resistimos.» - Rasha Younes, investigadora sobre derechos LGBT de Human Rights Watch. Lee el texto completo
Reclaim Power to #FreezeFascisms: Resources for Feminists to Survive & Thrive
Feminist and gender justice movements continue to be chronically underfunded in the face of global funding cuts and freezes. Particularly in Global South regions with shrinking civic spaces, resource scarcity has impacted the most vulnerable communities.
In the face of these setbacks, AWID has updated the Who Can Fund Me? Database - an easy-to-use, practical tool for movements looking for funders from philanthropic foundations, multilateral funders to women’s and feminist funds to support vital lifesaving efforts.
What if I can’t attend in-person? Will it be hybrid?
Yes! We are currently exploring innovating technologies to allow for meaningful connection and participation.
Love letter to feminist movements: A Letter from Inna and Faye
Dear feminist movements,
Love is what keeps our feminist fire burning. Along with care for our communities, anger and rage in the face of injustice, and the courage to take action.
In September 2022, we stepped with great excitement into our leadership roles at AWID, as Co-Executive Directors. We felt the warmth and embrace of the feminist sisterhood as you welcomed us.
Reflecting on our most precious memories as feminists, we recall powerful moments of togetherness at street protests, sharp analysis, and brave voices shaking the status quo at gatherings. We held those intimate conversations into the night, laughed for hours, and danced at parties together.
Feminist fires need to be fed, especially in difficult times when there is no lack of external challenges, from the climate crisis and the rise of right-wing forces to exploitative economies and persisting patterns of oppression within our own social movements. It's these fires, burning ablaze everywhere, that light our ways and keep us warm, but we can’t disregard the exhausting effects of political violence and repression directed against many of our struggles, movements, and communities.
We understand the desire to change the world as an essential ingredient of feminist organizing. We can never forget that we are the ones we have been waiting for, in building alternatives and shaping our future. Yet, vibrant feminist energy cannot be taken for granted and must be safeguarded in many ways. In this, we will continue to be vigilant. Greater and equal access to care and wellbeing, to healing and pleasure, are not only instruments to prevent burnout and sustain our movements, though that is an important function; first and foremost, they are the way in which we hope to live our lives.
We are thrilled to roll up our sleeves and work with you. AWID’s new strategic plan “Fierce Feminisms: Together We Rise” reflects our conviction that now is the time for us to be fierce and unapologetic in our agendas while making an effort to connect across movements and truly get to know each other’s realities, so that we may rise together - because, for us, this is the only way.
Our plans include the long-awaited AWID Forum! We look forward to meeting you all in person and online in 2024. We are hearing from you the need to connect and recharge, to rest and heal, to be challenged and inspired, to share good food, and to laugh and dance together. Few things in this world are as powerful and transformative, as feminists from all parts of the world coming together, and we truly hold our breath for this moment, because we know the magic that we can create together.
Our membership engagement has taken on a life of its own through the AWID Community (our online platform for members), and our focus on building connection and solidarity resonates with many of you. Please join and connect with us and others in feminist movements around the world. We know the importance of connection in a time and space where the rules are not made for us, and we hold close our community, where each of us matters.
Together with our fantastic AWID colleagues, we promise to do our best to support feminist movements, as is the mission and purpose of AWID. Please hold us to account.
For the past 40 years, you - feminist movements - have shaped AWID’s history, and pushed us to be braver, creative, and radical. 40 is a fabulous age, and we look forward to another 40 years with you all. We are looking forward to the partnerships, calls to justice, collaboration, policy influencing, and badass feminist power that you all bring in navigating the ever-increasing backlash on gender, racial and environmental justice. We have so much to learn from you and from each other, as we collectively build the worlds we believe in.
Cindy Clark and Hakima Abbas, thank you for paving the way for us and preparing us to fill your enormous shoes. We always appreciate all those on whose shoulders we stood and continue to stand. We understand ourselves to be part of a broader movement landscape, feminist histories, presents, and daring futures.
AWID’s Board of Directors, we are grateful to you for the support and feminist love you show us, and for your commitment to Global South leadership and the co-leadership model. We send our love and respect to each and every AWID colleague, we feel honoured to be working with such an exceptional feminist team of dedicated professionals.
This is our first time writing a love letter together, how could we conclude it without expressing love, care, and respect for each other? It’s a pretty intense relationship we’ve stepped into! We both bring our different and diverse perspectives and skills to our work, and as individuals, we also bring our lived experiences and authentic selves.
Together with you all, we are a story in the making, a part of a beautiful woven - and often beautifully challenging - tapestry that continues into the future. We had fun starting this journey together with each other and with you, and we very much hope to keep the romance alive.
In solidarity, with love and care
Inna and Faye
Save the date!
21 February 2023, Member Mixer 5 on Feminist Politics with Faye and Inna.
¿Qué hay de la justicia climática? ¿Es realmente el momento adecuado para tantos vuelos internacionales?
Nos hemos hecho la misma pregunta y creemos que no hay respuestas simples. Para muchas personas, el Foro de AWID puede ser uno de los pocos viajes internacionales que realicen en su vida. La pandemia nos enseñó las posibilidades pero también las limitaciones de los espacios virtuales para la construcción de movimientos: no hay nada como la conexión en persona. Los movimientos necesitan conexiones transfronterizas para construir nuestro poder colectivo frente a las amenazas que enfrentamos, especialmente la crisis climática. Creemos que el próximo Foro de AWID puede ser un espacio estratégico para abordar estas cuestiones y explorar alternativas al viaje internacional. El formato híbrido del Foro es una parte importante de esta exploración.
