Over the past few years, a troubling new trend at the international human rights level is being observed, where discourses on ‘protecting the family’ are being employed to defend violations committed against family members, to bolster and justify impunity, and to restrict equal rights within and to family life.
The campaign to "Protect the Family" is driven by ultra-conservative efforts to impose "traditional" and patriarchal interpretations of the family, and to move rights out of the hands of family members and into the institution of ‘the family’.
“Protection of the Family” efforts stem from:
rising traditionalism,
rising cultural, social and religious conservatism and
sentiment hostile to women’s human rights, sexual rights, child rights and the rights of persons with non-normative gender identities and sexual orientations.
Since 2014, a group of states have been operating as a bloc in human rights spaces under the name “Group of Friends of the Family”, and resolutions on “Protection of the Family” have been successfully passed every year since 2014.
This agenda has spread beyond the Human Rights Council. We have seen regressive language on “the family” being introduced at the Commission on the Status of Women, and attempts made to introduce it in negotiations on the Sustainable Development Goals.
Our Approach
AWID works with partners and allies to jointly resist “Protection of the Family” and other regressive agendas, and to uphold the universality of human rights.
In response to the increased influence of regressive actors in human rights spaces, AWID joined allies to form the Observatory on the Universality of Rights (OURs). OURs is a collaborative project that monitors, analyzes, and shares information on anti-rights initiatives like “Protection of the Family”.
Rights at Risk, the first OURs report, charts a map of the actors making up the global anti-rights lobby, identifies their key discourses and strategies, and the effect they are having on our human rights.
The report outlines “Protection of the Family” as an agenda that has fostered collaboration across a broad range of regressive actors at the UN. It describes it as: “a strategic framework that houses “multiple patriarchal and anti-rights positions, where the framework, in turn, aims to justify and institutionalize these positions.”
Related Content
Snippet FEA Bauen Hotel (EN)
Only a year after it was founded, the members of Nadia Echazú started to work in haute couture and organized a fashion show in the historic Bauen Hotel.
They showcased five models and some workers of the textile cooperative walked down the runway with their own designs.
This was revolutionary not only because they were designing alternatives to mainstream fashion, but also because they were creating accessible, inclusive clothes for all trans and travesti bodies.
Feminist economies should also be about feeling amazing and comfortable in the clothes we are wearing.
Quelle est l’origine de ce projet?
Nous croyons que l'économie, le marché, le système financier et les prémisses sur lesquelles ils reposent sont des domaines critiques pour la lutte féministe.
Ainsi, notre vision pour une économie juste dépasse la promotion des droits et de l'autonomisation des femmes sur le marché. Elle propose d'évaluer le rôle des oppressions liées au genre lors de l'élaboration de mesures économiques, afin de les modifier pour favoriser l'égalité de genre et la justice économique.
Processus
Nous ne partons pas de zéro et nous ne sommes pas seules à tenter de mettre en avant des propositions féministes pour une économie juste. Beaucoup des propositions formulées dans ce document existaient déjà en théorie et aussi dans la pratique, au sein de diverses communautés qui défient et résistent face aux systèmes économiques fondés sur la croissance et le marché.
Il est également très important de noter qu'il y a une prise de conscience croissante du fait que les micros solutions n’apportent pas toujours de réponses aux problèmes macros, même si elles représentent des espaces importants pour la construction de la résistance et des mouvements. Certaines alternatives spécifiques peuvent ne pas être en mesure de remédier aux injustices du système capitaliste actuel à l'échelle mondiale.
Objectifs
Cela dit, les alternatives féministes pour une économie juste sont essentielles pour ouvrir des brèches dans le système et pouvoir en tirer des leçons, en faveur d’un changement systémique transformateur. Nous n’avons pas la prétention de proposer un compte-rendu complet et exhaustif sur la manière de créer un modèle économique qui soit juste d’un point de vue féministe, ou même des modèles.
À partir d’un dialogue inter-mouvements avec des syndicats, des mouvements ruraux et paysans et des mouvements environnementaux, nous pouvons néanmoins formuler une série de propositions pour cheminer vers cette vision.
Que voulons-nous changer?
Le modèle néolibéral qui domine l'économie mondiale a démontré à maintes reprises son incapacité à traiter les causes profondes de la pauvreté, des inégalités et de l'exclusion. En réalité, le néolibéralisme a même contribué à provoquer et à exacerber ces injustices.
Caractérisées par la mondialisation, la libéralisation, la privatisation, la financiarisation et l'aide conditionnelle, les politiques générales de développement de ces trois dernières décennies ont fait des ravages dans la vie et les moyens de subsistance de tous et toutes. Ces politiques ont également contribué sans faillir à creuser le fossé des inégalités, aux injustices de genre et à une destruction de l'environnement que le monde ne peut plus se permettre de supporter.
Il y a encore des personnes qui affirment qu’en donnant carte blanche aux sociétés et aux entreprises pour favoriser la croissance économique, le vent finira par atteindre les voiles de tous les navires.
Cependant, la notion du développement dominante au cours des dernières décennies, qui repose en grande partie sur le principe d’une croissance économique illimitée, traverse actuellement une crise idéologique.
Le mythe de la croissance économique en tant que panacée capable de résoudre tous nos problèmes prend l’eau.
Mereani Naisua Senibici, also called ‘Sua’, was a longstanding member of the Fiji Young Women’s Christian Association (YWCA) movement.
She worked with diverse groups of women in multi-racial, rural and urban settings and was committed to supporting and promoting women’s and young women’s rights.
In the Lautoka YWCA, she worked with women of Indian descent, and was a leading figure in the sports development and participation of women and of trans athletes in Lautoka.
“Sua is greatly loved by Fiji YWCA members for her dedication and long-time support towards all that the organisation endeavoured to do.” - Tupou Vere
Mereani was part of the House of Sarah (HoS), an initiative of the Association of Anglican Women (AAW), launched in 2009 and aimed at raising awareness of the issues around gender-based violence, as well as providing support to women who face violence. She started as a dedicated volunteer and offered support to women throughout the Pacific.
“A people’s person and an all-rounder in women's empowerment and movement work at community level. Rest in Peace, Sua.” - Tupou Vere
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Cuando la gente se reúne a escala global, como personas individuales y como movimientos, se genera una fuerza arrolladora. Únete a nosotrxs en Bangkok, Tailandia, y de manera virtual, en diciembre de 2024.
The search for alternative means of food production based on environmental sustainability is gaining ground across regions. This worldwide search comes with a common characteristic: the need to involve rural people and particularly women, building on their local priorities and knowledge by employing the principle of agroecology.
Definition
Agroecology is a way of practicing agriculture or using technologies that do not harm the environment. It proposes breaking with the hegemonic rural development model based on large landed estates and single-crop plantations that benefit mostly agricultural businesses and entrenches social exclusion.
In family farming, agroecology manifests as a resistance to the current development model and its social, cultural, environmental, and economic problems. It opposes the lack of the farmer’s financial capital autonomy; and it symbolizes a resistance to the current agribusiness model.
Feminist perspective
Efforts based solely on agroecology may not be sufficient to solve all problems of women’s marginalization and invisibility. A feminist perspective is then crucial to analyze the norms associated with the idea of family as currently constituted as the perfect institution, as well as with the condition of women’s subordination.
In simpler terms, it is important to include in this debate a reflection on socially constructed gender roles to advance the emancipatory potential of agroecology.
Binta Sarr fue una activista por la justicia social, económica, cultural y política, y una ingeniera hidráulica en Senegal. Después de 13 años en la administración pública, Binta dejó ese camino para trabajar con mujeres rurales y marginadas.
Fue de este compromiso que surgió la Association for the Advancement of Senegalese Women [Asociación para el Avance de las Mujeres Senegalesas] (APROFES, por sus siglas en inglés), un movimiento y organización de base que Binta fundó en 1987. Uno de sus principales enfoques fue la formación de dirigentes, en relación no solo con las actividades económicas, sino también con los derechos de las mujeres y el acceso a los puestos de toma de decisiones.
"Las poblaciones de base deben organizarse, movilizarse, asumir el control ciudadano y exigir la gobernabilidad democrática en todos los sectores del espacio público. La prioridad de los movimientos sociales debe ir más allá de la lucha contra la pobreza y debe centrarse en programas de desarrollo articulados y coherentes en consonancia con los principios de los derechos humanos, teniendo en cuenta al mismo tiempo sus necesidades y preocupaciones tanto a nivel nacional como subregional y desde una perspectiva de integración africana y mundial". - Binta Sarr
Partiendo de la convicción de Binta de que el cambio fundamental de la condición de la mujer requiere una transformación de las actitudes masculinas, APROFES adoptó un enfoque interdisciplinario, al utilizar la radio, los seminarios y el teatro popular, además de proporcionar una educación pública innovadora y brindar apoyo cultural a las acciones de sensibilización. Su compañía de teatro popular representó piezas originales sobre el sistema de castas en el Senegal, el alcoholismo y la violencia conyugal. Binta y su equipo también analizaron la conexión crucial entre la comunidad y el mundo en general.
"Para APROFES, se trata de estudiar y tener en cuenta las interacciones entre lo micro y lo macro, lo local y lo global y también, las diferentes facetas del desarrollo. Desde la esclavitud hasta la colonización, el neocolonialismo y la mercantilización del desarrollo humano, la mayor parte de los recursos de África y del Tercer Mundo (petróleo, oro, minerales y otros recursos naturales) están todavía bajo el control de carteles financieros y las otras multinacionales que dominan este mundo globalizado". - Binta Sarr
Binta fue una de las integrantes fundadoras de la sección femenina de la Asociación Cultural y Deportiva Magg Daan. Recibió distinciones del Gobernador Regional y del Ministro de Hidrología por su "devoción por la población rural".
Nacida en 1954 en Guiguineo, un pequeño pueblo rural, Binta falleció en septiembre de 2019.
Tributos:
"La pérdida es inconmensurable, el dolor es pesado y profundo, pero resistiremos para no llorar a Binta; no lloraremos a Binta, mantendremos la imagen de su amplia sonrisa en todas las circunstancias, para resistir e inspirarnos en ella, para mantener, consolidar y desarrollar su obra..." - Página de Facebook de Aprofes, 24 de septiembre de 2019.
"¡Adiós Binta! Creemos que tu inmenso legado será preservado." - Elimane FALL , presidente de ACS Magg-Daan
Snippet FEA how important essential workers are (FR)
La pandémie de COVID-19 a montré au monde l'importance des travailleur·euses essentiel·les. Nous parlons des personnes qui font le ménage, les travailleur·euses domestiques, les infirmier·ères, les d'ambulancier·ères, les personnes travaillant dans les transports, les supermarchés et autres. Leur travail consiste à prendre soin et à garantir le bien-être des autres et à faire fonctionner nos économies.
Mais pendant qu'iels prennent soin de nous..
AWID Members Engaging at CSW61
Member states and women's rights advocates and organisations are gathering at the United Nations Headquarters in New York from 13 - 24 March for the 61st Commission on the Status of Women to address ‘women’s economic empowerment’ in the context of Sustainable Development Goal 5.
Whilst AWID is looking forward to physically meeting those of you who will be in New York, we want to engage with all those who cannot attend CSW, and as much as possible, amplify your voices in relevant spaces.
Continue reading to find out how to engage with AWID around CSW, whether you are attending physically or not.
Participate in an artistic takeover!
We are thrilled that AWID member Nayani Thiyagarajah is attending CSW this year and will take over the AWID Instagram. She will be available onsite to connect with other members for a possible feature on our Instagram. She will also explore possibilities of including some AWID members in a short film on the theme, ‘The personal is political’, a story of Nayani’s participation in this year’s CSW.
Nayani Thiyagarajah
Who is Nayani?
Nayani Thiyagarajah is a director, producer, and writer, dedicated to stories for the screen. A daughter of the Tamil diaspora, she calls Toronto home. For over 10 years, Nayani has worked in the arts and cultural industries. Her first independent feature documentary Shadeism: Digging Deeper (2015) had its World Premiere at the 2015 Zanzibar International Film Festival, where it won a Special Jury Prize. Nayani recently launched [RE]FRAME, with her producing partner Camaro West, a production company based out of Atlanta and Toronto, focused on re-framing the narratives around Black, Indigenous, and other people of colour through storytelling on screen.
On a more serious note, it should be noted that Nayani has a strange laugh, she's quite awkward, and her head is always in the clouds. She feels blessed beyond belief to create stories for the screen and play make believe for a living. Above all else, she believes in love.
Interested in meeting Nayani and being considered for inclusion in the film?
Send an email to membership@awid.org with the subject line “CSW Artistic Takeover”
By 13 March 2017
Please include your full name and country information.
Can't attend? Voice it!
If you are not able to attend CSW61 because of a travel ban, either due to the one imposed by the Trump administration or one you are facing from your own government, please share your story with us.
Send us messages you want heard in the United Nations spaces concerning funding, the impact of the reinstatement of the Global Gag Rule, and the need to push back against all types of religious fundamentalisms. You can send these in the following formats:
Video: no longer than two minutes and sent through a file sharing folder (for example dropbox, google drive)
Audio: no longer than two minutes and sent through a file sharing folder (for example dropbox, google drive)
Image: you can share a photo or a poster of your message
Text: no longer than 200 words and sent in the body of an email or in a word document
AWID members tell us that connecting with other members at CSW is valuable. In such a huge advocacy space, it is useful to connect with others including activists working on similar issues, or originating from the same country or region. Recognising the importance of connecting for movement building, we invite you to:
Interested in connecting with other members @CSW61?
If you are attending the CSW, we’d love to see what’s going on through your eyes!
Show us by capturing a moment you find speaks to the energy in the CSW space, be it on or off site. We hope to publish some of your ‘images’ on our social media channels and share on awid.org.
You can send us:
colour and/ or black and white photographs with a title (if you wish) and
a caption (no longer than 100 words) about the story your image tells.
Please also include:
your full name and country of origin and
let us know if we can publish the information you shared (in part or in full).
Laurie Carlos était une comédienne, réalisatrice, danseuse, dramaturge et poétesse aux États-Unis. Artiste hors pair et visionnaire, c’est avec de puissants modes de communication qu’elle a su transmettre son art.
« Laurie entrait dans la pièce (n’importe quelle pièce/toutes les pièces) avec une perspicacité déroutante, un génie artistique, une rigueur incarnée, une féroce réalité – et une détermination à être libre... et à libérer les autres. Une faiseuse de magie. Une devineresse. Une métamorphe. Laurie m’a dit un jour qu’elle entrait dans le corps des gens pour trouver ce dont ils et elles avaient besoin. » - Sharon Bridgforth
Elle a employé plusieurs styles de performance alliant les gestes rythmiques au texte. Laurie encadrait les nouveaux·elles comédien·ne·s, performeur·euse·s et dramaturges, et a contribué à développer leur travail dans le cadre de la bourse Naked Stages pour les artistes émergent·e·s. Associée artistique au Penumbra Theatre, elle a participé à la sélection de scripts à produire, dans l’objectif « d’intégrer des voix plus féminines dans le théâtre ». Laurie faisait également partie des Urban Bush Women, une compagnie de danse contemporaine reconnue qui contait les histoires de femmes de la diaspora africaine.
Elle fit ses débuts à Broadway dans le rôle de Lady in Blue, en 1976, dans la production originale et primée du drame poétique For colored girls who have considered suicide / when the rainbow is enuf de Ntozake Shange. L’oeuvre de Laurie inclut White Chocolate, The Cooking Show et Organdy Falsetto.
« Je raconte les histoires à travers le mouvement – les danses intérieures qui se produisent spontanément, comme dans la vie – la musique et le texte. Si j’écris une ligne, ce n’est pas forcément une ligne qui sera dite ; ce peut être une ligne qui sera bougée. Une ligne à partir de laquelle de la musique est créée. Le geste devient phrase. Tant de ce que nous sommes en tant que femmes, en tant qu’êtres, tient aux gestes que nous exprimons les un·e·s par rapport aux autres, tout le temps, et particulièrement dans les moments d’émotion. Le geste devient une phrase, ou un état de fait. Si j’écris “quatre gestes” dans un script, cela ne signifie pas que je ne dis rien;cela veut dire que j’ai ouvert la voie à ce que quelque chose soit dit physiquement. » Laurie Carlos
Laurie est née et a grandi à New York, a travaillé et vécu à Minneapolis-Saint-Paul. Elle est décédée le 29 décembre 2016, à l’âge de 67 ans, après un combat contre le cancer du côlon.
Hommages :
« Je pense que c’était exactement l’intention de Laurie. De nous sauver. De la médiocrité. De l’ego. De la paresse. De la création artistique inaboutie. De la paralysie par la peur.
Laurie voulait nous aider à briller pleinement.
Dans notre expression artistique.
Dans nos vies. » - Sharon Bridgforth pour le Pillsbury House Theatre
« Quiconque connaissait Laurie aurait dit que c’était une personne singulière. Elle était sa propre personne. Elle était sa propre personne, sa propre artiste ; elle mettait en scène le monde tel qu’elle le connaissait avec un vrai style et une compréhension fine, et elle habitait son art. » – Lou Bellamy, Fondatrice de la Penumbra Theatre Company, pour le Star Tribune
📅 Mercredi 12 mars 2025
🕒 12.00h-13.30h EST
🏢 PNUD, 304 E 45th St. Doha Room, 11th Floor (FF Building)
Organisé par : PNUD, Femena, SRI et AWID
Body
Snippet FEA collaborator and allies Photo 4 (EN)
Background
Why this resource?
While active participants on the front lines of protests and uprisings in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA), women became invisible, absent from processes of formation of the new states, and excluded from decision-making roles, responsibilities, and positions in the aftermath of the uprisings. Except in rare cases, men dominated leadership positions in transitional structures, including the constitutional reform and electoral committees[i]. Subsequent elections brought very few women to parliamentary and ministerial positions.
Additionally, a strong and immediate backlash against women and women’s rights has clearly emerged in the aftermath. The rise of new religious fundamentalist groups with renewed patriarchal agendas aiming to obliterate previous gains of the women’s movements even in countries with longer histories of women’s rights, such as Tunisia, has been very alarming.
The varying contexts of governance and transition processes across the MENA countries presents an important opportunity for women human rights defenders to shape the future of these democracies. However, the lack of prioritization of women’s rights issues in the emerging transitions and the aforementioned backlash have posed a variety of complex challenges for the women’s movements. Faced with these enormous challenges and possibilities, women’s rights activists have been struggling to forge ahead a democratic future inclusive and only possible with women’s rights and equality. The particular historical and contextual legacies that impact women’s movements in each country continue to bear on the current capacities, strategies, and overall preparedness of the women’s movements to take on such a challenge. Burdened with daily human rights violations in one context, with lack of resources and tools in another, with organizational tensions in a third, in addition to the constant attacks on them as activists, women human rights defenders have voiced their desire to be more equipped with knowledge and tools to be effective and proactive in engaging with these fast-changing environments. Conceptual clarity and greater understanding of notions and practices of democratization, transitional justice tools and mechanisms, political governance and participation processes, international and local mechanisms, movement building strategies, constitutional reform possibilities, and secularization of public space and government are important steps to defining future strategic action.
It is clear that feminists and women’s rights activists cannot wait for women’s rights to be addressed after transitions – issues must be addressed as the new power configurations are forming. Experiences of earlier moments of transition, namely from colonial rule, have clearly demonstrated that women’s rights have to be inherently part of the transition movement towards a more just and equal society.
What is included?
This publication represents a research mapping of key resources, publications and materials on transitions to democracy and women’s rights in different countries of the world that have undergone such processes, such as: Indonesia, Chile, South Africa, Nepal, Mexico, Argentina, Poland, Ukraine, as well as within the Middle East and North Africa (MENA). It provides bibliographic information and short summaries of resources which succinctly identify the contextual changes and challenges facing women in those particular transitional moments, as well as clearly delineates the ways in which women’s rights activists sought to confront those challenges and what lessons were learned.
A key criterion in the selection process was the primacy of a women’s rights/feminist perspective; the few exceptions to this rule offer a unique and, we hope, useful, perspective on the issues that women’s rights organizations and activists face in the region. The texts have been selected to provide a wide range of information, relevant to women human rights defenders working from the grassroots to the international level, across issues (including different case studies and examples), from different perspectives (international human rights bodies, academic institutions, NGO contributions, activists’ experiences, etc.), and at a wide range of levels of complexity, in order to respond to the needs of as many readers as possible.
The mapping clusters resources under six major categories:
Transitions to Democracy
Political Participation
Movement Building
Transitional Justice
Constitutional/Legal Reform
Responses to Fundamentalisms
[i]This and other context points are drawn from the report from Pre AWID Forum meeting on Women’s Rights in Transitions to Democracy: Achieving Rights, Resisting Backlash, collaboratively organized by AWID, the Equality Without Reservation Coalition, Global Fund for Women and Women’s Learning Partnership
Roxana Reyes Rivas, philosopher, feminist, lesbian, poet, politician and LGBT and women’s rights activist from Costa Rica. Owner of a sharp pen and incisive humour, a laugh a minute. She was born in 1960 and raised in San Ramón of Alajuela, when it was a rural town, and her whole life she would break away from the mandates of what it meant to be a woman.
With El Reguero (Costa Rican lesbian group) she organized lesbian festivals for over a decade, fun-filled formative spaces to come together at a time when the Costa Rican government and society persecuted and criminalized the lesbian existence. For hundreds of women the lesbian festivals where the only place they could be themselves and come together with others like them.
Roxana would often say founding political parties was one of her hobbies. “It’s important for people to understand there are other ways to do politics, that many issues need to be solved collectively”. She was one of the founders of the New Feminist League and VAMOS, a human rights focused political party.
“The philosophical trade is meant to jab, to help people ask themselves questions. A philosopher who doesn’t irritate anyone is not doing her job”. For 30 years Roxana taught philosophy at several Costa Rican public universities. Through her guidance, generations of students reflected about the ethical dilemmas in science and technology.
Roxana’s favourite tool was humour, she created the Glowing Pumpkin award, an acknowledgement to ignorance that she would bestow upon public figures, through her social media channels, mocking their anti-rights expressions and statements.
An aggressive cancer took Roxana at the end of 2019, before she could publish a compilation of her poems, a departing gift from the creative mind of a feminist who always raised her voice against injustice.
