Special Focus

AWID is an international, feminist, membership organisation committed to achieving gender equality, sustainable development and women’s human rights

Confronting Extractivism & Corporate Power

Women human rights defenders (WHRDs) worldwide defend their lands, livelihoods and communities from extractive industries and corporate power. They stand against powerful economic and political interests driving land theft, displacement of communities, loss of livelihoods, and environmental degradation.


Why resist extractive industries?

Extractivism is an economic and political model of development that commodifies nature and prioritizes profit over human rights and the environment. Rooted in colonial history, it reinforces social and economic inequalities locally and globally. Often, Black, rural and Indigenous women are the most affected by extractivism, and are largely excluded from decision-making. Defying these patriarchal and neo-colonial forces, women rise in defense of rights, lands, people and nature.

Critical risks and gender-specific violence

WHRDs confronting extractive industries experience a range of risks, threats and violations, including criminalization, stigmatization, violence and intimidation.  Their stories reveal a strong aspect of gendered and sexualized violence. Perpetrators include state and local authorities, corporations, police, military, paramilitary and private security forces, and at times their own communities.

Acting together

AWID and the Women Human Rights Defenders International Coalition (WHRD-IC) are pleased to announce “Women Human Rights Defenders Confronting Extractivism and Corporate Power”; a cross-regional research project documenting the lived experiences of WHRDs from Asia, Africa and Latin America.

We encourage activists, members of social movements, organized civil society, donors and policy makers to read and use these products for advocacy, education and inspiration.

Share your experience and questions!

Tell us how you are using the resources on WHRDs Confronting extractivism and corporate power.

◾️ How can these resources support your activism and advocacy?

◾️ What additional information or knowledge do you need to make the best use of these resources?

Share your feedback


Thank you!

AWID acknowledges with gratitude the invaluable input of every Woman Human Rights Defender who participated in this project. This project was made possible thanks to your willingness to generously and openly share your experiences and learnings. Your courage, creativity and resilience is an inspiration for us all. Thank you!

Related Content

Estoy interesada en trabajar en favor de los derechos de las mujeres, ¿cómo empiezo?

Thank you to our partners

Our partners

This project is built in collaboration with:

FEMNET-logo (grey)
Rutgers-logo (grey)

Our contributors

We would also like to thank the following people for their valuable contribution:

  • Nebila Abdulmelik
  • Radhika Balakrishnan
  • Selamawit Tesfaye
  • Hakima Abbas
  • Patita Tingoi
  • Ana Abelenda

CFA 2023 - Hubs - thai

ใหม่

จุดศูนย์กลาง: การเดินทางข้ามพรมแดน

ผู้เข้าร่วมประชุมจะได้เข้าร่วมตามสถานที่ต่างๆนอกเพื้นที่ในการจัดงานที่กรุงเทพฯ  และตามส่วนต่างๆของ โลกในแต่ละวันของการประชุม สถานที่ประชุมที่ผู้เข้าร่วมจัดการเองทั้งหมดนั้นจะเชื่อมต่อกับสถานที่จัดงาน
จริงในกรุงเทพฯเช่นเดียวกับบุคคลที่เชื่อมต่อทางออนไลน์        ผู้เข้าร่วมในจุดศูนย์กลาง Hub นี้จะสามารถ ดำเนินรายการในหัวข้อกิจกรรมต่างๆ เข้าร่วมอภิปราย แลกเปลี่ยน และเพลิดเพลินไปกับโปรแกรม ที่หลากหลาย

ที่ตั้งจุดศูนย์กลาง Hub จะประกาศในปี 2567

#2 - Sexting like a feminist Tweets Snippet FR

Un indice visuel est toujours utile

« La sexualité est fluide, et là mon vagin aussi. »
#FeministFestival #SextLikeAFeminist

Quanto tempo demora a preencher o inquérito?

O tempo estimado para preencher o inquérito é 30 minutos.

Je suis une défenseuse des droits humains et je me sens en danger. À qui puis-je m’adresser pour obtenir du soutien ?

Les principaux acteurs anti-droits

Nous constatons une implication sans précédent des acteurs anti-droits dans les espaces internationaux consacrés aux droits humains. Pour être plus efficaces et plus audibles, les acteurs anti-droits œuvrent à la constitution d’alliances tactiques qui regroupent différents secteurs et confessions et franchissent les frontières régionales et nationales.

Cette « alliance impie » entre des acteurs traditionalistes issus de milieux catholiques, évangéliques, mormons, orthodoxes russes et musulmans s’est construite autour d’une cause commune qui se concrétise dans un certain nombre de thèmes de discussion et d’efforts communs de plaidoyer visant à réduire à néant les progrès obtenus par les féministes en matière de droits sexuels au niveau international.


Le Saint-Siège

  • Activités clés : en tant que gouvernement de l’Église catholique romaine, le « Saint-Siège » utilise son statut unique d’État observateur permanent auprès de l’ONU pour faire pression en faveur de visions conservatrices, patriarcales et hétéronormatives de la féminité, de l’identité de genre et de la « famille ». Il promeut des politiques anti-avortement et anti-contraception.

  • Basé à : la Cité du Vatican, Rome, Italie.

  • Affiliation religieuse : catholique.

  • Connexions avec d’autres acteurs anti-droits : groupes chrétiens américains ; alliances interreligieuses orthodoxes ; OSC catholiques.

L’Organisation de la coopération islamique (OCI)

  • Activités clés : l’OCI se définit comme la « voix collective du monde musulman » et agit comme un bloc d’États au sein des Nations Unies. Elle tente d’ouvrir des brèches dans le système de protection des droits humains en s’appuyant sur des références à la religion, à la culture ou à la souveraineté nationale. Elle promeut le concept de « famille traditionnelle » et contribue à la mise en place d’un régime parallèle de droits humains doté d’un caractère plus restrictif (voir par exemple la Déclaration du Caire de 1990 sur les droits humains dans l’Islam).

  • Basé à : Djeddah, Arabie Saoudite.

  • Affiliation religieuse : musulmane.

  • Connexions à d’autres acteurs anti-droits : missions des États ultraconservateurs auprès de l’ONU, par exemple la Russie.

Le Congrès mondial des familles

  • Activités clés : conférences internationales et régionales ; production et diffusion de recherches et de connaissances ; lobbying auprès des Nations Unies pour « défendre la vie, la foi et la famille ».

  • Basé à : Rockford, Illinois, États-Unis.

  • Affiliation religieuse : prédominance catholique et chrétienne évangélique.

  • Connexions à d’autres acteurs anti-droits : le Sutherland Institute, un groupe de réflexion conservateur ; l’Église des Saints des Derniers Jours ; le département de la famille et de la vie de l’Église orthodoxe russe ; les prêtres catholiques anti-avortement et pro-vie ; la Fondation pour la culture et le patrimoine africains ; la Fédération polonaise des mouvements pro-vie ; la Fédération européenne des associations de familles catholiques ; le Comité des ONG de l’ONU sur la famille ; le Réseau politique pour les valeurs ; la Société démographique géorgienne ; des parlementaires polonais, moldaves, etc. ; FamilyPolicy ; l’Institut russe d’études stratégiques ; HatzeOir ; C-fam ; et d’autres encore.

Le Centre pour la famille et les droits de l’homme (C-Fam)

  • Activités clés : lobbying auprès des Nations Unies, en particulier auprès la Commission de la condition de la femme, pour la « défense de la vie et de la famille » ; diffusion d’informations diverses (par ex. les bulletins faxés du vendredi) ; travail de construction du mouvement ; formations à l’intention des militants conservateurs.

  • Basé à : New York et Washington D.C., États-Unis.

  • Affiliation religieuse : catholique.

  • Connexions avec d’autres acteurs anti-droits : l’International Youth Coalition (Coalition internationale de la jeunesse) ; l’Alliance mondiale pour la jeunesse ; Human Life International ; le Saint-Siège ; coordination de la Civil Society for the Family ; le Family Research Council (États-Unis) et d’autres OSC anti-droits chrétiennes/catholiques ; délégation des États-Unis auprès de la CSW.

Family Watch International

  • Activités clés : lobbying dans les espaces internationaux consacrés aux droits humains pour des politiques pro-famille, anti-LGBT*Q et anti-ESC (éducation sexuelle complète) ; formations à l’intention des acteurs de la société civile et des délégués d’États membres (par exemple « Le Guide des ressources sur la langue consensuelle des Nations Unies sur les questions familiales ») ; diffusion d’informations ; production de savoirs et d’analyses ; campagnes en ligne.

  • Basé à : Gilbert, Arizona, États-Unis.

  • Affiliation religieuse : Mormone.

  • Connexions avec d’autres acteurs anti-droits : en charge du Caucus sur les droits de la famille à l’ONU ; C-fam ; JONAH (Juifs offrant de nouvelles alternatives à l’homosexualité)[Béné1]  ; NARTH, l’Association nationale pour la recherche et la thérapie de l’homosexualité (USA) ; le Congrès mondial des familles ; CitizenGo ; l’Institut Magdalen ; l’Associación La Familia Importa ; le Groupe des amis de la famille (bloc de 25 États).

Alliance mondiale de la jeunesse

  • Activités clés : plaidoyer pour « la famille » et contre les droits sexuels et reproductifs dans les espaces politiques internationaux, y compris les Nations Unies, l’Union européenne et l’Organisation des États américains ; formation des jeunes membres à l’art de la diplomatie et de la négociation, aux relations internationales, aux activités de terrain et au développement d’une communication efficace ; programme de stage pour encourager la participation des jeunes aux activités de l’alliance ; conférences régulière des leaders émergents ; production et diffusion de savoirs.

  • Basé à : New York (États-Unis) avec des bureaux régionaux à Nairobi (Kenya), Quezon (Philippines), Bruxelles (Belgique), Mexico (Mexique) et Beyrouth (Liban).

  • Affiliation religieuse : principalement catholique, mais vise l’affiliation interreligieuse.

  • Connexions avec d’autres acteurs anti-droits : C-Fam ; Human Life International ; le Saint-Siège ; la campagne Life Coalition.

Église orthodoxe russe

  • Activités clés : l’Église orthodoxe russe, en capitalisant sur ses liens étroits avec l’État russe, fonctionne comme un « entrepreneur de normes » dans le cadre des débats sur les droits humains. La Russie et l’Église orthodoxe russe ont coopté le langage des droits humains pour souligner l’importance de la « moralité » et des « valeurs traditionnelles » définies comme des fondements prétendument essentiels des droits humains. La Russie a mené une série d’actions pour que le Conseil de l’Europe adopte des résolutions fondées sur les « valeurs traditionnelles » et a été en première ligne du travail visant à proposer des amendements hostiles aux résolutions progressistes dans des domaines tels que la mortalité maternelle, la protection du champ d’action de la société civile et le droit de manifester pacifiquement.

  • Connexions avec d’autres acteurs anti-droits : Organisation de la coopération islamique ; Églises orthodoxes d’Europe de l’Est et du Caucase, par ex. l’Église orthodoxe géorgienne ; la droite chrétienne américaine, y compris les évangéliques américains ; le Congrès mondial des familles ; le Groupe des amis de la famille (bloc d’États).

CFA 2023 - breadcrumbs Menu _ cfa-thai

Communicating Desire | Content Snippet

Communicating Desire

and Other Embodied Political Praxes


Communicating Desire

Host: We tend to think about communicating desire as something that is limited to the private intimacy of the bedroom and our personal relationships. But can we also think of this kind of communication as a structure, a praxis that informs our work, and how we are, how we do in the world?

Lindiwe
I believe that unfortunately in the past, expressing your sexuality has been limited. You were allowed to express it within the confines of your marriage, which was permitted, there have always been taboo and stigmas attached to expressing it any other way. When it comes to communicating, obviously the fact that certain stigmas are attached to expressing your sexuality or expressing your desire makes it a lot harder to communicate that in the bedroom or intimately with your partner. From my personal experience, I do believe that obviously if I feel more comfortable expressing myself outside of the bedroom on other matters or other topics, it’s easier for me to build that trust, because you understand conflict resolution with that particular person, you understand exactly how to make your communication special towards that particular person. It’s not easy. It’s something that is consistently done throughout whatever your engagement is, whether it’s your relationship or whether it’s casual and just in the moment. But I believe that confidence outside can definitely translate to how you communicate your desire.

Manal
Since childhood, a woman is raised with that, “you’re not allowed to talk about your body, you’re not allowed to talk about your desire,” which puts a heavy responsibility on women, especially girls in their teens when they need to express themselves and talk about these issues. So for me I think this is a big problem. You know, I have been married for more than 25 years, but still, until now, I cannot talk about my desires. I cannot say what I want or what I prefer, because it’s like I’m not allowed to go beyond this line. It’s like haram, despite it being my right. This is the case for all my friends, they just can’t express themselves in the right way.

Louise
Personally, I find that expressing our desires, my desires, however that expression comes in hand, has to do with the other, and the gaze that the other would have on me. So this is also something that we can link to cinema. And the gaze I would have on myself as well: what I think I am as an individual, but also what society expects of me and my sexuality. In the past, I somehow did the analogy between what happens in the bedroom and what happens in the workplace, because there is sometimes this dynamic of power, whether I want it or not. And oftentimes, verbal communication is harder than we think. But when it comes to representation in film, that’s a totally different game. We are very far away from what I guess all of us here would like to see on screen when it comes to just communicating sexual desires inside or outside the bedroom. 


Online and Embodied

Host: We can think about the digital world as embodied: while it might be virtual, it is not less real. And this was made clear in the context of AWID’s feminist realities festival, which took place entirely online. What does it mean then to talk about sexuality, collectively, politically, in online spaces? Do we navigate virtual spaces with our bodies and affects, and in this case, what are the different considerations? What does it do to communication and representation?


Lindiwe
Social media makes you feel community-based. When you express what it is that you want or like, there is someone who’s either going to agree or disagree, but those who do agree make you feel that you belong to a community. So it’s easier to throw it out into the universe, or for others to see, and potentially not get as much judgment. And I say this very loosely because sometimes, depending on what it is that you’re expressing, it either will get you vilified or celebrated. But when it comes to the bedroom, there is an intimacy and almost a vulnerability that is exposing you and different parts of you that is not as easy to give your opinion on. When it comes to expressing your desire, speaking it and saying it and maybe putting a Tweet or a social media post, or even liking and reading other communities that are same-minded is a lot easier than telling your partner, “this is how I want to be pleasured” or “this is how what I want you to do next,” because of the fear of rejection. But not only that, just the vulnerability aspect – allowing yourself to be bare enough to let the other person see into what you are thinking, feeling, and wanting – I think this is where the difference would come in for me personally. I feel it is a lot more community-based on social media, and it’s easier to engage in discourse. Whereas in the bedroom, you don’t want to necessarily kill the moment. But I think that also kind of helps you understand going forward, depending on the relationship with the person, how you would engage thereafter. So I always know that if I try to communicate something and I fail to do so in the moment, I can always try to bring it up outside of that moment and see what the reaction would be so I know how to approach it going forward.

Louise
You know the question in films is, I don’t know if the male gaze is done intentionally or not. Like we don’t really know that. What we know is that the reason why sexuality in general has been so heternormative and focused on penetration and not giving any space for women to actually ask for anything in films, is because most of the people who have been working in this industry and making decisions in terms of, you know, storytelling and editing have been white men. So rape revenge is this very weird film genre that was birthed in the 70s, and half of the story would be that a woman is being raped by one or multiple people, and in the other half, she would get her revenge. So usually she would murder and kill the people who have raped her, and sometimes other people next to them. At the beginning of the birth of this genre and for 30 years at least, those films were written, produced, and directed by men. This is why we also want so much representation. A lot of feminists and pioneers in queer filmmaking also used the act of filming in order to do that and to reclaim their own sexuality. I’m thinking about Barbara Hammer, who’s a feminist and queer pioneer in experimental cinema in the U.S. where she decided to shoot women having sex on 16mm, and by doing so reclaimed a space within the narrative that was exposed in film at that time. And there is also then the question of invisibilization: we know now, because of the internet and sharing knowledge, that women and queer filmmakers have been trying and making films since the beginning of cinema. We only realize it now that we have access to databases and the work of activists and curators and filmmakers.


Resisting Colonization

Host: And this opens up the conversation on the importance of keeping our feminist histories alive. The online worlds have also played a crucial role in documenting protests and resistance. From Sudan to Palestine to Colombia, feminists have taken our screens by storm, challenging the realities of occupation, capitalism, and oppression. So could we speak of communicating desire – the desire for something else – as decolonization?


Manal
Maybe because my village is just 600 residents and the whole village is one family – Tamimi – there are no barriers between men and women. We do everything together. So when we began our non-violent resistance or when we joined the non-violent resistance in Palestine, there was no discussion whether women should participate or not. We took a very important role within the movement here in the village. But when other villages and other places began to join our weekly protests, some men thought that if these women participate or join the protests, they will fight with soldiers so it will be like they’re easy women. There were some men who were not from the village who tried to sexually harass the women. But a strong woman who is able to stand in front of a soldier can also stand against sexual harassment. Sometimes, when other women from other places join our protest, they are shy at first; they don’t want to come closer because there are many men. If you want to join the protest, if you want to be part of the non-violent movement, you have to remove all these restrictions and all these thoughts from your mind. You have to focus on just fighting for your rights. Unfortunately, the Israeli occupation realizes this issue. For example, the first time I was arrested, I wear the hijab so they tried to take it off; they tried to take off my clothes, in front of everybody. There were like 300-400 people and they tried to do it. When they took me to the interrogation, the interrogator said: “we did this because we want to punish other women through you. We know your culture.” So I told him: “I don’t care, I did something that I believe in. Even if you take all my clothes off, everybody knows that Manal is resisting.”

Lindiwe
I think even from a cultural perspective, which is very ironic, if you look at culture in Africa, prior to getting colonized, showing skin wasn’t a problem. Wearing animal skin and/or hides to protect you, that wasn’t an issue and people weren’t as sexualized unless it was within context. But we conditioned ourselves to say, “you should be covered up” and the moment you are not covered up you are exposed, and therefore it will be sexualized. Nudity gets sexualized as opposed to you just being naked; they don’t want a little girl to be seen naked. What kind of society have we conditioned ourselves to be if you’re going to be sexualizing someone who is naked outside of the context of a sexual engagement? But environment definitely plays a big role because your parents and your grannies and your aunts say “no, don’t dress inappropriately,” or “no, that’s too short.” So you hear that at home first, and then the moment you get exposed outside, depending on the environment, whether it’s a Eurocentric or more westernized environment to what you are used to, then you are kind of free to do so. And even then, as much as you are free, there’s still a lot that comes with it in terms of catcalling and people still sexualizing your body. You could be wearing a short skirt, and someone feels they have the right to touch you without your permission. There is so much that is associated with regulating and controlling women’s bodies, and that narrative starts at home. And then you go out into your community and society and the narrative gets perpetuated, and you realize that you get sexualized by society at large too, especially as a person of color.

Decorative Element

Resistance as Pleasure

Host: And finally, in what ways can our resistance be more than what we are allowed? Is there a place for pleasure and joy, for us and our communities?


Louise
Finding pleasure as resistance and resistance in pleasure, first for me there is this idea of the guerrilla filmmaking or the action of filming when you’re not supposed to or when someone told you not to, which is the case for a lot of women and queer filmmakers in the world right now. For example, in Lebanon, which is a cinema scene that I know very well, most of the lesbian stories that I’ve seen were shot by students in very short formats with “no production value” as the west would say – meaning with no money, because of the censorship that happens on an institutional level, but also within the family and within the private sphere. I would think that filming whatever, but also filming pleasure and pleasure within lesbian storytelling is an act of resistance in itself. A lot of times, just taking a camera and getting someone to edit and someone to act is extremely hard and requires a lot of political stance.

Lindiwe
I have a rape support group. I’m trying to assist women to reintegrate themselves from a sexual perspective: wanting to be intimate again, wanting to not let their past traumas influence so much how they move forward. It’s not an easy thing, but it’s individual. So I always start with understanding your body. I feel the more you understand and love and are proud of it, the more you are able to allow someone else into that space. I call it sensuality training, where I get them to start seeing themselves as not sexual objects, but as objects of pleasure and desire that can be interchangeable. So you’re worthy of receiving as well as giving. But that’s not only from a psychological point of view; it is physical. When you get out of the shower, you get out of the bath, and you’re putting lotion on your body, look at every part of your body, feel every part of your body, know when there are changes, know your body so well that should you get a new pimple on your knee, you are so aware of it because just a few hours ago it wasn’t there. So things like that where I kind of get people to love themselves from within, so they feel they are worthy of being loved in a safe space, is how I gear them towards claiming their sexuality and their desire.

Manal
You know we began to see women coming from Nablus, from Jerusalem, from Ramallah, even from occupied 48, who have to drive for 3-4 hours just to come to join the protests. After that we tried to go to other places, talk with women, tell them that they don’t have to be shy, that they should just believe in themselves and that there is nothing wrong in what we are doing. You can protect yourself, so where is the wrong in participating or in joining? Once I asked some women, “why are you joining?” And they said, “if the Tamimi women can do it, we can do it also.” To be honest I was very happy to hear this because we were like a model for other women. If I have to stand for my rights, it should be all my rights, not just one or two. We can’t divide rights.

لا أشعر بالراحة لمشاركة اسمي او اسم مجموعتي، منظمتي و\ أو حركتي مع AWID, هل أستطيع مع ذلك تعبئة الاستطلاع؟

طبعاً! هذه الأسئلة اختيارية. نقدّر جداً حقكم بالسرية. الرجاء تعبئة الاستطلاع دون علاقة بقراركم/ن بمشاركة اسم المجموعة، المنظمة أو الحركة أو تفاصيل التواصل معكم/ن.

2009: The UN holds Conference on the impact of the economic crisis

2009 UN Conference on the World Financial and Economic Crisis and its Impacts on Development

  • The 2009 conference was an outcome of the 2008 Doha conference. The Doha Declaration had mandated that the United Nations hold a conference, to be organized by the President of the General Assembly, on the world financial and economic crisis and its impact on development.
  • During the conference women’s groups, through the WWG, highlighted the impact of the global financial crisis on vulnerable groups. In their statement to the members, the WWG proposed necessary actions to be taken by member states to redress the effects of the crisis to women. They stated that other social groups affected by the crisis are key to a response that is harmonized with international standards and commitments to gender equality, women’s rights and human rights and empowerment. 

Live events

Now on streaming:

Impunity for violence against women defenders of territory, common goods, and nature in Latin America

 


Follow the online conversation!

#CSW62 #ResistImpunity

Forum 2024 - FAQ - Accessibility and Health EN

Accessibility and Health

Transnational Embodiments | Small Snippet FR

Continuez à explorer Incarnations transnationales

Cette édition du journal, en partenariat avec Kohl : a Journal for Body and Gender Research (Kohl : une revue pour la recherche sur le corps et le genre) explorera les solutions, propositions et réalités féministes afin de transformer notre monde actuel, nos corps et nos sexualités.

Explorer