Anit-Racism Movement (ARM) / Flickr (CC BY-NC-ND 2.0)
Priority Areas
Supporting feminist, women’s rights and gender justice movements to thrive, to be a driving force in challenging systems of oppression, and to co-create feminist realities.
Around the world, feminist, women’s rights, and allied movements are confronting power and reimagining a politics of liberation. The contributions that fuel this work come in many forms, from financial and political resources to daily acts of resistance and survival.
AWID’s Resourcing Feminist Movements (RFM) Initiative shines a light on the current funding ecosystem, which range from self-generated models of resourcing to more formal funding streams.
Through our research and analysis, we examine how funding practices can better serve our movements. We critically explore the contradictions in “funding” social transformation, especially in the face of increasing political repression, anti-rights agendas, and rising corporate power. Above all, we build collective strategies that support thriving, robust, and resilient movements.
Our Actions
Recognizing the richness of our movements and responding to the current moment, we:
Create and amplify alternatives: We amplify funding practices that center activists’ own priorities and engage a diverse range of funders and activists in crafting new, dynamic models for resourcing feminist movements, particularly in the context of closing civil society space.
Build knowledge: We explore, exchange, and strengthen knowledge about how movements are attracting, organizing, and using the resources they need to accomplish meaningful change.
Advocate: We work in partnerships, such as the Count Me In! Consortium, to influence funding agendas and open space for feminist movements to be in direct dialogue to shift power and money.
إن رغبتم/ن في سحب استطلاعكم/ن ومحيه لأي سبب كان، لديكم/ن الحق الكامل بالقيام بذلك. الرجاء التواصل معنا عن طريق هذا النموذج وكتابة "استطلاع المال" في عنوان رسالتكم/ن وسنقوم بسحب ومحي أجوبتكم/ن.
Communicating Desire | Content Snippet
Communicating Desire
and Other Embodied Political Praxes
Communicating Desire
Host: We tend to think about communicating desire as something that is limited to the private intimacy of the bedroom and our personal relationships. But can we also think of this kind of communication as a structure, a praxis that informs our work, and how we are, how we do in the world?
Lindiwe
I believe that unfortunately in the past, expressing your sexuality has been limited. You were allowed to express it within the confines of your marriage, which was permitted, there have always been taboo and stigmas attached to expressing it any other way. When it comes to communicating, obviously the fact that certain stigmas are attached to expressing your sexuality or expressing your desire makes it a lot harder to communicate that in the bedroom or intimately with your partner. From my personal experience, I do believe that obviously if I feel more comfortable expressing myself outside of the bedroom on other matters or other topics, it’s easier for me to build that trust, because you understand conflict resolution with that particular person, you understand exactly how to make your communication special towards that particular person. It’s not easy. It’s something that is consistently done throughout whatever your engagement is, whether it’s your relationship or whether it’s casual and just in the moment. But I believe that confidence outside can definitely translate to how you communicate your desire.
Manal
Since childhood, a woman is raised with that, “you’re not allowed to talk about your body, you’re not allowed to talk about your desire,” which puts a heavy responsibility on women, especially girls in their teens when they need to express themselves and talk about these issues. So for me I think this is a big problem. You know, I have been married for more than 25 years, but still, until now, I cannot talk about my desires. I cannot say what I want or what I prefer, because it’s like I’m not allowed to go beyond this line. It’s like haram, despite it being my right. This is the case for all my friends, they just can’t express themselves in the right way.
Louise
Personally, I find that expressing our desires, my desires, however that expression comes in hand, has to do with the other, and the gaze that the other would have on me. So this is also something that we can link to cinema. And the gaze I would have on myself as well: what I think I am as an individual, but also what society expects of me and my sexuality. In the past, I somehow did the analogy between what happens in the bedroom and what happens in the workplace, because there is sometimes this dynamic of power, whether I want it or not. And oftentimes, verbal communication is harder than we think. But when it comes to representation in film, that’s a totally different game. We are very far away from what I guess all of us here would like to see on screen when it comes to just communicating sexual desires inside or outside the bedroom.
Online and Embodied
Host: We can think about the digital world as embodied: while it might be virtual, it is not less real. And this was made clear in the context of AWID’s feminist realities festival, which took place entirely online. What does it mean then to talk about sexuality, collectively, politically, in online spaces? Do we navigate virtual spaces with our bodies and affects, and in this case, what are the different considerations? What does it do to communication and representation?
Lindiwe
Social media makes you feel community-based. When you express what it is that you want or like, there is someone who’s either going to agree or disagree, but those who do agree make you feel that you belong to a community. So it’s easier to throw it out into the universe, or for others to see, and potentially not get as much judgment. And I say this very loosely because sometimes, depending on what it is that you’re expressing, it either will get you vilified or celebrated. But when it comes to the bedroom, there is an intimacy and almost a vulnerability that is exposing you and different parts of you that is not as easy to give your opinion on. When it comes to expressing your desire, speaking it and saying it and maybe putting a Tweet or a social media post, or even liking and reading other communities that are same-minded is a lot easier than telling your partner, “this is how I want to be pleasured” or “this is how what I want you to do next,” because of the fear of rejection. But not only that, just the vulnerability aspect – allowing yourself to be bare enough to let the other person see into what you are thinking, feeling, and wanting – I think this is where the difference would come in for me personally. I feel it is a lot more community-based on social media, and it’s easier to engage in discourse. Whereas in the bedroom, you don’t want to necessarily kill the moment. But I think that also kind of helps you understand going forward, depending on the relationship with the person, how you would engage thereafter. So I always know that if I try to communicate something and I fail to do so in the moment, I can always try to bring it up outside of that moment and see what the reaction would be so I know how to approach it going forward.
Louise
You know the question in films is, I don’t know if the male gaze is done intentionally or not. Like we don’t really know that. What we know is that the reason why sexuality in general has been so heternormative and focused on penetration and not giving any space for women to actually ask for anything in films, is because most of the people who have been working in this industry and making decisions in terms of, you know, storytelling and editing have been white men. So rape revenge is this very weird film genre that was birthed in the 70s, and half of the story would be that a woman is being raped by one or multiple people, and in the other half, she would get her revenge. So usually she would murder and kill the people who have raped her, and sometimes other people next to them. At the beginning of the birth of this genre and for 30 years at least, those films were written, produced, and directed by men. This is why we also want so much representation. A lot of feminists and pioneers in queer filmmaking also used the act of filming in order to do that and to reclaim their own sexuality. I’m thinking about Barbara Hammer, who’s a feminist and queer pioneer in experimental cinema in the U.S. where she decided to shoot women having sex on 16mm, and by doing so reclaimed a space within the narrative that was exposed in film at that time. And there is also then the question of invisibilization: we know now, because of the internet and sharing knowledge, that women and queer filmmakers have been trying and making films since the beginning of cinema. We only realize it now that we have access to databases and the work of activists and curators and filmmakers.
Resisting Colonization
Host: And this opens up the conversation on the importance of keeping our feminist histories alive. The online worlds have also played a crucial role in documenting protests and resistance. From Sudan to Palestine to Colombia, feminists have taken our screens by storm, challenging the realities of occupation, capitalism, and oppression. So could we speak of communicating desire – the desire for something else – as decolonization?
Manal
Maybe because my village is just 600 residents and the whole village is one family – Tamimi – there are no barriers between men and women. We do everything together. So when we began our non-violent resistance or when we joined the non-violent resistance in Palestine, there was no discussion whether women should participate or not. We took a very important role within the movement here in the village. But when other villages and other places began to join our weekly protests, some men thought that if these women participate or join the protests, they will fight with soldiers so it will be like they’re easy women. There were some men who were not from the village who tried to sexually harass the women. But a strong woman who is able to stand in front of a soldier can also stand against sexual harassment. Sometimes, when other women from other places join our protest, they are shy at first; they don’t want to come closer because there are many men. If you want to join the protest, if you want to be part of the non-violent movement, you have to remove all these restrictions and all these thoughts from your mind. You have to focus on just fighting for your rights. Unfortunately, the Israeli occupation realizes this issue. For example, the first time I was arrested, I wear the hijab so they tried to take it off; they tried to take off my clothes, in front of everybody. There were like 300-400 people and they tried to do it. When they took me to the interrogation, the interrogator said: “we did this because we want to punish other women through you. We know your culture.” So I told him: “I don’t care, I did something that I believe in. Even if you take all my clothes off, everybody knows that Manal is resisting.”
Lindiwe
I think even from a cultural perspective, which is very ironic, if you look at culture in Africa, prior to getting colonized, showing skin wasn’t a problem. Wearing animal skin and/or hides to protect you, that wasn’t an issue and people weren’t as sexualized unless it was within context. But we conditioned ourselves to say, “you should be covered up” and the moment you are not covered up you are exposed, and therefore it will be sexualized. Nudity gets sexualized as opposed to you just being naked; they don’t want a little girl to be seen naked. What kind of society have we conditioned ourselves to be if you’re going to be sexualizing someone who is naked outside of the context of a sexual engagement? But environment definitely plays a big role because your parents and your grannies and your aunts say “no, don’t dress inappropriately,” or “no, that’s too short.” So you hear that at home first, and then the moment you get exposed outside, depending on the environment, whether it’s a Eurocentric or more westernized environment to what you are used to, then you are kind of free to do so. And even then, as much as you are free, there’s still a lot that comes with it in terms of catcalling and people still sexualizing your body. You could be wearing a short skirt, and someone feels they have the right to touch you without your permission. There is so much that is associated with regulating and controlling women’s bodies, and that narrative starts at home. And then you go out into your community and society and the narrative gets perpetuated, and you realize that you get sexualized by society at large too, especially as a person of color.
Resistance as Pleasure
Host: And finally, in what ways can our resistance be more than what we are allowed? Is there a place for pleasure and joy, for us and our communities?
Louise
Finding pleasure as resistance and resistance in pleasure, first for me there is this idea of the guerrilla filmmaking or the action of filming when you’re not supposed to or when someone told you not to, which is the case for a lot of women and queer filmmakers in the world right now. For example, in Lebanon, which is a cinema scene that I know very well, most of the lesbian stories that I’ve seen were shot by students in very short formats with “no production value” as the west would say – meaning with no money, because of the censorship that happens on an institutional level, but also within the family and within the private sphere. I would think that filming whatever, but also filming pleasure and pleasure within lesbian storytelling is an act of resistance in itself. A lot of times, just taking a camera and getting someone to edit and someone to act is extremely hard and requires a lot of political stance.
Lindiwe
I have a rape support group. I’m trying to assist women to reintegrate themselves from a sexual perspective: wanting to be intimate again, wanting to not let their past traumas influence so much how they move forward. It’s not an easy thing, but it’s individual. So I always start with understanding your body. I feel the more you understand and love and are proud of it, the more you are able to allow someone else into that space. I call it sensuality training, where I get them to start seeing themselves as not sexual objects, but as objects of pleasure and desire that can be interchangeable. So you’re worthy of receiving as well as giving. But that’s not only from a psychological point of view; it is physical. When you get out of the shower, you get out of the bath, and you’re putting lotion on your body, look at every part of your body, feel every part of your body, know when there are changes, know your body so well that should you get a new pimple on your knee, you are so aware of it because just a few hours ago it wasn’t there. So things like that where I kind of get people to love themselves from within, so they feel they are worthy of being loved in a safe space, is how I gear them towards claiming their sexuality and their desire.
Manal
You know we began to see women coming from Nablus, from Jerusalem, from Ramallah, even from occupied 48, who have to drive for 3-4 hours just to come to join the protests. After that we tried to go to other places, talk with women, tell them that they don’t have to be shy, that they should just believe in themselves and that there is nothing wrong in what we are doing. You can protect yourself, so where is the wrong in participating or in joining? Once I asked some women, “why are you joining?” And they said, “if the Tamimi women can do it, we can do it also.” To be honest I was very happy to hear this because we were like a model for other women. If I have to stand for my rights, it should be all my rights, not just one or two. We can’t divide rights.
Могу ли я связаться с кем-либо, если у меня возникнут вопросы?
Если у вас есть какие-либо вопросы или сомнения, пожалуйста, свяжитесь с нами через форму здесь, указав «Опрос «Где деньги?» (WITM Survey) в качестве заголовка вашего сообщения. или напишите нам по адресу witm@awid.org
Clone of Mariam Mekiwi | Snippet AR
مريم مكيوي مخرجة أفلام ومصورة من الإسكندرية تعيش وتعمل في برلين.
Snippet - Join CSW69 Conversations Intro_EN
Join us through the #FreezeFascisms conversations!
As we navigate the global polycrisis, movements are tirelessly building power beyond traditional power structures. The wave of US presidential executive orders is intended to scare us, but no amount of fascist ideology can erase our existence and resistance.
We invite you to be a part of the solidarity-building campaign to expose and resist fascist forces undermining feminist and gender justice movements in your contexts!
Spark conversations in a brave space: Share stories of struggles and resistance to fascisms in your contexts on the AWID Community Platform. Not a member yet? Join here
Support movements that have been impacted: Amplify fundraisers, resourcing opportunities, mutual aid efforts using the #FreezeFascisms (we’re still on X, Instagram, LinkedIN, and we’re also on Bluesky)
Organize around alternatives: We’ve been building our community of practice on feminist economic alternatives & autonomous resourcing. Sign up to be part of it here.
Hospital | Content Snippet AR
مستشفى
ترجمة مارينا سمير
«الآن قد يكون وقتًا مناسبًا لإعادة التفكير في الشكل الذي يمكن للثورة أن تتّخذه. ربما لن تبدو كمسيرةٍ من الأجساد الغاضبة والقادرة في الشوارع. ربما ستبدو وكأنّ العالم واقفٌ في ثباتٍ لأن جميع الأجساد الموجودة فيه منهَكة – حيثُ أنّه يجب إعطاء الأولوية للرعاية قبل فوات الأوان». - جوانا هيدفا
المستشفيات مؤسسات، ومواقع حيّة للرأسمالية، وما يحدث عندما يكون من المفترض أن يستريح شخصٌ ما ليس إلّا نموذجاً مصغّراً من النظام الأكبر. تَعمَد المؤسسات إلى فصلنا عن أنظمة رعايتنا – نَجِد أنفسنا معزولين في بُنى تراتبية راسخة، وغالبًا ما نشعر وكأنّ الرعاية هي شيء يُفعَل بنا بدلاً من أن تكون شيئًا يُعطى ويؤخَذ كجزء من محادثة. الرعاية المؤسسية معزولة بسبب اندماجها في الطلب الرأسمالي: شخص واحد يعالج رِجلك ورِجلك فقط، شخص آخر يعالج ضغط الدم وهكذا.
المستشفيات مؤسسات، ومواقع حيّة للرأسمالية، وما يحدث عندما يكون من المفترض أن يستريح شخصٌ ما ليس إلّا نموذجاً مصغّراً من النظام الأكبر. تَعمَد المؤسسات إلى فصلنا عن أنظمة رعايتنا – نَجِد أنفسنا معزولين في بُنى تراتبية راسخة، وغالبًا ما نشعر وكأنّ الرعاية هي شيء يُفعَل بنا بدلاً من أن تكون شيئًا يُعطى ويؤخَذ كجزء من محادثة. الرعاية المؤسسية معزولة بسبب اندماجها في الطلب الرأسمالي: شخص واحد يعالج رِجلك ورِجلك فقط، شخص آخر يعالج ضغط الدم وهكذا.
اضطرّت المصوّرة مريم مكيوي لإجراء عملية جراحية الشهر الماضي، ووثّقت هذا المسار. صورها للبيئات المعقّمة بألوانها الباهتة – أضواء نيون بيضاء وصفوف تلو صفوف من التكوينات المتكرّرة – تعكس مكانًا استُنزفت منه الحياة والحركة. كانت هذه إحدى الطرق التي حافظت بها مريم على بقاء روحها. لقد كان أحد أشكال الاحتجاج من داخل حدود مؤسسةٍ كان عليها التعامل معها.
تُشكّل الصور وصفًا لشيءٍ واهنٍ بشدّة، فمشاهدة شخصٍ ما وهو يعايش انهيار جسده هو دائمًا تذكير جليل بهشاشتنا. إنه أيضًا تذكير بهشاشة أنظمة الرعاية هذه، والتي قد تُمنَع عنّا لأسباب متعدّدة – بدايةً من عدم امتلاك الأموال وصولًا إلى عدم التواجد في جسدٍ يُعتبَر ذا قيمة كافية، فربما يكون أنثويًا أكثر مما ينبغي أو كويريًا أكثر مما ينبغي أو ملوَّنًا أكثر مما ينبغي.
الرعاية الانفرادية والمجرّدة من جوهرها والتي قد تُسلَب منّا في أي لحظة لا تساعدنا على الازدهار. وهي مختلفة تمامًا عن الطريقة التي يسلكها البشر عند رعاية بعضهم البعض. كم سيبدو عالمنا مختلفًا إذا التزمنا بتفكيك الهياكل الرأسمالية الحالية حول صحّتنا؟ كيف سيبدو إذا أعَدنا تخيُّلَه بشكل جذريّ؟
Snippet - CSW69 - Other events - EN
Find AWID staff at these partners' events!
Snippet Kohl - Panel “un”Inclusive Feminism | AR
حلقة نقاش | النسوية “غير” الشاملة: فتيات بلا صوت في الحركة النسوية الهايتية
مع نايكي ليدان وفيدورا بيير-لوي
Filter your search by funders from different sectors i.e., philanthropic foundations, multilateral funders, women’s and feminist funds
#4 - Sexting like a feminist Tweets Snippet AR
ان كنت نسوية عن حق، فإنك سترفضين التحقير الموجّه ضد الممارسات الجنسية الغرائبيّة
تَلفَزَتُنا للثورة تحت حزامك مشروطة بطبيعة رغباتك
Snippet2 - WCFM type of funding- EN
Type of funding:
Be it core funding, programmes & projects or rapid response/ emergency grants.
Add your own propositions
Please take a look at the existing propositions for inspiration before submitting your own idea. Someone might already be thinking along the same lines! Send your proposition to contribute@awid.org.
We will review and include new propositions on this webpage as they come.
Snippet - COP30 - Links
$2.7 trillion for the military. $300 billion for climate justice. We're here to flip the script.
AWID’s Tribute is an art exhibition honouring feminists, women’s rights and social justice activists from around the world who are no longer with us.
In 2020, we are taking a turn
This year’s tribute tells stories and shares narratives about those who co-created feminist realities, have offered visions of alternatives to systems and actors that oppress us, and have proposed new ways of organising, mobilising, fighting, working, living, and learning.
49 new portraits of feminists and Women Human Rights Defenders (WHRDs) are added to the gallery. While many of those we honour have passed away due to old age or illness, too many have been killed as a result of their work and who they are.
This increasing violence (by states, corporations, organized crime, unknown gunmen...) is not only aimed at individual activists but at our joint work and feminist realities.
The stories of activists we honour keep their legacy alive and carry their inspiration forward into our movements’ future work.
The portraits of the 2020 edition are designed by award winning illustrator and animator, Louisa Bertman.
AWID would like to thank the families and organizations who shared their personal stories and contributed to this memorial. We join them in continuing the remarkable work of these activists and WHRDs and forging efforts to ensure justice is achieved in cases that remain in impunity.
“They tried to bury us. They didn’t know we were seeds.” - Mexican Proverb
The Tribute was first launched in 2012
It took shape with a physical exhibit of portraits and biographies of feminists and activists who passed away at AWID’s 12th International Forum, in Turkey. It now lives as an online gallery, updated every year.
Cuatro décadas haciendo campaña por la seguridad y los derechos de lxs trabajadorxs sexuales
Desde 1975 el English Collective of Prostitutes [Colectivo Inglés de Prostitutas, ECP] viene trabajando a nivel nacional e internacional contra la criminalización del trabajo sexual y para lograr condiciones de trabajo más seguras para lxs trabajadorxs sexuales. ECP ha respaldado a mujeres y otrxs trabajadorxs sexuales que enfrentaban cargos por prostitución, órdenes de clausura, órdenes civiles por comportamiento antisocial (ASBO por sus siglas en inglés) y por el mantenimiento de burdeles.
No somos criminales
«Somos mujeres que trabajamos o hemos trabajado en diferentes áreas de la industria del sexo - tanto en las calles como en locales.»
ECP tiene sede en el Reino Unido y hace incidencia por la abolición de las leyes que criminalizan a lxs trabajadorxs sexuales y a sus familias y por la eliminación de sus antecedentes penales. También trabaja para lograr viviendas, alternativas económicas y beneficios y sueldos más altos para que lxs trabajadorxs sexuales tengan la posibilidad de dejar ese trabajo si así lo desean.
Haciendo frente al poder del estado
La lucha por los derechos de lxs trabajadorxs sexuales ha sido continua y ya lleva varias décadas. Se requiere valentía para luchar contra leyes criminalizadoras aprobadas por autoridades estatales y aplicadas por el poder policial. La valentía que ha demostrado ECP en sus muchos años de defensa y resistencia a menudo ha dado buenos resultados.
En 1982, durante 12 días, 50 mujeres del Colectivo ocuparon una iglesia en Londres para protestar contra las acciones ilegales de la policía, y también contra la violencia y el racismo hacia lxs trabajadorxs sexuales. En 1995 y con el apoyo de Women Against Rape [Mujeres Contra la Violación], ECP ganó un caso que sentó precedente (y que fue el primer juicio por violación iniciado por una organización a título particular) después de que las autoridades declinaron procesar a un violador en serie que atentaba específicamente contra trabajadorxs sexuales. Y hace diez años, luego del asesinato de cinco mujeres en Ipswich, el colectivo lanzó la Safety First Coalition [Coalición por la Seguridad Ante Todo], una campaña en contra de la Ley sobre Delito y Vigilancia Policial que daba mayor poder a la policía para «arrestarnos por prostitución, obligarnos a ir a ‘rehabilitación’, hacer redadas en nuestros apartamentos, conseguir que nos desalojaran y robar nuestros ingresos y bienes. También criminalizaba a los clientes».
Actualmente, el Colectivo Inglés de Prostitutas se opone a la nueva Ley de Reforma de la Asistencia Social que suprime el apoyo a la renta, porque las madres y víctimas de violencia doméstica dependen de esta única prestación. Según lo que explicaron a AWID, «La mayoría de lxs trabajadorxs sexuales somos madres intentando hacer lo mejor para nuestrxs hijxs. A las madres se las debe apoyar y no atacar.»
«Estamos en contacto con trabajadorxs sexuales de todo el mundo. Nuestro punto de partida siempre ha sido la situación de aquellxs de nosotrxs que estamos en el Sur Global y de las que trabajamos en las calles, a menudo mujeres negras, otras mujeres de color y/o inmigrantes».
ECP, afiliada institucional de AWID desde 2014, también es parte del International Prostitutes Collective [Colectivo Internacional de Prostitutas].
Mira un video en el que Niki Adams del ECP habla (en inglés) sobre la despenalización del trabajo sexual en Soho.
Conéctate:
Ponte en contacto con el Colectivo Inglés de Prostitutas a través de nuestro directorio en línea o por correo electrónico a membership@awid.org.
Quarante ans de campagne pour les droits et la sécurité des travailleuses du sexe
Depuis 1975, l’English Collective of Prostitutes (ECP, le Collectif anglais des prostituées) lutte pour obtenir la décriminalisation du travail du sexe et des conditions de travail plus sûres pour les travailleuses du sexe, tant au niveau national qu’au niveau international.
L’ECP apporte son soutien à toutes les personnes vivant du travail du sexe, indépendamment de leur genre, lorsqu’elles sont poursuivies pour racolage ou pour des faits de tenue de maison close, quand elles se voient contraintes de fermer leur lieu de travail ou qu’elles sont soumises à une ordonnance pour comportement antisocial (Anti-social behaviour orders, ASBOs) .
Nous ne sommes pas des criminelles
« Nous sommes des femmes qui travaillons ou avons travaillé dans différents domaines de l’industrie du sexe, que ce soit dans la rue ou dans des établissements. »
Basé au Royaume-Uni, l’ECP milite pour que les lois qui criminalisent les travailleuses du sexe et leurs familles soient abolies, pour que les faits relatfs au travail du sexe soient supprimés du casier juduciaire et enfin pour que les travailleuses du sexe se voient offrir des alternatives en matière de logement et de développement économique ainsi que des salaires et dans les mots d'ECP, de sorte que "chacune de nous peut sortir de la prostitution si et quand nous le voulons."
Tenir tête au pouvoir de l’État
La lutte en faveur des droits des personnes qui vivent du travail du sexe est permanente et dure depuis des décennies. Il faut du courage pour résister aux lois criminalisantes adoptées par les autorités publiques et à la mise en application de celles-ci par les forces de police. Le courage de l’ECP a souvent été récompensé au cours de ces longues années de lutte et de résistance.
En 1982, 50 femmes du collectif ont occupé une église londonnienne pendant 12 jours pour protester contre les interventions illégales de la police mais aussi contre la violence et le racisme dont sont victimes des travailleurs-euses du sexe qui exercent leurs activités dans la rue. En 1995, avec le soutien de l’organisation Women against Rape (Femmes contre le viol), l’ECP a remporté une victoire qui a fait date. Cette toute première poursuite au privé pour viol avait été lancée parce que les autorités publiques avaient auparavant refusé de poursuivre un violeur en série qui ciblait les travailleuses du sexe.
Il y a dix ans, après le meurtre de cinq femmes à Ipswich, l’ECP a lancé la « Safety First Coalition » (la coalition pour la sécurité avant tout). Cette coalition a été le fer de lance d’une campagne contre la loi relative au maintien de l’ordre et à la prévention de la criminalité (le « Policing and Crime Act »), qui octroyaient des pouvoirs étendus aux policiers pour « nous arrêter pour racolage, nous contraindre à suivre des programme de réhabilitation, rafler nos appartements, nous faire expulser, voler notre argent et nos biens. Cette loi criminalisait également les clients. »
Actuellement, l’ECP fait campagne contre la loi de réforme de la protection sociale qui abolit certaines aides sociales, qui étaient les seules sources de revenu sur lesquelles les mères et les victimes de violence domestique pouvaient compter. Comme l’ECP l’a expliqué à l’AWID, « la plupart des travailleuses du sexe sont des mères qui tentent de faire de leur mieux pour leurs enfants. Il faut les protéger plutôt que les agresser ».
« Nous sommes en contact avec destravailleurs-euses du sexe dans le monde entier. Notre point de départ est toujours la situation que nous vivons dans les pays du Sud, celle que nous vivons dans les rues, alors que beaucoup d’entre nous sont des femmes noires, métisses et/ou des immigrées. »
Membre institutionnel de l’AWID depuis 2014, l’ECP fait également partie de l’International Prostitutes Collective.
Regardez une vidéo dans laquelle Niki Adams, de l’ECP, parle de la décriminalisation du travail du sexe à Soho (en anglais)
Four Decades of Campaigning for the Safety and Rights of Sex Workers
Since 1975, the English Collective of Prostitutes (ECP) has worked nationally and internationally for the decriminalisation of sex work and towards safer working conditions for sex workers. ECP has supported women and other sex workers against charges of soliciting, closure orders, Anti-social behaviour orders (ASBOs), and brothel keeping.
Not criminals
The UK based ECP campaigns for the abolition of laws which criminalize sex workers and their families, for the expunging of criminal records, as well as for housing, economic alternatives and higher benefits and wages and in ECP's words, so that "any of us can leave prostitution if and when we want."
Standing up to state power
The struggle for sex workers’ rights is a continued and decade long struggle. It takes courage to fight against criminalising laws passed by state authorities and enforced by police power. ECP’s courage has often paid off in its many years of advocacy and resistance.
For 12 days in 1982, 50 women from the Collective occupied a church in London to protest against illegal police action, violence and racism against street workers. In 1995, ECP, with the support of Women against Rape, won a landmark case (and first-ever private prosecution for rape) after the authorities declined to prosecute a serial rapist who targeted sex workers. And ten years ago, after the murder of five women in Ipswich, ECP launched the Safety First Coalition, spearheading a campaign against the Policing and Crime Act which gave police greater powers to “arrest us for soliciting, force us into “rehabilitation”, raid our flats, get us evicted, and steal our earnings and property. It also criminalised clients."
Currently the English Collective of Prostitutes is opposing the new Welfare Reform law which abolishes income support as this is the only benefit that mothers and victims of domestic violence rely on. As ECP tells AWID, “Most sex workers are mothers trying to do our best for our children. Mothers should be supported not attacked.”
“We are in touch with sex workers all over the world. The situation of those of us in the Global South and those of us who work the streets, often black women, other women of colour and/or immigrant women, has always been our starting point.”
ECP, an AWID institutional member since 2014, is also part of the International Prostitutes Collective.
Watch Niki Adams of ECP talk about decriminalisation of sex work in Soho.
Feminismo, maternidad y la lucha por la igualdad de género
«En nuestra lucha por la igualdad, tendemos a olvidar que las mujeres también son madres (si así lo deciden). No deberíamos sentirnos avergonzadas por tener la capacidad de dar a luz a un ser humano. Los derechos de las madres son también parte de los derechos de las mujeres. Ser madre y feminista no es una contradicción», dice Aleksandra Miletić-Šantić, abogada y madre soltera de tres hijas/os.
Aleksandra es oriunda de Mostar, Bosnia y Herzegovina (BH). Actualmente vive y trabaja en Sarajevo como la persona de contacto en BH para el programa Human Rights Education for Legal Professionals [Formación en Derechos Humanos para Profesionales del Derecho] del Consejo de Europa. Aleksandra también es especialista en el seguimiento y evaluación de programas de desarrollo.
El período que va de 1992 a 1995 fue tumultuoso en una Bosnia y Herzegovina devastada por la guerra. Aleksandra trabajó en la estación de radio War Studio [Estudio de Guerra] de Mostar como corresponsal para la Radio-Televisión BH de Sarajevo. Era una estación de radio multiétnica que había sido creada con el objetivo de ser una fuente de optimismo para la ciudadanía y de preservar la vida cultural y artística en una situación anormal, pero que fue atacada y posteriormente cerrada. En 1993, la estación fue destruida para siempre cuando incendiaron el edificio que ocupaba junto al Cuartel General del Ejército de BH.
Su experiencia como periodista y como mujer joven que vivió durante un conflicto armado ha hecho que hoy día Aleksandra sea una ferviente defensora de la consolidación de la paz. En su actual rol como profesional, trabaja en la implementación de la Resolución 1325 del Consejo de Seguridad de las Naciones Unidas (ONU) sobre Mujeres, Paz y Seguridad. Aleksandra ha diseñado y facilitado programas de capacitación sobre género y seguridad y colabora con la Oficina de ONU Mujeres en BH para apoyar a los organismos estatales que se ocupan del género en la implementación de la Resolución 1325 a nivel nacional.
«En un mundo ideal, ser feminista sería simplemente una cuestión de decencia, ya que sería considerado normal que todas las personas tuvieran los mismos derechos y libertades. Esto incluiría todos los derechos—civiles, sociales, económicos y políticos.»
Durante los últimos quince años, Aleksandra ha trabajado para mejorar los derechos humanos en BH y ha sido una de las asesoras pioneras en temas de género para las misiones de la Política Común de Seguridad y Defensa de la Unión Europea (UE). En su rol como asesora en género para la Misión de Policía de la UE en BH, Aleksandra introdujo el plan de acción para la transversalización de género como una herramienta enfocada a mejorar la situación del personal femenino al interno de la organización, al mismo tiempo que incorporaba temas de género en el mandato de la Misión para sus actividades en BH.
El sueño de Aleksandra por lograr un mundo mejor es lo que la impulsa a hacer el trabajo que hace:
«Mi sueño es un mundo donde todas las personas puedan alcanzar su máximo potencial y donde nadie sepa lo que son la pobreza o la inseguridad. Lamentablemente, tantos años después de haber adoptado las herramientas básicas de derechos humanos todavía hay personas que no tienen la libertad de elegir de qué forma quieren vivir.»
Aleksandra es afiliada a AWID desde febrero de 2014.
«Me afilié a AWID porque su misión y la forma en que la implementan coinciden totalmente con mis ideales. También valoro la forma como AWID trata a su membresía, prestando la debida atención a cada una/o, independientemente de quienes sean. Eso hace todas/os sientan que son agentes de cambio importantes.”
Féminisme, maternité et combat pour l’égalité de genre
« Dans notre combat pour l’égalité, nous avons tendance à oublier que les femmes sont aussi des mères (si elles ont choisi de l’être). Nous ne devons pas avoir honte de notre capacité à donner naissance à un être humain. Les droits des mères font aussi partie des droits des femmes. Être une mère et être une féministe n’est pas contradictoire », affirme Aleksandra Miletić-Šantić, une avocate qui élève seule ses trois enfants.
Aleksandra est originaire de Mostar en Bosnie-Herzégovine. Elle vit actuellement à Sarajevo, où elle exerce en tant que point focal du Programme de formation aux droits de l’homme pour les professionnels du droit du Conseil de l’Europe. Elle est aussi spécialiste du suivi et de l’évaluation des programmes de développement.
Lors de la tourmente des années 1992-1995, pendant lesquelles la Bosnie-Herzégovine était déchirée par la guerre, Aleksandra était correspondante au War Studio de Mostar pour la Radio-télévision nationale basée à Sarajevo. Ce studio pluriethnique avait été créé dans l’objectif de redonner espoir aux habitants de la ville et il contribuait aux efforts pour préserver une vie culturelle et artistique malgré les conditions anormales. Le studio a dû fermer suite à un attentat, et en 1993 il a été complètement détruit lorsque l’immeuble dans lequel il se trouvait, qui abritait également le quartier général de l’armée de Bosnie-Herzégovine, a été incendié.
Son passé de journaliste et le conflit armé qu’elle a vécu alors qu’elle était une jeune femme ont fait d’elle une militante passionnée de la construction de la paix. De par ses fonctions actuelles elle participe activement à la mise en œuvre de la Résolution 1325 du Conseil de Sécurité de l’ONU sur les femmes, la paix et la sécurité. Elle a conçu et organisé des programmes de formation sur le genre et la sécurité, et elle collabore avec le Bureau de ONU Femmes en Bosnie-Herzégovine pour que soient créés des mécanismes de genre au niveau national favorisant la mise en œuvre de la Résolution 1325.
« Dans un monde idéal, être féministe serait la moindre des corrections car il serait considéré comme normal que toutes et tous aient les mêmes droits et les mêmes libertés. Tous les droits - civils, sociaux, économiques et politiques. »
Ces 15 dernières années, Aleksandra a œuvré à l’amélioration des droits humains en Bosnie-Herzégovine, et elle a été l’une des toutes premières conseillères en matière de genre auprès des missions de la Politique de sécurité et de défense commune (PSDC) de l’Union Européenne (UE). En tant que conseillère en matière de genre auprès de la Mission de police de l’Union européenne (MPUE) en Bosnie-Herzégovine, elle a mis en place un plan d’action pour l’intégration de la dimension du genre ; un outil axé sur l’amélioration du statut du personnel féminin, et qui visait aussi à intégrer la question du genre dans les activités entreprises par la MPUE au titre de son mandat en Bosnie-Herzégovine.
Aleksandra rêve d’un monde meilleur et c’est ce qui la motive dans sa vie professionnelle :
« Je rêve d’un monde où chacune et chacun pourra réaliser pleinement son potentiel, où personne ne connaîtra la pauvreté et l’insécurité. Malheureusement, alors qu’il y tant d’années que les instruments des droits humains fondamentaux ont été mis en place, le mode de vie n’est toujours pas une affaire de choix personnel. »
Aleksandra est membre de l’AWID depuis février 2014.
« Je suis devenue membre de l’AWID car sa mission et la façon dont elle la met en œuvre correspondent en tout point à mon idéal. J’apprécie aussi la façon dont l’AWID traite ses membres, en accordant la même attention à chacun d’entre eux sans aucun préjugé. Grâce à cela, chaque membre se sent un acteur/une actrice important-e du changement. »
Feminism, motherhood and the struggle for gender equality
“In our struggle for equality, we tend to forget that women are also mothers (if they chose to be). We should not be ashamed of our ability to give birth to a human being. The rights of mothers are also women's rights. Being a mother and a feminist is not a contradiction” says Aleksandra Miletić-Šantić, a lawyer and single mother of three children.
Aleksandra is originally from Mostar in Bosnia and Herzegovina (BH). She currently lives and works in Sarajevo as a BH focal point person for the Council of Europe’s Human Education for Legal Professionals Programme. She is also a specialist in the Monitoring and Evaluation of Development Programmes.
The years 1992-1995 was a tumultuous period in war torn Bosnia and Herzegovina when Aleksandra worked as a War Studio of Mostar correspondent for the Sarajevo-based Radio-Television BH. The multi-ethnic Studio had been created with the goal of being a source of optimism to citizens and as part of an attempt to preserve cultural and artistic life under abnormal conditions. This studio was attacked and subsequently closed. In 1993 it was permanently destroyed when the building it occupied with the Headquarters of the BH Army was set on fire.
Aleksandra’s journalistic background and experience of living through armed conflict as a young woman has made her a passionate advocate for peace building.
In her current professional capacity she works on the implementation of the United Nations (UN) Security Council Resolution 1325 on Women, Peace and Security. She has designed and facilitated training programs on gender and security, and also engages with the UN Women Office in BH to support national gender mechanisms in the implementation of the Resolution 1325.
“In the ideal world, being a feminist would be a matter of decency as it would be considered normal that all people have the same rights and liberties. That would include all rights - civil, social, economic and political.”
For the past 15 years, Aleksandra has been working on the improvement of human rights in BH, and was one of the pioneer gender advisors for the Common Security and Defence Policy missions of the European Union (EU).
In her role as gender advisor for the EU Police Mission (EUPM) in BH she introduced the action plan for gender mainstreaming as a tool that focuses on improving the internal position of women staff members, while integrating gender in the EUPM mandate activities in BH.
Aleksandra’s dream of a better world drives her in the work she does:
“My dream is a world where everybody will be able to achieve their full potential, where not a single person will know about poverty or insecurity. Sadly, so many years after the adoption of basic human rights instruments, a way of life is still not a matter of individual choice.”
Aleksandra has been an AWID member since February 2014.
“I have become an AWID member as its mission and the way it is implemented strongly correspondents to my ideals. I also cherish the way AWID treats its members by paying due attention to every single member regardless of any basis. It makes every member feel as an important actor of change.”
WE-Change: faire entendre les voix des femmes LBT dans les Caraïbes
Dans les Caraïbes, le plaidoyer en faveur de la reconnaissance et du respect des droits des personnes lesbiennes, gaies, bisexuelles et trans* (LGBT) s’effectue dans un climat homophobe, transphobe et non-inclusif.
L’organisation Women’s Empowerment for Change - WE-Change (l’autonomisation des femmes pour le changement), membre de l’AWID depuis sa création en mai 2015, œuvre pour sensibiliser et défendre les droits des femmes lesbiennes, bisexuelles et trans* (LBT) en Jamaïque et dans les Caraïbes. Cette organisation communautaire est dirigée par des femmes. Sur la base du constat que la majorité des espaces dédiés à la sensibilisation en faveur des personnes lesbiennes, gaies, bisexuelles et trans* (LGBT) sont dominés par et centrés sur les hommes et que les femmes y sont souvent marginalisées, une vingtaine de femmes LBT ont créé WE-Change, avec l’objectif de renforcer le mouvement des femmes au sein de la communauté LGBT et d’augmenter la participation des femmes LBT aux actions de plaidoyer et de sensibilisation en faveur de la justice sociale en Jamaïque et dans la région.
« De plus en plus de personnes lesbiennes, gaies, bisexuelles et trans* (LGBT) se mobilisent pour faire valoir leurs droits, pour l’égalité devant la loi, pour l’équité en matière de services et de protection sociale et exigent d’être traitées avec la dignité qui leur est due. Je suis une de ces personnes LGBT et je m’engage en faveur de l’élimination de tout forme de stigmatisation et de discrimination contre ma communauté en général et contre les femmes de ma communauté en particulier. » Latoya Nugent, Co-fondatrice et Directrice associée de WE-Change
Deux mois à peine après sa création, le groupe a déjà organisé des ateliers de formation sur les aspects juridiques de la violence domestique, une formation de formatrices sur la manière de traiter et de répondre à la violence basée sur le genre et à la violence dans les relations intimes, ainsi qu’une formation sur la loi relative à la violence domestique. Ces sessions ont été co-organisée avec le Jamaica Forum of Lesbians, All-Sexuals and Gays ou J-FLAG (forum jamaïcain des personnes lesbiennes, bisexuelles et gaies). Découvrez ce que les participantes en ont pensé. (en anglais)
« WE-Change envisage une société où les droits de chaque personne sont reconnus, respectés, et protégés et où les responsables et le personnel soignant s’engagent à créer un environnement propice dans lequel chaque personne peut contribuer au développement durable de la Jamaïque. »
En parallèle de la création d’espaces alternatifs et sécurisants pour que la communauté LBT puisse s’exprimer et pour faire reculer l’homophobie et la transphobie, WE-Change promeut également le souci de soi et le bien-être grâce à des cours de danse, de yoga et des sessions de fitness intensives. Pendant les ‘dancerobics’ par exemple, les participantes ont pu apprendre « des mouvements de danse sur les nouveaux tubes de soca et de dancehall ». Pour célébrer l’amour pendant la #Pride2015, les femmes de WE-Change ont réalisé cette vidéo (en anglais) car #LoveWins (l’amour triomphe) !
WE-Change: Stronger voices of LBT women in the Caribbean
Across the Caribbean, advocacy for the recognition and fulfillment of Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual and Transgender (LGBT) rights occur in a non-inclusive, homophobic and transphobic context.
Women’s Empowerment for Change (WE-Change), an AWID member since their launch in May 2015, works on raising awareness and defending the rights of lesbian, bisexual and transgender (LBT) women in Jamaica and the Caribbean. The organisation is women-led and community-based. Recognising that LGBT advocacy spaces in the Caribbean are largely dominated by and focused on men - and women are often marginalized -, 20 LBT women founded WE-Change with the aim of strengthening the women’s movement within the LGBT community and increasing the participation of LBT women in social justice advocacy in Jamaica and the region.
“More and more LGBT people [are] standing for their rights, for equality before the law, for equity in social services and protection, and demanding that they be treated with the inherent dignity with which they were born. I am one of those LGBT people. And I remain committed to eliminating all forms of stigma and discrimination against my community in general and against the women in my community in particular.” – Latoya Nugent, Co-founder and Associate Director of WE-Change
Within just a couple of months of existence, the group organised legal literacy training sessions on domestic violence, training of facilitators on responding to and addressing gender-based violence and intimate partner violence, and a training on the Domestic Violence Act. Hosted in partnership with the Jamaica Forum of Lesbians, All-Sexuals and Gays (J-FLAG), watch what these participants had to say.
”WE-Change envisions a society where the rights of every person are recognised, respected, and protected, and where duty bearers and caregivers commit to creating an enabling environment for every person to contribute to the sustainable development of Jamaica.”
While working on creating alternative and safe spaces for the vocalisation of the LBT community and reducing homophobia and transphobia, WE-Change also promotes self-care and wellness through dance, yoga and fitness boot camp classes. During the ‘dancerobics’ for example participants were taught “several dance moves to the tune of new soca and dancehall hits.” And to celebrate love during #Pride2015, the women of WE-Change made this video because #LoveWins!
Our 2009 Annual Report includes highlights of another busy year of action and reflection at AWID as we implement our commitment to boldly, creatively and effectively contribute to the advancement of women’s rights and gender equality worldwide.
In the report you can find out about our programmatic achievements, membership, finances, what to watch out for in 2010, as well as information about our Board and Staff.
