Anit-Racism Movement (ARM) / Flickr (CC BY-NC-ND 2.0)
Priority Areas
Supporting feminist, women’s rights and gender justice movements to thrive, to be a driving force in challenging systems of oppression, and to co-create feminist realities.
Around the world, feminist, women’s rights, and allied movements are confronting power and reimagining a politics of liberation. The contributions that fuel this work come in many forms, from financial and political resources to daily acts of resistance and survival.
AWID’s Resourcing Feminist Movements (RFM) Initiative shines a light on the current funding ecosystem, which range from self-generated models of resourcing to more formal funding streams.
Through our research and analysis, we examine how funding practices can better serve our movements. We critically explore the contradictions in “funding” social transformation, especially in the face of increasing political repression, anti-rights agendas, and rising corporate power. Above all, we build collective strategies that support thriving, robust, and resilient movements.
Our Actions
Recognizing the richness of our movements and responding to the current moment, we:
Create and amplify alternatives: We amplify funding practices that center activists’ own priorities and engage a diverse range of funders and activists in crafting new, dynamic models for resourcing feminist movements, particularly in the context of closing civil society space.
Build knowledge: We explore, exchange, and strengthen knowledge about how movements are attracting, organizing, and using the resources they need to accomplish meaningful change.
Advocate: We work in partnerships, such as the Count Me In! Consortium, to influence funding agendas and open space for feminist movements to be in direct dialogue to shift power and money.
Related Content
Posso entrar em contacto se tiver dúvidas ou questões?
Se tiver alguma dúvida ou questão, entre em contacto connosco através deste formulário, indicando "Inquérito WITM" (WITM Survey) no título da sua mensagem.
Yo, Imposible / Being Impossible Watch Party Participation Guide
A complex and evolving network of anti-rights actors is exerting increasing influence in international spaces as well as domestic politics. Often backed by obscure funding, these actors build tactic alliances across issues, regions, and faiths to increase their impact.
We are witnessing fascist and fundamentalist actors that, while nationalist in their discourse, are completely transnational in their ideological underpinnings, political alliances, and networks of financing. In some cases these groups are backed by obscure funding flows, linked with big business, or far-right political parties. However, they also create strategic alliances, including, in some cases, with segments of the feminist and women’s rights movements, and distance themselves from more outwardly extreme elements to appear more legitimate. Anti-rights actors are also spreading and replicating their brand of anti-rights organizing - be that campaigning and lobbying or strategic litigation - across the globe.
Table of Contents
CitizenGo
Alliance Defending Freedom (ADF)
Funding of Anti-rights Actors
The Links Between Anti-trans Feminists and Christian Fundamentalists
Exercise: Let’s Map the Landscape
Movement Resistance Story: Catolicadas, a Powerful Communication Tool to Promote Gender Equality and Sexual and Reproductive Rights
📅 Friday, March 14, 2025
🕒 12.00-2.00pm EST
🏢 Blue Gallery, The Blue Building, 222 East 46th Street
🎙️Facilitated by: Gopika Bashi, AWID Director of Programs
Organizer: Count Me In! Consortium
Moving Conversation
Thank you, Ángela and Pilar.
Yannia Sofía Garzón Valencia I am a Black woman and a community weaver. I live in Santander de Quilichao in Cauca, Colombia. I am interested in the creative processes that organize sustainable collective life. I like exchanging thoughts and cooking, investigating and analyzing, planting seeds and learning from plants, reading and playing. I am currently coordinating the observatory of gender-based violence against afro-descendant communities in Colombia (@VigiaAfro).
The three of us were “sharing” the afternoon in a neighborhood south of Bogota.
There was an unusually large green playing area and we sat on little wooden stools under an elderberry tree. We were finally experiencing that other form of love – that pleasure of being together and listening to each other. For me, these kinds of chats are among the expressions of love that life had only recently allowed me to enjoy. I had not known this other form of love – the kinds found outside workshops, activist spaces, classrooms, or workplaces – to be possible. Yet we three friends spent the afternoon amongst ourselves and we did not pretend to be blind to the color of our respective skins. Rather, it was a lived factor that allowed us to intimately discuss the similarities and differences in our childhood and youthful experiences.
Those chats were unrelated to any upcoming activities of the Black movement in Colombia, but they still nourish me and acquire new meanings. Our closeness was woven through coming together, recognizing each other, and identifying the uniqueness of our liberations. And by realizing there is not just one but many paths to liberation – those paths we inhabited every time we said “no” and rebelled. Far from feeling discomfort, we met in an authenticity made of weakness and strength, one which brought us closer instead of separating us.
Our purpose on that beautiful afternoon was to just be – to have an awareness of simply being amongst ourselves. We walked through our pasts so that the memories that stayed with us were those we decided to keep as ours, and not those that fear let through and found a place for. We remembered exact fragments of TV shows, and sang songs written by artists who had taught us about loving well, hating well, cursing like the worst villain, and suffering like the best leading lady.
We told each other about our school pranks, and what remained in our subconscious after being exposed to the many ways the media repeats the same thing – after the teachers and nuns at school overexposed us to stories so that we would identify with and appropriate Cinderella’s aspirations for our own lives. This would set the tone for the rest of our story: the drama of the impoverished and diminished girl who is yet to achieve her full value through an act that redeems her condition. And that act can only be brought about by the gaze of a male who, at the very least, is white, hence deserving of what is between our thighs – his “main aspiration” – and the “perfect realization of our dreams,” which we are told should then be our main aspiration.
There were three of us there that afternoon. Each had been brought up in a different part of the country, but it was fascinating that we could all still quote fragments and situations from songs and soap operas that often – as we realized by getting to know each other – shared codes or symbols that were replicated, with a few variations, in our homes, in our first relationships, and in our neighborhoods and schools. Brought up by “dramas” (is that what that very successful genre is called?) where the more you suffer, the more you deserve, the issue of “how and in which situations it is acceptable and legitimate to suffer” becomes an important mandate on how the person who suffers should be seen, what they should do, and whom they should be. Some of us managed to liberate ourselves and “learn” a definition of love that could only be learnt in adulthood, shattering illusions, and accepting natural sin. And becoming aware of the industrial production of a virgin, which we may refuse to look like as she has no place in our understanding, and the disappointment this alienation brings.
After singing, we reviewed our early sexual explorations. I never thought that most people experienced them before the age of nine and that even in adulthood, those experiences, those memories, remain a heavy burden. Even today, in thousands of places, millions of girls and boys see their innocence curtailed by lack of trust and the ignorance we present them with when they try to explore their bodies. Blaming curiosity is a most efficient control mechanism. We went back to the brief conversations we had when we changed the history of our lives from cursed Black beings to a perspective that rebirthed us. We remembered how many of our aunts and female cousins left their homes, their core, their roots, to seek a future outside, elsewhere.
The future comes with a price: it demands that those relationships that marked our childhood are reshaped and confined to oblivion. They are our foundations, but they are not relevant if we want to move ahead. For us, advancing was to learn by heart what we do to ourselves with the opportunities we find elsewhere. That it is elsewhere, and not within us, that opportunities lie, that we are available, that we need to be outside. However, for many of our aunts and female cousins, the few opportunities to enroll and stay in an evening class or take a sabbatical from domestic work were paid for by becoming the first sexual experience of relatives living in the future. A future for which others before them had also paid for, and whose price they had already forgotten. The demand for this payment arrived with the same inevitability as a public utility service bill. We will not take up that legacy.
In Colombia and Latin America, there was an etiquette manual called La urbanidad de Carreño (Carreño’s Etiquette Manual). It was mandatory reading until the 90s in both public and private schools. The manual conditioned how bodies were perceived and my mother, taken in and brought up by Carmelite nuns, knew it by heart. The first time I read it I had to stop more than once to rub my stomach, which hurt from laughing so much. It has ridiculous instructions such as: take a shower with your eyes closed and turn off the lights to wear your nightclothes. Different chapters address how one is to behave at home, in the street, and during a dinner or lunch party – in short, the norms of good taste and etiquette. The ethical core of good citizens was the urbanity that allowed one to distance oneself from rural life. The same manual indicated that shouting a greeting to an acquaintance on the other side of the street was indecorous; good manners dictate that you must cross the street. By the same token, men must remove their coats and place them over puddles of water if accompanying a woman whose shoes should not get wet. I thought about greeting someone across a river, and how it is so hot where we live that we don’t require coats.
"She learned that to care for her belly, she needed to keep her tissues warm, to avoid the cold that comes through the soft spot on the top of the head, through the feet, the ears, so it would not hurt particularly at moontime. For that, you need to be careful about what you eat and what you don’t eat, how you dress and how you walk, as all that has to do with girls’ health. The woman elder says that, from her devoted grandfather, she learnt that cramps became more common when houses no longer had floors made of mud and/or wood. When concrete and tiles came, when the material making up the house allowed the cold to come in through the feet, tension also grew in the belly tissue."
The manual’s author, Mr. Carreño is the opposite of the grandfather of a woman elder born in Turbo. She told me once that her grandfather was a wise man, that he told her about birthing and how to take care of her body. She learned that to care for her belly, she needed to keep her tissues warm, to avoid the cold that comes through the soft spot on the top of the head, through the feet, the ears, so it would not hurt, particularly at moontime. For that, you need to be careful about what you eat, how you dress, and how you walk, as all that has to do with a girl’s health. The woman elder said that, from her devoted grandfather, she learnt that cramps became more common when houses no longer had floors made of mud and/or wood. When concrete and tiles came, when the material making up the house allowed the cold to come in through the feet, tensions in the belly tissue also grew.
Surprised again. Such a distance between Don Carreño and the wise grandfather in terms of being aware of life – as distant as the mandates of proper behavior that stifle your impulses and senses, even the most common sense that values health. At that moment, I was able to understand one of the many ways that concrete obstructs the earth’s breathing, and our own as part of her. I had not realized there was, and still is, the architecture and materials for taking care of our bodies. In Colombia, as well as in other countries, the materials used to make houses are taken as indicators of multidimensional poverty. A house built with concrete moves the home away from being considered poor. This is just one disappointing example of how progress pushes us to abandon the relationship between our environment and our body. Good taste and urbanity pushes us outside: to move forward, they lie, you have to go out there.
It bothered us to realize that neither our mothers nor fathers had spoken to us about menstruation, except when the brown stain had already smeared our knickers. They failed to preserve us from the shame that was supposed to be a natural feeling once menstruation had come. Along with menstruation came the belly cramps often endured in silence, because there was work to be done; some cramps were due to cysts, hematomas, or fibroids that killed the grandmothers who had discovered and forgotten the healing treatments, and then were forgotten themselves. That our mothers and fathers’ breaths turned colder and colder, but the Outside froze familiarity and, instead of warming our bellies, passed judgment with advice similar to warnings of the only thing men care about. This was applied to all men – legitimizing the plundering role of the phallus, as if its only option was to take what we have between our legs. The multiple versions of that truth were replaced by an unmovable and deeply-set naturalization: telling all women that we must preserve ourselves for one of them, for the one that will first introduce his penis inside us, for the one that will give us something in exchange, and that we are women only because we aspire to and let him put it inside us. As a girl I explored little penises and clitorises and, in between games among girls, the question was whispered: whose turn is it to play man and whose turn is it to play woman? And the answer: the beginnings of little orgasms, regardless of with whom. I guess the same must happen among male bodies.
The experiences and explorations of our aunts, female cousins, and acquaintances focused on the body and its nudity as taboo. They avoided expressing and naming it, to the point of covering it up, assigning new names to its excreting, expelling, procreating, and, just for us women, its receiving functions. Once I heard a woman elder in a workshop say that when she was living with her grandmother, her memory was of this old woman sleeping with one eye open, the other closed, and a rifle by the mattress. The softest night sound was enough for her to grab the rifle and aim. This is a common situation in the Colombian Pacific, where some harmful behaviors are normalized. Married and single men who like a young woman would enter her room at night – we call it gateada. It was a risk: if those with authority in the home realized what was happening, abuse or not, the man could be hurt or even killed.
This practice of taking the law into one’s own hands has failed to put an end to gateadas, even today. In that same workshop – as I kept telling my sisters – other participants said that neither they nor their mothers would leave their daughters alone with their fathers at bath time, unless the girls were wearing underwear. I remembered then my father’s voice saying, when I was seven, your mother never let me bathe you. After sharing this, another woman responded that, in contrast, her father would give her a bath naked in the courtyard of her childhood home until she turned seven, and then her eldest brother did it until she turned nine. She never felt anything strange in the way they looked at her; for them, it was just another task in caring for the most spoiled child in the home. She remembered being seen for what she was: a daughter child, a sister child, who did not like the water.
Once again childhoods, yesterday and today. We were surprised by that story, and it comforted us. Even I had seen things being different elsewhere; my daughter’s father bathed her in the tub until she was almost two. Even before turning two, he would give her a few soft slaps upwards on her bum, to make it bigger, as he said. Here, we could also speak of other dimensions of how we construct our bodies, but that is a different story. For me, it was one care task, among many, that we agreed to divide between ourselves before the baby was born. And the decision to not see every man as a lurking rapist does not mean they are not rapists, but instead that they can stop being so. There are also men and male bodies that have been brought up to never be rapists.
This is still happening. It happened to a friend of ours and to my own daughter. I thought: how can it be that some women are coupled with men they cannot trust to care for their daughters? I am sure that my mum loved my dad. And even though we seldom speak about the woman she was before becoming my mum, I know her experiences of abuse cannot be compared to the brutality and over-tolerance of those of today. But that is still a decision many women in many places make, and that leads to other questions. How often, how repeated were cases of abuse in our extended families to make women openly, or in indiscernible ways, forbid their partners from bathing their daughters? Is it related to the media overexposure we are subject to almost from birth? What makes family ties blur and turn into just bodily-satisfaction exchanges? Is it the proximity to urban values that cares so much about the right shapes of female bodies as objects of desire, and pushes male bodies to behave like owners and conquerors, fulfilling the mandate to mimic media representations so they feel safe in their identity? Is it concrete and other codes, like the Carreño etiquette, that sustain it? Is it encouraged by the need to forget certain relationships as the price of progress, that insistence on “doing for the outside?” What happens to what we learned in our times, those of us who, in secret or not, undertook sexual explorations as children? Were they erased by guilt? Were they the seeds of mistrust and shame in nudity? Were they the seeds of mistrust and shame of being inside oneself? Indeed, aren’t these learnings possibilities to trust in, understand the nudity of bodies as part of respecting oneself and others? These questions emerge in trusted spaces, where the fear to say what one thinks and feels is driven away by the intention of accompaniment. I imagine how many of us there are in all corners of this planet and I am certain these are not new questions, that messages in them are repeated, and that we find ourselves living the answers.
ExploreTransnational Embodiments
This journal edition in partnership with Kohl: a Journal for Body and Gender Research, will explore feminist solutions, proposals and realities for transforming our current world, our bodies and our sexualities.
نصدر النسخة هذه من المجلة بالشراكة مع «كحل: مجلة لأبحاث الجسد والجندر»، وسنستكشف عبرها الحلول والاقتراحات وأنواع الواقع النسوية لتغيير عالمنا الحالي وكذلك أجسادنا وجنسانياتنا.
Filter for funders that support initiatives in your geographical area.
Love letter to Feminist Movements #1
Dear gorgeous beings,
I know you are so close. You can feel it can't you? How things need to shift and you need to centre yourself.
This is a letter to tell you to do it. Choose your healing. Choose to be OK. Better than OK. Choose to be whole, to be happy. To cry tears for yourself and no one else. Choose to shut out the world and tell them that 'you will be back in 5 mins'. Or five days. Or five years.
Or never.
Choose to not take it all on. Choose to take none of it on. Because none of it is yours. It was never yours. They told you since you were born that it was yours. Your family's problems. Your lovers' problems. Your neighbours' problems. The globe's problems. The constant whisper that these problems belong to you. They are yours. Yours to hold, yours to shoulder. Yours to fix.
That was a lie.
A bamboozle
A long con.
A scam.
The problems of the universe are not yours.
The only problems that are yours are your own. Everyone else can take a hike.
Allow yourself to drop everything and sprint off into the jungle. Befriend a daisy clad nymph, start a small library in the roots of a tree. Dance naked and howl at the moonlight. Converse with Oshun at the river bed.
Or simply drink a cup of tea when you need to take a moment to breathe.
Give yourself permission to disappear into the mist and reappear three countries over as a mysterious chocolatier with a sketchy past and penchant for dramatic cloaks and cigars.
Or stop answering work calls on weekends.
Let yourself swim to deserted island with a lover and dress only in the coconut shells from coconut rum that you make and sip at sunset.
Or say no when you don't have the capacity to create space for someone.
The options for holding yourself are endless.
Whatever you do, know the world will always keep spinning. That's the beauty and the pain of it. No matter who or what you choose over yourself and your soul the world will always keep spinning.
Therefore, choose you.
In the morning when that first light hits, choose you. When it’s lunchtime and it’s time to cry on company time, choose you. In the evening, when you are warming up leftovers because you didn’t have time to cook again, choose you. When anxiety wakes you up and existence is silent at 3:45 am.
Choose you.
Because the world will always keep twirling on a tilt and you deserve to have someone always trying to make it right side up for you.
Explore and share the databases with your network now!
AWID at CSW67: a Portal to Feminist Power
Imagine opening a door which takes you into a conversation with feminist activists in other continents. This portal will transcend the barriers of UN CSW by pushing beyond language barriers, unaffordable travel, unequal protection from COVID19, and racist visa regimes.
This week, we’re putting a virtual spin on CSW by connecting and amplifying feminist activists' voices, to challenge the discriminatory barriers that limit participation and influence. By setting up connecting “portals” in New York City, Nairobi & Bangalore, we'll host a physical-virtual hybrid space for feminists to connect their struggles and build collective power.
Resisting Ecofascisms: A cross-movement dialogue at COP30
How movements are resisting fascist agendas in relation to climate change.
📅 Tuesday, November 11, 2025 📍 Beira Rio Hotel, Belém, Pará
The 2026 AWID Feminist Calendar
Consider this calendar a gift, one that goes out to you and 9,500 members of our global feminist community. A gift of hope, renewed connection, action and community in a time of immense injustice and violence.
Let its stories remind you that across borders and struggles, we are many, we are powerful, and together we are building the worlds we deserve.
WHRDs are self-identified women and lesbian, bisexual, transgender, queer and intersex (LBTQI) people and others who defend rights and are subject to gender-specific risks and threats due to their human rights work and/or as a direct consequence of their gender identity or sexual orientation.
WHRDs are subject to systematic violence and discrimination due to their identities and unyielding struggles for rights, equality and justice.
The WHRD Program collaborates with international and regional partners as well as the AWID membership to raise awareness about these risks and threats, advocate for feminist and holistic measures of protection and safety, and actively promote a culture of self-care and collective well being in our movements.
Risks and threats targeting WHRDs
WHRDs are exposed to the same types of risks that all other defenders who defend human rights, communities, and the environment face. However, they are also exposed to gender-based violence and gender-specific risks because they challenge existing gender norms within their communities and societies.
By defending rights, WHRDs are at risk of:
Physical assault and death
Intimidation and harassment, including in online spaces
Judicial harassment and criminalization
Burnout
A collaborative, holistic approach to safety
We work collaboratively with international and regional networks and our membership
to raise awareness about human rights abuses and violations against WHRDs and the systemic violence and discrimination they experience
to strengthen protection mechanisms and ensure more effective and timely responses to WHRDs at risk
We work to promote a holistic approach to protection which includes:
emphasizing the importance of self-care and collective well being, and recognizing that what care and wellbeing mean may differ across cultures
documenting the violations targeting WHRDs using a feminist intersectional perspective;
promoting the social recognition and celebration of the work and resilience of WHRDs ; and
building civic spaces that are conducive to dismantling structural inequalities without restrictions or obstacles
Our Actions
We aim to contribute to a safer world for WHRDs, their families and communities. We believe that action for rights and justice should not put WHRDs at risk; it should be appreciated and celebrated.
Promoting collaboration and coordination among human rights and women’s rights organizations at the international level to strengthen responses concerning safety and wellbeing of WHRDs.
Supporting regional networks of WHRDs and their organizations, such as the Mesoamerican Initiative for WHRDs and the WHRD Middle East and North Africa Coalition, in promoting and strengthening collective action for protection - emphasizing the establishment of solidarity and protection networks, the promotion of self-care, and advocacy and mobilization for the safety of WHRDs;
Increasing the visibility and recognition of WHRDs and their struggles, as well as the risks that they encounter by documenting the attacks that they face, and researching, producing, and disseminating information on their struggles, strategies, and challenges:
Mobilizing urgent responses of international solidarity for WHRDs at risk through our international and regional networks, and our active membership.
Related Content
Mobilizing for Women and Girl Victims of War Violence in the DRC
Mobilizing for Women and Girl Victims of War Violence in the DRC
The organization l’Initiatives des Femmes en Situations Difficiles pour le Développement Intégré (Initiatives of Women in Difficult Situations for Integrated Development, IFESIDI) became an AWID member in 2012, which they consider “a network through which IFESIDI could benefit from lots of experience in the area of promoting and protecting women’s rights.”
“Together in the fight for women’s and girls’ rights!”
For over twenty years, the wars affecting eastern Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) have been at the root of massive human rights violations – particularly the rights of women, girls and children – including rape and other forms of violence against women and girls. The appropriation of their resources and their consequent impoverishment, as well as being placed in a vulnerable situations from displacement following attacks in their village, all contribute to a precarious situation for women and girls. Faced with this reality, IFESIDI was created in 2002 to improve the social conditions of women and girl victims of violence related to war, including those living in rural areas; and to promote and protect their rights. This non-denominational non-profit is composed of 35 members, its activities covering at least the whole of the South Kivu province in eastern DRC. With the slogan “Together in the fight for women’s and girls’ rights!” IFESIDI hopes that Congolese women and girls can one day live in dignity.
Strengthening the Economic and Educational Capacities of Women Victims of War
In addition to counselling services for women and girl victims of violence in different spheres – namely domestic, academic and professional – the organization is currently conducting an economic and educational capacity building program for women victims of war. The program includes job training, related to, among others, artisan soap making, fabric cutting and sewing.
One of the beneficiaries of the program explains: “Before being invited by IFESIDI and being trained, I was carrying heavy bags of sand for construction workers in the city of Bukavu, going back and forth with these bags on my back all day long. The displaced woman that I am in this city, without financial resources, I was without any hope to continue to live and no one looked at me when I passed by… But today, thanks to IFESIDI, I can talk, I can pass by and people will know that it’s “mama” Ponga Musema who is passing by!”
Mobilizing as part of the 16 Days of Activism
As part of the 16 Days of Activism against Gender-Based Violence campaign, which begins on 25 November and ends 10 December, IFESIDI is organizing awareness raising activities, a panel discussion, advocacy strategies, exchanges and an evaluation with the women and girls that the organization targets.
Movilización por las mujeres y las niñas víctimas de la violencia de la guerra en RDC
La organización Initiatives des Femmes en Situations Difficiles pour le Développement Intégré [Iniciativas de las mujeres en situaciones precarias por el desarrollo integrado] se afilió a AWID en 2012 porque consideraron que era «una red a través de la cual IFESIDI podía beneficiarse de la enorme experiencia acumulada en la promoción y la protección de los derechos de las mujeres».
«¡Juntas en la lucha por los derechos de las mujeres y las niñas!»
Durante más de veinte años, las guerras que afectaron a la República Democrática del Congo (RDC) han sido la causa de violaciones masivas a los derechos humanos —especialmente los derechos de las mujeres, las adolescentes y la niñez—, entre ellas la violación y otras formas de violencia contra mujeres y niñas. La apropiación de sus recursos y su consiguiente empobrecimiento, así como el estar en situaciones de vulnerabilidad como desplazadas tras ataques contra sus aldeas, son todos factores que contribuyen a la situación precaria en que viven las mujeres y las niñas. Frente a esa realidad, IFESIDI fue creada en 2002 para mejorar la situación social de las mujeres y niñas víctimas de la violencia relacionada con la guerra, incluidas aquellas que viven en zonas rurales, y para promover y proteger sus derechos. Esta organización no confesional y sin fines de lucro está formada por 35 integrantes; sus actividades cubren al menos la totalidad de la provincia de Kivu Sur, en el este de la RDC. Con el lema «¡Juntas en la lucha por los derechos de las mujeres y las niñas!», IFESIDI espera que las congoleñas de todas las edades puedan vivir con dignidad algún día.
Fortalecer las capacidades económicas y educativas de las mujeres víctimas de la guerra
Además de servicios de consejería para mujeres y niñas víctimas de violencia en diferentes esferas —doméstica, académica y profesional—, IFESIDI está implementando un programa de desarrollo de capacidades económicas y educativas para mujeres víctimas de la guerra. Este programa incluye capacitación laboral, como la fabricación artesanal de jabón, y corte y confección.
Una de las beneficiarias del programa explica: «Antes de que IFESIDI me invitara y me capacitara, yo acarreaba bolsas pesadas de arena para los trabajadores de la construcción en la ciudad de Bukavu y me pasaba el día entero yendo y viniendo con esas bolsas en la espalda. Como mujer desplazada que vivía sin recursos financieros en esta ciudad, no tenía esperanza de seguir viviendo y nadie me miraba al pasar a mi lado... Pero hoy, gracias a IFESIDI, puedo hablar, y cuando paso la gente sabe que «Ahí va la ‘'mamá’ Ponga Musema ».
Movilización como parte de los 16 Días de activismo
Como parte de la campaña «16 Días de activismo contra la violencia de género», que comienza el 25 de noviembre y termina el 10 de diciembre, IFESIDI está organizando actividades para crear conciencia, un panel de debate, estrategias de incidencia, intercambios y una evaluación con las mujeres y las niñas con las que trabaja la organización.
Assurer la sécurité des défenseur-e-s des droits humains, protéger la liberté d’expression
Javeria Ayaz Malik, originaire du Pakistan, est activiste des droits humains et experte en communication et en sécurité. Elle habite Johannesburg, en Afrique du Sud, où elle travaille en qualité d’International Security Advisor (conseillère en sécurité internationale) et responsable du Staff Security Department (département de sécurité du personnel) d’ActionAid International.
Dans cette fonction, elle coordonne les politiques de sécurité et de sûreté de l’organisation et noue des relations externes avec des réseaux de sécurité mondiaux. Javeria conseille aussi la direction d’ActionAid quant aux stratégies appropriées de gestion de la sécurité, visant à réduire les risques de sécurité et de sûreté auxquels le personnel peut être confronté dans l’exercice de ses fonctions.
Javeria a des antécédents professionnels en journalisme et communication de masse, elle a travaillé précédemment pour la télévision nationale du Pakistan, où elle a fait de la recherche et écrit des scripts pour la diffusion, sans oublier son travail d’animatrice de télévision et de présentatrice à la radio. Javeria, ardente défenseuse des droits humains, de la liberté d’expression et de l’égalité, considère le journalisme et la communication comme « son premier amour ». Elle partage avec nous ses réflexions sur le lien entre le journalisme et la sécurité :
Le journalisme éthique et objectif peut façonner une société, renforcer le pouvoir des personnes qui vivent dans la pauvreté et obliger les responsables à rendre des comptes. Il n’est pas étonnant que les journalistes continuent d’être menacés, dans le monde entier, par les régimes répressifs et les intérêts des entreprises. C’est là qu’interviennent mes compétences en matière de sécurité.
Les cours de formation et la méthodologie de Javeria, formatrice certifiée expérimentée en sécurité, comprennent des modules spécifiques particulièrement destinés à améliorer les stratégies de protection pour les défenseur-e-s des droits humains, en particulier pour les défenseuses des droits humains. Javeria, l’une des très rares femmes expertes en sécurité des pays du sud, déclare :
À notre époque, les femmes mènent un combat permanent ! Nous sommes confrontées et luttons contre les stéréotypes et le harcèlement au quotidien, mais cela nous a rendues plus fortes et plus déterminées.
Javeria est membre de l’AWID depuis mars 2015. Elle a adhéré à l’AWID pour « entrer en relation avec des personnes qui partagent les mêmes avis et pour s’impliquer davantage dans les initiatives en faveur des droits des femmes dans le monde. »
Ensuring Security for Human Rights Defenders, Protecting the Freedom of Expression
Originally from Pakistan, Javeria Ayaz Malik is a human rights activist, and a communications and security expert who lives and works in Johannesburg, South Africa as the International Security Advisor and head of the Staff Security Department at ActionAid International. In this role she coordinates the organisation’s safety and security policy and establishes external relationships with global security networks.
Javeria also advises ActionAid’s leadership on appropriate security management strategies aimed at reducing safety and security risks that staff may face in the course of their duties.
Javeria has a professional background in journalism and mass communications and previously worked for Pakistan’s national television where she researched and wrote scripts for broadcasting, in addition to working as a television host and radio presenter. As an ardent believer in human rights, freedom of expression, and equality, Javeria considers journalism and communication “to be her first love”. She shares with us her thoughts on the connection between journalism and security :
Ethical and objective journalism can shape a society, empower people living in poverty, and hold the duty bearers to account. No wonder journalists continue to be under threat at the hands of repressive regimes and corporate interests around the world. That’s where my security skills become relevant.
As a certified and experienced security trainer, Javeria’s training curriculums and methodologies include specific modules particularly aimed at enhancing protection strategies for human rights defenders, and especially for women human rights defenders. As one of the very few women security experts from the Global South, Javeria says:
Women in this age and time are in a constant combat! We face and fight stereotypes and mobbing on a daily basis, but this has only made us stronger and more determined.
Javeria has been an AWID members since March 2015. She joined AWID to “connect with like-minded people and to be more involved in women’s rights initiatives globally.”
Garantizar la seguridad para las/os defensoras/es de derechos humanos, proteger la libertad de expresión
Originaria de Pakistán, Javeria Ayaz Malik es activista de derechos humanos, así como experta en comunicaciones y seguridad. Vive en Johannesburgo, Sudáfrica, y trabaja como Asesora en Seguridad Internacional y jefa del Departamento de Seguridad del Personal en ActionAid International. En ese rol coordina la política de protección y seguridad de la organización y entabla vínculos externos con redes globales de seguridad. Javeria también asesora a líderes de ActionAid sobre estrategias apropiadas para gestión de la seguridad dirigidas a reducir los riesgos que puede enfrentar el personal en materia de protección y seguridad al cumplir con sus tareas.
Javeria tiene una trayectoria profesional en periodismo y comunicación masiva. Trabajó para la televisión nacional de Pakistán, investigando y escribiendo guiones además de ser presentadora tanto de televisión como de radio. Javeria cree fervientemente en los derechos humanos, la libertad de expresión y la igualdad, y considera que el periodismo y la comunicación fueron sus «primeros amores». Nos comparte sus ideas acerca de la relación entre el periodismo y la seguridad:
"El periodismo ético y objetivo puede influir sobre la sociedad, empoderar a las personas que viven en la pobreza y exigir rendición de cuentas a quienes son responsables de cumplir obligaciones. No es sorprendente que las/os periodistas continúen sufriendo amenazas por parte de regímenes opresores e intereses corporativos en todo el mundo. Por eso mis conocimientos sobre seguridad se tornan relevantes."
Como capacitadora certificada y con experiencia en materia de seguridad, Javeria ha desarrollado planes y metodologías de formación que incluyen módulos específicos dirigidos particularmente a mejorar las estrategias de protección para defensoras/es de derechos humanos y sobre todo para las mujeres defensoras. Javeria es una de las escasas mujeres del Sur Global que son expertas en seguridad y desde esa perspectiva dice:
"En esta época y este momento, ¡las mujeres estamos librando una batalla constante! Cada día enfrentamos estereotipos y acoso, pero todo eso solo nos ha hecho más fuertes y más decididas."
Javeria ha estado afiliada a AWID desde marzo de 2015. Cuenta que «me sumé a AWID para entrar en contacto con personas afines a mí y participar más en iniciativas por los derechos de las mujeres a nivel global».
Cuatro décadas haciendo campaña por la seguridad y los derechos de lxs trabajadorxs sexuales
Desde 1975 el English Collective of Prostitutes [Colectivo Inglés de Prostitutas, ECP] viene trabajando a nivel nacional e internacional contra la criminalización del trabajo sexual y para lograr condiciones de trabajo más seguras para lxs trabajadorxs sexuales. ECP ha respaldado a mujeres y otrxs trabajadorxs sexuales que enfrentaban cargos por prostitución, órdenes de clausura, órdenes civiles por comportamiento antisocial (ASBO por sus siglas en inglés) y por el mantenimiento de burdeles.
No somos criminales
«Somos mujeres que trabajamos o hemos trabajado en diferentes áreas de la industria del sexo - tanto en las calles como en locales.»
ECP tiene sede en el Reino Unido y hace incidencia por la abolición de las leyes que criminalizan a lxs trabajadorxs sexuales y a sus familias y por la eliminación de sus antecedentes penales. También trabaja para lograr viviendas, alternativas económicas y beneficios y sueldos más altos para que lxs trabajadorxs sexuales tengan la posibilidad de dejar ese trabajo si así lo desean.
Haciendo frente al poder del estado
La lucha por los derechos de lxs trabajadorxs sexuales ha sido continua y ya lleva varias décadas. Se requiere valentía para luchar contra leyes criminalizadoras aprobadas por autoridades estatales y aplicadas por el poder policial. La valentía que ha demostrado ECP en sus muchos años de defensa y resistencia a menudo ha dado buenos resultados.
En 1982, durante 12 días, 50 mujeres del Colectivo ocuparon una iglesia en Londres para protestar contra las acciones ilegales de la policía, y también contra la violencia y el racismo hacia lxs trabajadorxs sexuales. En 1995 y con el apoyo de Women Against Rape [Mujeres Contra la Violación], ECP ganó un caso que sentó precedente (y que fue el primer juicio por violación iniciado por una organización a título particular) después de que las autoridades declinaron procesar a un violador en serie que atentaba específicamente contra trabajadorxs sexuales. Y hace diez años, luego del asesinato de cinco mujeres en Ipswich, el colectivo lanzó la Safety First Coalition [Coalición por la Seguridad Ante Todo], una campaña en contra de la Ley sobre Delito y Vigilancia Policial que daba mayor poder a la policía para «arrestarnos por prostitución, obligarnos a ir a ‘rehabilitación’, hacer redadas en nuestros apartamentos, conseguir que nos desalojaran y robar nuestros ingresos y bienes. También criminalizaba a los clientes».
Actualmente, el Colectivo Inglés de Prostitutas se opone a la nueva Ley de Reforma de la Asistencia Social que suprime el apoyo a la renta, porque las madres y víctimas de violencia doméstica dependen de esta única prestación. Según lo que explicaron a AWID, «La mayoría de lxs trabajadorxs sexuales somos madres intentando hacer lo mejor para nuestrxs hijxs. A las madres se las debe apoyar y no atacar.»
«Estamos en contacto con trabajadorxs sexuales de todo el mundo. Nuestro punto de partida siempre ha sido la situación de aquellxs de nosotrxs que estamos en el Sur Global y de las que trabajamos en las calles, a menudo mujeres negras, otras mujeres de color y/o inmigrantes».
ECP, afiliada institucional de AWID desde 2014, también es parte del International Prostitutes Collective [Colectivo Internacional de Prostitutas].
Mira un video en el que Niki Adams del ECP habla (en inglés) sobre la despenalización del trabajo sexual en Soho.
Conéctate:
Ponte en contacto con el Colectivo Inglés de Prostitutas a través de nuestro directorio en línea o por correo electrónico a membership@awid.org.
Quarante ans de campagne pour les droits et la sécurité des travailleuses du sexe
Depuis 1975, l’English Collective of Prostitutes (ECP, le Collectif anglais des prostituées) lutte pour obtenir la décriminalisation du travail du sexe et des conditions de travail plus sûres pour les travailleuses du sexe, tant au niveau national qu’au niveau international.
L’ECP apporte son soutien à toutes les personnes vivant du travail du sexe, indépendamment de leur genre, lorsqu’elles sont poursuivies pour racolage ou pour des faits de tenue de maison close, quand elles se voient contraintes de fermer leur lieu de travail ou qu’elles sont soumises à une ordonnance pour comportement antisocial (Anti-social behaviour orders, ASBOs) .
Nous ne sommes pas des criminelles
« Nous sommes des femmes qui travaillons ou avons travaillé dans différents domaines de l’industrie du sexe, que ce soit dans la rue ou dans des établissements. »
Basé au Royaume-Uni, l’ECP milite pour que les lois qui criminalisent les travailleuses du sexe et leurs familles soient abolies, pour que les faits relatfs au travail du sexe soient supprimés du casier juduciaire et enfin pour que les travailleuses du sexe se voient offrir des alternatives en matière de logement et de développement économique ainsi que des salaires et dans les mots d'ECP, de sorte que "chacune de nous peut sortir de la prostitution si et quand nous le voulons."
Tenir tête au pouvoir de l’État
La lutte en faveur des droits des personnes qui vivent du travail du sexe est permanente et dure depuis des décennies. Il faut du courage pour résister aux lois criminalisantes adoptées par les autorités publiques et à la mise en application de celles-ci par les forces de police. Le courage de l’ECP a souvent été récompensé au cours de ces longues années de lutte et de résistance.
En 1982, 50 femmes du collectif ont occupé une église londonnienne pendant 12 jours pour protester contre les interventions illégales de la police mais aussi contre la violence et le racisme dont sont victimes des travailleurs-euses du sexe qui exercent leurs activités dans la rue. En 1995, avec le soutien de l’organisation Women against Rape (Femmes contre le viol), l’ECP a remporté une victoire qui a fait date. Cette toute première poursuite au privé pour viol avait été lancée parce que les autorités publiques avaient auparavant refusé de poursuivre un violeur en série qui ciblait les travailleuses du sexe.
Il y a dix ans, après le meurtre de cinq femmes à Ipswich, l’ECP a lancé la « Safety First Coalition » (la coalition pour la sécurité avant tout). Cette coalition a été le fer de lance d’une campagne contre la loi relative au maintien de l’ordre et à la prévention de la criminalité (le « Policing and Crime Act »), qui octroyaient des pouvoirs étendus aux policiers pour « nous arrêter pour racolage, nous contraindre à suivre des programme de réhabilitation, rafler nos appartements, nous faire expulser, voler notre argent et nos biens. Cette loi criminalisait également les clients. »
Actuellement, l’ECP fait campagne contre la loi de réforme de la protection sociale qui abolit certaines aides sociales, qui étaient les seules sources de revenu sur lesquelles les mères et les victimes de violence domestique pouvaient compter. Comme l’ECP l’a expliqué à l’AWID, « la plupart des travailleuses du sexe sont des mères qui tentent de faire de leur mieux pour leurs enfants. Il faut les protéger plutôt que les agresser ».
« Nous sommes en contact avec destravailleurs-euses du sexe dans le monde entier. Notre point de départ est toujours la situation que nous vivons dans les pays du Sud, celle que nous vivons dans les rues, alors que beaucoup d’entre nous sont des femmes noires, métisses et/ou des immigrées. »
Membre institutionnel de l’AWID depuis 2014, l’ECP fait également partie de l’International Prostitutes Collective.
Regardez une vidéo dans laquelle Niki Adams, de l’ECP, parle de la décriminalisation du travail du sexe à Soho (en anglais)
Four Decades of Campaigning for the Safety and Rights of Sex Workers
Since 1975, the English Collective of Prostitutes (ECP) has worked nationally and internationally for the decriminalisation of sex work and towards safer working conditions for sex workers. ECP has supported women and other sex workers against charges of soliciting, closure orders, Anti-social behaviour orders (ASBOs), and brothel keeping.
Not criminals
The UK based ECP campaigns for the abolition of laws which criminalize sex workers and their families, for the expunging of criminal records, as well as for housing, economic alternatives and higher benefits and wages and in ECP's words, so that "any of us can leave prostitution if and when we want."
Standing up to state power
The struggle for sex workers’ rights is a continued and decade long struggle. It takes courage to fight against criminalising laws passed by state authorities and enforced by police power. ECP’s courage has often paid off in its many years of advocacy and resistance.
For 12 days in 1982, 50 women from the Collective occupied a church in London to protest against illegal police action, violence and racism against street workers. In 1995, ECP, with the support of Women against Rape, won a landmark case (and first-ever private prosecution for rape) after the authorities declined to prosecute a serial rapist who targeted sex workers. And ten years ago, after the murder of five women in Ipswich, ECP launched the Safety First Coalition, spearheading a campaign against the Policing and Crime Act which gave police greater powers to “arrest us for soliciting, force us into “rehabilitation”, raid our flats, get us evicted, and steal our earnings and property. It also criminalised clients."
Currently the English Collective of Prostitutes is opposing the new Welfare Reform law which abolishes income support as this is the only benefit that mothers and victims of domestic violence rely on. As ECP tells AWID, “Most sex workers are mothers trying to do our best for our children. Mothers should be supported not attacked.”
“We are in touch with sex workers all over the world. The situation of those of us in the Global South and those of us who work the streets, often black women, other women of colour and/or immigrant women, has always been our starting point.”
ECP, an AWID institutional member since 2014, is also part of the International Prostitutes Collective.
Watch Niki Adams of ECP talk about decriminalisation of sex work in Soho.
