Context

The search for alternative means of food production based on environmental sustainability is gaining ground across regions. This worldwide search comes with a common characteristic: the need to involve rural people and particularly women, building on their local priorities and knowledge by employing the principle of agroecology.

Definition

Agroecology is a way of practicing agriculture or using technologies that do not harm the environment. It proposes breaking with the hegemonic rural development model based on large landed estates and single-crop plantations that benefit mostly agricultural businesses and entrenches social exclusion.   

In family farming, agroecology manifests as a resistance to the current development model and its social, cultural, environmental, and economic problems. It opposes the lack of the farmer’s financial capital autonomy; and it symbolizes a resistance to the current agribusiness model.

Feminist perspective

Efforts based solely on agroecology may not be sufficient to solve all problems of women’s marginalization and invisibility. A feminist perspective is then crucial to analyze the norms associated with the idea of family as currently constituted as the perfect institution, as well as with the condition of women’s subordination.

In simpler terms, it is important to include in this debate a reflection on socially constructed gender roles to advance the emancipatory potential of agroecology.

Learn more about this proposition

• Agroecology: Exploring opportunities for women’s empowerment based on experiences from Brazil (2011) by AWID and ActionAid
• Sowers of struggles and hope for feminism and food sovereignty by La Via Campesina captures the exchanges of the 4th Women’s Assembly that discussed the capitalism crisis and the challenges in constructing a peasant and working class feminism.

The growing dominance of international financial markets and institutions in defining global economic policies has resulted in the capture of people’s power in the interest of global elites and big corporations. 

Our policy brief on Illicit Financial Flows explores their disproportional gender impact and unveils the current legal and political frameworks that allow multinational corporations to benefit from tax abuse to the detriment of people and planet.

The brief concludes with these seven feminist policy recommendations to demand transparency and corporate accountability in order to curb illicit financial flows.

Our recommendations for advocacy

Illicit financial flows are gaining unprecedented attention: whether in development negotiations, like those leading to Agenda 2030 and the Addis Ababa Financing for Development Conference in 2015; or making headlines in mainstream media with the release of leaked documents on offshore finance known as the ‘Panama Papers’. In another example, the Ecuadorean people voted to bar politicians and civil servants from having assets, companies or capital in tax havens, in a referendum in February 2017. The Ecuadorian government is now a leading voice within the group of G77, in the United Nations, to create a UN global tax body to end tax havens.

This public attention potentially builds momentum for feminists, social movements and tax justice advocates to pressure for the transformation of the global financial system, which entrenches global inequalities, including gendered inequalities.

We offer below a set of seven policy asks as a contribution to growing advocacy efforts from social justice, feminist, women’s rights and gender equality actors:

1.  Address IFFs as a violation of human rights and women’s rights:

• Illicit financial flows are hindering the fulfillment of the obligation of States to mobilise the maximum available resources for the realisation of human rights, including long agreed commitments on women’s rights and gender equality.
• Strengthening corporate accountability is a possibility on the table at the UN Human Rights Council. An open-ended intergovernmental working group is in place to elaborate an international legally binding instrument to regulate, in international human rights law, the activities of transnational corporations and other business enterprises. This process has the potential to address corporate tax evasion as a violation of human rights, including women’s rights, and should be greater supported by countries in the global North and South.

2.  Ensure multinational corporations pay their share of taxes:

• Develop international mechanisms that curb abusive tax practices and prevent corporate tax exemptions. UN member states should initiate negotiations to draft a UN convention to combat abusive tax practices. The convention should adopt a consolidation and apportionment system for taxing global corporate profits.
• Revise specifically national regulations in wealthy countries that demand MNCs pay taxes only in the resident country, rather than in the countries of economic activity. This practice hinders developing countries the most, as they increasingly lose taxable base to low and zero tax jurisdictions. Proposals like the Unitary Taxation approach should be considered in this regard.

3.  Support the establishment of a United Nations intergovernmental tax body:

• A UN tax body with equal voting rights and universal membership should have the power to review national, regional and global tax policy and ensure states comply with long agreed commitments on human rights, including women’s rights and gender equality.

4.  Promote transparency and gender-sensitive data gathering:

• Greater efforts must be made at the global level to refine comparable data on tax abuse, for example with gender disaggregated data that shows the gender biases of certain tax systems.
• Countries must ensure a framework for automatic information exchange, which guarantees public and global access to key data that affects the resources available for the realization of human rights.
• Implement country-by-country reporting obligations for multinational corporations to publicly disclose, as part of annual reports, profits made and taxes paid for each country in which they operate.
• Among other financial information, there must be greater cooperation from governments to share their national public registries that disclose beneficial owners of companies, trusts, foundations and similar legal structures.

5.  Promote tax justice through progressive fiscal policies at the national level:

• Promote tax justice through progressive fiscal policies. This requires increasing the weight of direct taxes on income capital and highly profitable sectors of society, while reducing and removing the burden on women and poor people. Poor segments of society, of which women are overrepresented, should not end up paying more taxes, in relation to their income, than the richest segments that often benefit from government tax subsidies, tax holidays and reductions.
• Governments must critically review the harmful trade and investment agreements that grant tax incentives and exemptions that perpetuate inequality and gender biases.

6.  Ensure participation of women’s rights organisations, social movements and progressive civil society broadly:

• Economic and fiscal policy decisions often lack a gender sensitive perspective. Engagement between the ministries of Gender and Finance, and both with civil society and women human rights defenders, is key to better understand the impact that revenue decisions are having on women’s rights and gender equality.
• An enabling environment should be in place to protect women human rights defenders and others (including whistle-blowers, tax justice activists) that expose tax abuse and report corruption.

7.  Stop the impunity of criminal activities associated with IFFs and ensure accountability:

• Establish a global coordinated mechanism across national tax authorities, human rights and gender equality machineries, and intelligence units, to ensure criminal activities associated with IFFs do not continue with impunity.
• Strengthen national and global justice systems to be able to hold individuals and entities to account for funding criminal activities through IFFs.

Read the full report

No feminist economies without feminist unions!

Through labor and union organizing, Sopo, Sabrina and Linda are not only fighting for the rights of essential workers, women workers, migrant workers and sex workers, but the rights of all workers.

The fight to end workers’ exploitation is a feminist struggle, and shows us that there are no feminist economies without feminist unions.

This page provides ideas and inspiration for how you can fund your participation at the 14th AWID International Forum. 

As you plan the activity you would like to do at the Forum, please also consider how you will fund your participation. Typical Costs include: accommodation, travel, visa, forum registration fees, etc.

It is important to note that this Forum will have many ‘open spaces’ and moments for movements to learn and exchange, but fewer formal sessions. (See “Ways to describe the Forum in your fundraising” below for language to use in your outreach.) 

Work with your current funders:

Reach out to your current donors first : Your best option is always a current funder that you have.

Make sure to do it in advance : We recommend contacting them by early 2020 at the latest. Many funders who support feminist organizations have some budget allocated for Forum travel. Others may be able to include it in renewal grants or through other travel funds.

If your group has funders, tell them that you want to attend the AWID Forum to learn, experience, exchange and network- even if your activity does not get selected for the final program. In order to be able to support your participation, your donors will need to know about it well in advance so tell them right away! (they are already deciding which funds they will distribute in 2020).

Seeking new funders:

If you do not currently have donor support or are not able to secure grants for Forum travel, consider reaching out to new donors. 

• You can see ideas of specific funders at AWID’s portal ‘Who can fund my women’s rights organizing?’
• Consider reaching out to national, regional, or global feminist and women’s funds
• Explore funder networks, such as Candid and European Foundation Centres, for lists of funders and opportunities in your region

Deadlines and requirements vary by funder, and a  grant review process can take many months. If you’re considering applying for new grants, do so as soon as possible.

Creative inspiration:

Feminist movements have long gotten creative with funding our own activism. Here are some ideas that we have gathered to inspire alternative ways of fundraising:

• Mobilize your community to support participation: fundraise with small contributions from members through community dinners, dance parties, and local shows, events and tours
• Mobilize your networks by organizing giving circles and crowdsourcing using various online tools like gofundme, indiegogo, plumfund, or kickstarter
• Cultivate local sources of income, including from individual donors and membership dues    
• Consider co-funding through strategic partnerships with other community and social justice groups.

For more inspiration, see AWID’s ongoing series on autonomous resourcing, including specific ideas for conference raising participation funds. 

Access Fund:

AWID strives to make the Forum a truly global gathering with participation from diverse movements, regions and generations. To this end, AWID mobilizes resources for a limited Access Fund (AF) to assist Forum participants with the costs of attending the Forum.

AWID’s Access Fund will provide support to a limited number of Forum participants and session/activity facilitators. You can indicate in your application if you would like to apply to the AWID Access Fund. This is not guaranteed, and we strongly encourage you to seek alternative funding for your participation and travel to the Forum.

Even if you apply for the AWID Access Fund, we encourage you to continue to explore other options to fund your participation in the Forum.  Access Fund decisions will be confirmed by the end of June 2020. Please remember that these resources are very limited, and we will be unable to support all applicants. 

Ways to describe the Forum in your fundraising: 

As you reach out to funders or your own networks, here is some sample messaging that may be helpful. Feel free to adapt it in whatever way is useful for you!

The AWID Forum is a co-created feminist movement space that energizes participants in their own activism, and strengthens connections with others across multiple rights and justice movements. Participants get to draw from wells of hope, energy and radical imagination, as well as deepen shared analysis, learning, and build cross-movement solidarity to develop more integrated agendas and advance joint strategies.

Our organization is seeking funds to attend the Forum in order to connect with other activists and movements from around the world, strengthen our strategies, and share our work. We are inspired by past participants, who have described the power of this global feminist gathering:

“Over four days … voices weaved together into a global perspective on the state of gender equality. And when I say global, I mean simultaneous translation into seven languages kind of global  ....”

“It was reminding us that we are not alone. The Forum provided a means of translating collectivity into our movements. Whether across ideologies, identities or borders, our strength is in our vision and our support of one another.”

It is important to note that this Forum will have many ‘open spaces’ and moments for movements to learn and exchange, but fewer formal sessions. While many attendees will not be presenting in formal sessions, there will be invaluable space to learn, strategize, and experience feminist movements’ collective power in action.

Budget considerations: 

When calculating your costs and how much you need to raise, it is important to factor in costs that may come up. Here’s an example of key items to consider:

• Airfare
• Forum registration fees (please note that even if you are granted Access Funds by AWID, you will have to cover your registration fee yourself)
• Visa costs
• Travel health insurance
• Local travel to and from the airport (taxis or other transportation)
• Layover costs, such as hotels and meals if your plane travel requires a long layover
• Accommodation, including giving yourself a day to recover on either end if you have traveled far
• Technology, including WiFi access or fees for international communication as needed during travel (AWID will provide WiFi during the Forum)
• Materials costs for any items (visuals, reports, artwork!) you want to bring, share, or exchange at the Forum 
• Incidentals and/or per diems to cover food and other items that come up (all lunches and coffee/tea breaks, plus one dinner will be provided by AWID during Forum days) 
• Accessibility, such as any additional support that may be important to make your travel more comfortable, safe, and secure

We look forward to seeing you at the Forum!

The Forum is a collaborative process

The AWID Forum will now take place 11-14 January 2021 in Taipei .

It is more than a four-day convening. It is one more stop on a movement strengthening journey around Feminist Realities that has already begun and will continue well beyond the Forum dates.

Join us on this journey!

Join Us

By joining AWID, you are becoming part of worldwide feminist organizing, a collective power that is rooted in working across movements and is based on solidarity.

Individual

Organization

by Marta Plaza Fernández, Madrid, Spain (@gacela1980)

The feminist reality that I want to share is about weaving networks in which we uphold one another. Networks which come together in different ways, which emerge from our shared vulnerability, and which make all of us stronger.

The streets of Chamberí, my neighbourhood in Madrid, became much more of a home following the gatherings in the plazas organized by the citizens movement that originated in a rally on May 15, 2011. I think about how, during those years, we met each other and were able to associate faces, voices, smiles with so many neighbours who previously were only silhouettes without names or pasts, and who we passed by without seeing or hearing each other. I think about how we’ve become involved and dedicated; how we’ve woven a palpable, tangible community; how we’ve been advancing hand in hand towards building a new more inhabitable world, which we want and that we urgently need to create.

A group of activists and utopian neighbours, (in the best sense of the word utopian) – that moves us to action to do something real – that group for me was practically the first that reacted differently when I shared a part of my history and identity with them. With these women I shared my psychiatric diagnosis, my multiple hospital stays, the number of daily pills that accompanied me, my disability certificate, my difficulty in preserving that vital link that periodically disintegrates in my hands.

These neighbours, friends, comrades, links, loves –did not only not distance themselves from me once they got to know someone who many others had labelled as problematic, manipulator, egotistical – but became my principal network of affection and mutual support. They decided to navigate with me when the sea became agitated with storms. These people have given a different meaning to my days.

Building our feminist reality also encompasses carrying the “I believe you, sister” that we use when a friend has suffered a macho attack to the violence experienced by psychiatrized women at the hands of the very psychiatric system and institutions that are supposed to help us (and instead are often the new abuser who traumatizes and hurts us all over again). And this reality must include respect for our decisions, without taking away our agency and capacity to direct our own steps to one space or another; to listen to our narratives, desires, needs…without trying to impose others that are alien to us. It means not delegitimizing our discourse, not alluding to the label of our diagnosis, nor our madness.

With these transformation, each stay in the psychiatric institute did erase the ties that we had been able to build, but instead this network stayed by my side, its members took turns so that each day there would be no lull in calls, in visits, so that I could feel them as close as one can feel another person separated by locked doors (but unfortunately open for abuse) within the confines of the psychiatric ward. Through the warmth and kindness from my people I could rebuild that vital link that had once again been broken.

The even bigger leap happened when I was already aware of the numerous violent acts and abuse (where among other assaults, I spent days strapped to a bed, relieving myself where I lay),  I decided that I would not go back to being interned.

This network of care, these women neighbours-friends-loves-comrades, they respected my refusal to return to the hospital and supported me through each crisis I’ve been through since then. Without being interned, without violence.

They took turns accompanying me when my link to life was so broken that I felt such a huge risk which I couldn’t handle on my own. They organized WhatsApp group check-ins. They coordinated care and responsibilities so that no one would feel overwhelmed - because when an individual feels overloaded, they make decisions based on fear and the need for control instead of prioritizing accompaniment and care.

That first crisis that we were able to surmount together in this way – without being admitted to the psychiatric institute, represented a dramatic change in my life. There were months when my life was at risk, of intense suffering and of so much fear for my people and for me. But we overcame it together, and all that I thought was that if we could get over that crisis, then we could also find ways to face all the difficulties and crises that may come.

These feminist realities that we’re building day by day keep expanding, growing and taking different forms. We’re learning together, we’re growing together. Distancing ourselves from a welfare mentality, one of the first lessons was that, in reality, there wouldn’t be anyone receiving care (because of a psychiatric label) or anyone helping, from the other side of the sanity/insanity line. We learnt – we’re learning – to move to a different key – that of mutual support, of providing care and being cared for, of caring for each other.

We’ve also explored the limits of self care and the strength of collectivizing care and redistributing it so it’s not a burden that paralyzes us; we learnt – and we keep learning today – about joy and enjoying care that is chosen.

Another recent learning is about how difficult it was to start integrating money as another component of mutual support that we all give and receive. It was hard for us to realize how internalized capitalism kept on reverberating in our relationship with money, and that even though no one expected any payment for the containers of lentils we cooked amongst us when eating and cooking were difficult tasks, our expectation regarding money was different. Phrases like “how much you have is how much you’re worth” become stuck inside of us without critically analyzing them. It’s easy to keep thinking that the money each one has is related to the effort made to earn it, and not due to other social conditioning distant from personal merit. In fact, within this well-established mutual support network – redistributing money based on needs without questioning – was still a remote reality for our day to day. That’s why this is something that we’ve recently started to work on and think through as a group.

We want to get closer to that anti-capitalist world where mutual support is the way that we have chosen to be in the world; and that entails deconstructing our personal and collective relationship with money and internalized capitalism.

In these feminist realities we also know that learning never stops, and that the road continues to be shaped as we travel upon it. There is still much to do to keep caring for ourselves, to keep expanding perspectives and to make ourselves more aware of the persistent power imbalances, of privileges that we hold and continue to exercise, without realizing the violence that they reproduce.

Though we’ve already travelled so far, we still have a long way to go to get closer to that new world that we hold in our hearts (and for some within our crazy little heads too). Racism, classism, adult-centrism, fat-phobia, and machismo that persists among our partners.

Among the pending lessons, we’ve needed for a long time already to build a liveable future in which feminism is really intersectional and in which we all have space, in which the realities and oppressions of other sisters are just as important as our own. We also need to move forward horizontally when we build collectively – getting rid of egos, of protagonisms, to live together and deal with the need for recognition in a different way. And to also keep making strides grounded in the awareness that the personal is always, always political.

How we relate to and link with each other cannot be relegated to the private domain, nor kept silent: other loves are possible, other connections and other families are necessary, and we are also inventing them as we go.

This new world which we want to create, and that we need to believe in – is this kind world – in which we can love, and feel pride in ourselves – and in which all worlds will fit. We’ll keep at it.

“Healing Together”

by Upasana Agarwal, Kolkata, India (@upasana_a)

Looking at activists and feminists as healers and nourishers of the world, in the midst of battling growing right wing presence, white supremacy and climate change. This piece highlights how our feminist reality puts kindness, solidarity, and empathy into action by showing up and challenging the status quo to liberate us all. 

With up to 2,500 participants on-site and 3,000 virtual/hybrid participants, it will be the largest AWID Forum ever. We envision multiple spaces for meaningful connection, learning, exchange, strategic conversations, healing and celebration. It is the first time we gather in this space since the pandemic, and we can’t wait.

Chapter 2

While fundamentalisms, fascisms and other systems of oppression shapeshift and find new tactics and strategies to consolidate power and influence, feminist movements continue to persevere and celebrate gains nationally and The rising power of anti-rights actors is not happening in a vacuum. Understanding the rise of ultra-nationalism, unchecked corporate power, growing repression, and diminishing civic space is key to contextualize the anti-rights threats we face today.

Today, considerably more than half of the world’s population is governed by far-right leaders.  Against this backdrop, human rights defenders and feminists are working hard to “hold the line” and protect multilateralism and the international human rights system. They also face the risk that their engagement may bring with it violent reprisals. At the same time, these institutions are increasingly subject to private sector interests. Large businesses, particularly transnational corporations, are occupying seats at the negotiating table and leadership positions in a number of multilateral institutions, including the UN. This nexus of ultra-nationalism, closing civic space, and corporate capture is having a tremendous impact on whether human rights for all can ever be achieved. 

Table of Contents

• Nationalism and Ultra-nationalism
• Corporate Capture: Untamed Corporate Power is Putting Rights at Risk
• Reprisals and Closing Civic Spaces for Feminist Activists, and LGBTIQ+ and Women Human Rights Defenders
• Movement Resistance Story: CEDAW’s Article 16: A Pathway for Reformation of Discriminatory Family Laws in Muslim Contexts 
   

Read Full Chapter >

أجرت المقابلة تشينيلو أونوالو
ترجمة فيفيان عقيقي

نايكي ليدان، مدافعة عن العدالة الاجتماعية وناشطة نسوية ملتزمة، تتمتع بـ 20 عامٍ من الخبرة في مجال الدفاع عن حقوق الإنسان والعدالة الصحية وتمكين المرأة، والنضال من أجل الوصول الشامل إلى الخدمات الأساسية والإدماج الاجتماعي، فضلاً عن بناء قدرات المجتمع المدني. قامت بعمل مكثف في كندا وغرب وجنوب إفريقيا وهايتي في مجال الدفاع عن الحقوق المدنية، وبناء القدرات لمنظمات المجتمع المدني، مع التأكيد على المحددات الاجتماعية للإقصاء الهيكلي. إنها تقدر مبادئ القيادة المشتركة والمساحات المعادية للاستعمار والقمع والأبوية.

السؤال الأوّل: تُعَدّين ناشطة في قضايا حقوق العابرين/ات جنسياً؛ أشعر بالفضول لمعرفة كيف عبّدتِ مسيرتك.

نشأتُ في هايتي حتّى بلغت سنّ الثامنة عشرة، ثمّ عشتُ في مونتريال لمدّة 19 عاماً. في العام 2016 عدتُ إلى هايتي معتقدة أنني سوف أعود إلى الوطن، لكن المكان تغيّر، وكان عليّ التكيّف مجدّداً. لم أُعِدْ ربط الصلات مع العائلة وأصدقاء الطفولة بالطريقة التي كنت أتوقّعها. عدت كمُغتربة مع ظروف عمل مريحة، وبقيت أشعر أنني غريبة لفترة طويلة جداً. لكن في الوقت نفسه، شعرت أنني في وطني بسبب اللغة، وحتى الصمت المألوف، وعدم اضطراري إلى تبرير غنائي لشارة إعلان تجارية – تعلمين... تلك الأمور التي نتشاركها، تلك الطاقة، تلك المساحة، وتلك الروح.

 ما ساعدني في ذلك هو حبّي للعمل في كافة أنحاء البلاد، وتوثيق معارف الناس. لذلك تركت مساحتى المريحة، وأصبحت مديرة قطرية لمنظّمة إقليمية كويرية. تركَّز معظم عملي على إيجاد الموارد وبناء قدرات المجتمع المدني. بنيتُ استراتيجيتي على الذهاب إلى الريف، والبحث عن كلّ المنظّمات الصغيرة، والمساعدة في بناء قدراتها وتمويلها. لم أكن مُهتمّة بالسياسيين وبمصافحتهم والتقاط الصور معهم <ضحكة>. كان لديّ حليف رائع: شارلوت جودي، الناشط الكويري الذي قُتِل قبل ثلاث سنوات في منزله. تقرّبنا كثيراً بعد حظر مهرجان أفلام أفرو كويرية في هايتي كنا نخطّط له. أحدث المهرجان ضجّة كبيرة، وأثار نقاشات عن الكويرية في كلّ مكان، لذلك قدّمني شارلوت إلى منظّمات المجتمع المدني الصغيرة، المُنتشرة في كلّ ركن من البلاد. كان عليّ أن أكون هناك لمساعدة المنظّمة (المنظّمات)، على التسجيل بشكل قانوني أو بناء خطّتها الاستراتيجية. جعلتني هذه الأعمال ناشطة كويرية، وبالتالي ناشطة في قضايا المتحوّلين/ات جنسياً. مع ذلك لا أسمّي نفسي ناشطة. إنّها كلمة ثقيلة كما تعلمين. لكنّها الصفة التي يناديك بها الناس. أعتقد أنني مجرّد عاشقة ومقاتلة <ضحكة>.

السؤال الأوّل: أخبريني عن ورشة العمل التي نظّمتها للمهرجان مع AWID. ما هو مضمونها وسياقها؟

ا تتحدّث وسائل الإعلام الدولية عن هايتي، لكن مع وجود بيئة سياسية سيّئة فإن البيئة الاقتصادية تكون أكثر كارثية. نظراً لانتمائي إلى الطبقة الوسطى في هايتي، وتحدّثي بلغات عدّة، وامتلاكي جوازات سفر مختلفة، تردّدت بدايةً في أخذ هذه المساحة. غالباً ما أرى نفسي كجسر، لا شخص يتحدّث عن نفسه. لذلك دعوت سيمي، شابّة لامعة متحوّلة جنسياً من خارج بورت أو برنس، لتأخذ المساحة وتتحدّث عن نفسها، وترشدنا إلى واقع النساء المتحوّلات في هايتي. انتهى بنا الأمر بعقد جلسة عن النسوية غير الشمولية – أو كما أسمّيها المساحات النسوية الرسمية – وكيف أن الفتيات المتحوّلات في هايتي لا يملكن مساحات للمساهمة في التعريف عن المرأة ومشاركة واقعها. من هنا، كان مهرجان AWID فرصة لي لإعطاء مساحة للنساء اللواتي يجب أن يحصلن على فرص. أمضينا وقتاً رائعاً؛ احتسينا النبيذ أثناء جلستنا عبر الإنترنت، وشاركتنا سيمي، التي ساعدتني في إدارة الجلسة، بما يعنيه أن تكوني طفلة/ فتاة/ امرأة متحوّلة في مراحل مختلفة من حياتها، وتحدّثت عن أخطار الشارع والفقر والإقصاء والفشل في ظهورها كامرأة بعد التحوّل، وأيضاً عن انتصاراتها.

السؤال الأوّل: ما علاقة النساء المتحوّلات بالمنظّمات النسوية في هايتي؟ كيف كانت تجربتك في هذا السياق؟

لقد كانت تجربة النساء المتحوّلات صعبة، وفي الواقع مفجعة. من عدم الاعتراف بوجودهن إلى التعامل معهنّ بأسلوب جنسي مُتطرّف، فضلاً عن تعرّضهن للقتل من دون حتّى الإعلان عن هذه الحالات في الإعلام. وهو ما يعبّر عن مدى عدم الاعتراف بوجودهن، وعن كيفيّة محوهن. إنهنّ موجودات في كلّ مكان، لكن ليس في أماكن العمل، ولا في البيئات النسوية، ولا في بيئات المؤسّساتية. ولا حتّى في منظّمات مجتمع الميم. في الآونة الأخيرة فقط، ونتيجة حملات المناصرة، صحّحت بعض المنظّمات نوعاً ما هذه الوضعيّة. لكن لا يزال الأمر غير وارد في المساحات النسوية. ما زلنا مضطرّات للتعامل مع الخطاب الإقصائي القديم بـ»إنهنّ لسنا نساء. بالطبع، إذا نجحن في الظهور كنساء بعد عمليّات التحوّل...». إن ثقافة الفشل أو النجاح في التحوّل ليست إلّا محادثة عن إدارة المخاطر – إلى أي درجة ينجح التحوّل، وما الذي يعنيه لجسمكِ، والعنف الذي يلحق به. في الواقع الإقصائي للمتحوّلين/ات الذي نعيش فيه، ويُعاد إنتاجه في الكثير من المساحات النسوية، قد تُعتبر فتيات، وإلى حدّ معيّن، أولئلك اللواتي ينجحن في الظهور بما يتوافق مع الجنس الذي تحوّلن إليه. لكن ماذا عن الوقوع في الحبّ، وإجراء محادثة، وإخفاء الهوية الجنسية، والرغبة في الحصول على مظهر معيّن، أو مهنة معيّنة؟ في الحقيقة، أصبح العلاج بالهرمونات حديثاً عن الحدّ من المخاطر كما عبّرت سيمي في ورشة العمل. لكن ليس لدينا خيار العلاج الهرموني، ولا الإطار الطبي أو النظام لدعم أولئك الذين يرغبون في متابعته.

السؤال الأوّل: عندما تتحدّثين عن الطريقة التي يُنظر بها إلى الأشخاص المتحوّلين/ا جنسياً والكويريين/ات في المجتمع، يبدو أنها مشابهة لنظرة المجتمع في نيجيريا، حيث يبرز رهاب المثلية بعمق.

هايتي بلد مُعقّد للغاية وبطريقة جميلة جداً. لا يوجد شيء بسيط، كما تعلمين، لا يوجد شيء يُمكن القيام به بطريقة واحدة فقط. الهايتيون متسامحون للغاية – لكنّهم وفي الوقت نفسه يعانون من رهاب المثلية. سوف تجد مناطق في الريف، لا يعاني المقيمون فيها من رهاب المثلية على الإطلاق نظراً لوجود معابد فودو فيها، وهذه ديانة تحترم الحياة. أحد المبادئ الأساسية لديانة فودو هو عدم وجود ما هو صحيح أو خطأ. لفترة طويلة، كان الناس يعتقدون أن هايتي ملاذ ومكان حيث يعيش أناس متسامحون – نحن نتحدّث عن السبعينيات والثمانينيات وقبل انتشار فيروس نقص المناعة البشريّة، وحتّى التسعينيات. من ثمّ وقع زلزال العام 2010 وقتل نحو 300 ألف شخص، وبعدها تدفّقت كلّ هذه الأموال من جنوب الولايات المتّحدة عبر الإنجيليين لإعادة بناء البلاد والعثور على يسوع. لذلك، يُعدّ رهاب المثلية حديث النشأة في هايتي. في العمق، في روحية الثقافة، لا أستطيع القول إنّ هايتي معادية للمثليين. لكن في الحياة اليومية، من المؤكّد أن هناك عنفاً يقع على المثليين، وكذلك على النساء، والنساء الفقيرات، والنساء داكنات البشرة أيضاً، خصوصاً أنّ التمييز العرقيّ بارز جداً في منطقة الكاريبي.

السؤال الأوّل: كيف تمكّنت من إدارة الأمر؟ ما كانت استراتيجيّتك 

أنا أحبّ عملي حقّاً. أحبّ العمل بشكل عام. عندما وصلت، عملت بداية مع تلك المنظّمة غير الحكومية الرهيبة لكنني قمت بعمل رائع. كنت موجودة دائماً في الريف، وأتحدّث وأتعلّم من الناس والنساء. وهو ما أسعدَ قلبي لفترة طويلة لأنني أحبّ ثقافتي بشدّة، وأحبّ الأشخاص السود، والنساء السود – النساء السود المُسنّات، والأطفال السود. يملأني الأمر بروحانية. عندما كنّا في كندا، ارتاد أطفالي مدارس البيض المرموقة. لم يتحدّثوا بلغة شعب الكريول ولا الفرنسية. أمّا الآن فإنّهم يركضون بحرّية في حديقة المنزل، ويتقاتلون بلغة الكريول. أيضاً وجدت مع الأشخاص الذين قابلتهم محاور للبقاء. خلقت روابط مع الكويريين/ات وغيرهم من غريبي الأطوار مثلي. كان الأمر رائعاً حقاً. لكنّي أعاني الآن. لم أعد أشعر بالأمان في هايتي. أسبوعياً تُسجّل نحو 40 عملية خطف في بورت أو برنس – وهو وضع مستمرّ منذ العام 2018. أصبت بنوبات من القلق والذعر. لقد حان وقت الذهاب، فيما أسأل نفسي: «أين هو الوطن؟». قضيت 19 عاماً في مونتريال لكنّني لم أشعر مطلقاً بأنني في وطني. عندما غادرت، لم أفتقدها أبداً، لذلك لا أريد العودة إليها. أيضاً بكيت كثيراً مؤخّراً كوني أشعر بأنني دخلت إلى منفى ثاني.

السؤال الأوّل:  كيف هي علاقتك مع المتعة والترفيه والراحة؟

علاقتي مع المتعة والترفيه والراحة مماثلة وواحدة. إنها لحظة أعيشها عندما أدلّل نفسي بحرارة الشمس على وجهي على سبيل المثال. هي المتعة والترفيه والراحة في الوقت نفسه.

المتعة: مساحتى المُفضّلة، ملاذ للاحتفال بنفسي، حيث أحفظ لنفسي القوّة والحقّ في أن أكون هادئة أو صاخبة خلال لحظات المتعة التي أختبرها. أنغمس بكلّ لحظة متعة، بما في ذلك، متعة الوحدة والصمت.

الترفيه: ركوب الدرّاجة، والمهرجانات الموسيقية، والأكل، وتذوّق النبيذ، المشاركة في رقصات الفودو الهايتية التقليدية. كلّها من ضمن الأنشطة العديدة التي أشارك فيها حالياً.

الراحة: هو ما أعيش من أجله. بما أنني شخص متفوّق وأحبّ العمل، فمن المفارقة أن أكون كسولة أيضاً. لا أحد يعلم بالأمر، لأن ما يرونه هو أنني أعمل بجدّ وبأكثر من طاقتي. إنهم لا يعرفون كيف يمكنني الانغماس في الكسل بشكل عميق وبلا تردّد.