Jean-Marc Ferré | Flickr (CC BY-NC-ND 2.0)
A general view of participants at the 16th session of the Human Rights Council in Geneva, Switzerland.

Análisis Especiales

AWID es un organización feminista internacional de membresía, que brinda apoyo a los movimientos que trabajan para lograr la justicia de género y los derechos de las mujeres en todo el mundo.

Consejo de Derechos Humanos (CDH)

El Consejo de Derechos Humanos (CDH) es el cuerpo intergubernamental del sistema de las Naciones Unidas responsable de la promoción y protección de todos los derechos humanos en todo el mundo. El HRC se reúne en sesión ordinaria tres veces al año, en marzo, junio y septiembre.  La La Oficina del Alto Comisionado para los Derechos Humanos (ACNUDH) es la secretaría del Consejo de Derechos Humanos.

El CDH  trabaja de la siguiente forma:

  • Debate y aprueba resoluciones sobre cuestiones mundiales de derechos humanos y el estado de los derechos humanos en determinados países

  • Examina las denuncias de víctimas de violaciones a los derechos humanos o las de organizaciones activistas, quienes interponen estas denuncias representando a lxs víctimas.

  • Nombra a expertos independientes que ejecutarán los «Procedimientos Especiales» revisando y presentado informes sobre las  violaciones a los derechos humanos desde una perspectiva temática o en relación a un país específico

  • Participa en discusiones con expertos y  gobiernos respecto a cuestiones de derechos humanos.

  • A través del Examen Periódico Universal, cada cuatro años y medio, se evalúan los  expedientes de derechos humanos de todos los Estados Miembro de las Naciones Unidas

Aprende más sobre el CDH


La Sesión actual - CDH44

Se está llevarando a cabo en Ginebra, Suiza del 30 de junio al 17 de julio de 2020.

AWID trabaja con socios feministas, progresistas y de derechos humanos para compartir conocimientos clave, convocar diálogos y eventos de la sociedad civil, e influir en las negociaciones y los resultados de la sesión.

Con nuestrxs socixs, nuestro trabajo será:


◾️ Monitorear, rastrear y analizar actores, discursos y estrategias anti-derechos y su impacto en las resoluciones

◾️ Desarrollar conjuntamente una labor de promoción conjunta para contrarrestar a los actores anti-derechos y debatir más a fondo las conclusiones del Informe de Tendencias de OUR de 2017

◾️ Apoyar, coordinar y desarrollar de manera colaborativa el Caucus feminista emergente en el CDH

 

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Gloria Chicaiza

Activiste sociale et de l’environnement équatorienne, Gloria Chicaiza était une fervente défenseuse du droit à la terre et à l’eau. Elle s’est opposée au statu quo en luttant contre un modèle de développement fondé sur l’extraction et a oeuvré sans relâche pour la justice écologique et les droits des communautés affectées par l’exploitation minière.   

Dans divers endroits de l’Équateur, Gloria a participé à des actions de résistance en faveur de la protection de l’écosystème. Avec passion et dévouement, Goria a apporté son soutien au mouvement autochtone et environnemental, à ces communautés et organisations qui s’opposent aux projets miniers et protègent leurs territoires et leurs projets de vie collectifs. Elle est intervenue au sein de forums locaux et internationaux contre la criminalisation des dissident·e·s et des résistant·e·s, contre les pressions et la violence exercées à l’encontre des activistes communautaires, en particulier des femmes défenseuses des droits humains, et pour soutenir les efforts déployés par les communautés en faveur de la souveraineté alimentaire et de la durabilité. 

Elle était la coordonnatrice de la justice minière à Acción Ecológica, membre du Réseau latino-américain des femmes défenseuses des droits sociaux et environnementaux, et membre du conseil d'administration de l'Observatoire latino-américain des conflits miniers.

En octobre 2010, Gloria a été accusée par la société minière Curimining/Salazar Resources S.A. (dont le siège est à Vancouver, au Canada) d’avoir commandité un acte de terrorisme, de sabotage et d’association illégale dans le but de commettre un crime. Acción Ecológica a estimé qu’il s’agissait là de “représailles pour son travail de dénonciation concernant l’impact des activités minières dans le pays”.

En 2015, Gloria a facilité la coordination d’une délégation, composée de 25 femmes autochtones d’Amérique latine, affectée au Dialogue sur le changement climatique de la COP 20 des Nations Unies.

Gloria est décédée le 28 décembre 2019 des suites de complications liées à une transplantation pulmonaire. On se souvient d’elle pour ses actes de résistance et son travail acharné. 

"Le moyen le plus rapide de parvenir à la durabilité reste encore la résistance.” -  Gloria Chicaiza (2010 interview)


Hommages :

“Pour GLORIA. GLORIA Eau. GLORIA Terre. GLORIA Mère. GLORIA Révolution. GLORIA Soeur. GLORIA Ciel. GLORIAmie. GLORIAstrale. Merci de nous avoir entrelacé·e·s.” -Liliana Gutierrez

“Merci Glorita, d’avoir nourri l'espoir, d’avoir préservé la solidité de la structure, d’avoir tissé des liens avec la communauté, pour les mains unies, pour la solidarité, merci Glorita de t’être tenue à nos côtés dans les moments les plus difficiles. Merci de nous avoir appris que tout au long de la vie, personne ne se fatigue.” (Chakana News)

“Gloria Chicaiza appréciait ne pas sortir du lot et s’y épanouissait. Et aussi humble qu'elle fût, elle avait une capacité inouïe à mener et garder un rythme régulier et étourdissant, un pouls de vie qui guidait, mobilisait et inspirait les communautés et les réseaux dans la protection de la Terre Mère. Elle a dénoncé toutes les formes de violence contre les “cuerpos-territorios” (les corps comme territoires). Elle soutenait le “buen vivir" (“bien vivre”). - Gabriela Jiménez, coordonnatrice des partenariats en Amérique latine, KAIROS

“Merci Gloria Chicaiza, nous sommes sûr·e·s que depuis l’infini, tu continueras à soutenir notre combat. Toi qui as continué de te battre en dépit de ta santé défaillante. Tu continueras de vivre dans les forêts et les eaux que tu as défendues avec tant de courage. Tu vivras dans nos coeurs.” - La communauté d’Intag en Équateur

Lire d'autres d'hommages à Gloria 

FRMag - Let the invisible be visible

Que l'invisible soit visible : manifeste d'un.e culturiste au genre fluide à Hong Kong

par Siufung Law 

« 97...! 98…! Où est 98? 98! Veuillez revenir dans la queue!... 99! 100...! » La gérante des coulisses a demandé sans relâche à chaque athlète de faire la queue dans les coulisses humides, en sueur et surpeuplées. (...)

Lire

< illustration : « Quand iels nous verront », par Lame Dilotsotlhe

Key opposition discourses

Ultra conservative actors have developed a number of discourses at the international human rights level that call on arguments manipulating religion, culture, tradition, and national sovereignty in order to undermine rights related to gender and sexuality.

Anti-rights actors have increasingly moved away from explicitly religious language. Increasingly, we see regressive actors - who may previously have derided human rights concepts - instead manipulating and co-opting these very concepts to further their objectives.


Protection of the family

This emerging and successful discourse appears innocuous, but it functions as a useful umbrella theme to house multiple patriarchal and anti-rights positions. The ‘protection of the family’ theme is thus a key example of regressive actors’ move towards holistic and integrated advocacy.

The language of ‘protection of the family’ works to shift the subject of human rights from the individual and onto already powerful institutions.

It also affirms a unitary, hierarchical, and patriarchal conception of the family that discriminates against family forms outside of these rigid boundaries. It also attempts to change the focus from recognition and protection of the rights of vulnerable family members to non-discrimination, autonomy, and freedom from violence in the context of family relations.

The Right to Life

The Holy See and a number of Christian Right groups seek to appropriate the right to life in service of an anti-abortion mission.  Infusing human rights language with conservative religious doctrine, they argue that the right to life, as set out in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, applies at the moment of conception.

The discourse has no support in any universal human rights instrument. Yet this is an appealing tactic for anti-rights actors, because the right to life cannot be violated under any circumstances and is a binding legal standard.

Sexual rights

Anti-rights actors use a number of rhetorical devices in their campaign to undermine sexual rights: they argue that sexual rights do not exist or are ‘new rights,’ that they cause harm to children and society, and/or that these rights stand in opposition to culture, tradition or national laws.

Conservative actors engaged in advocacy at the UN attack the right to comprehensive sexuality education from several directions. They claim that CSE violates ‘parental rights’, harms children, and that it is not education but ideological indoctrination. They also claim that comprehensive sexuality education is pushed on children, parents, and the United Nations by powerful lobbyists seeking to profit from services they provide to children and youth.

Attempts to invalidate rights related to sexual orientation and gender identity have proliferated. Ultra conservative actors argue that application of long-standing human rights principles and law on this issue constitutes the creation of ‘new rights’; and that the meaning of rights should vary radically because they should be interpreted through the lens of ‘culture’ or ‘national particularities.’

Reproductive Rights

Christian Right organizations have been mobilizing against reproductive rights alongside the Holy See and other anti-rights allies for several years. They often argue that reproductive rights are at heart a form of Western-imposed population control over countries in the global South. Ironically, this claim often originates from U.S. and Western Europe-affiliated actors, many of whom actively work to export their fundamentalist discourses and policies.

Regressive actors also cite to ‘scientific’ arguments from ultra-conservative think tanks, and from sources that rely on unsound research methodologies, to suggest that abortion causes an array of psychological, sexual, physical, and relational side effects.

Protection of children and parental rights

Just as anti-rights actors aim to construct a new category of ‘protection of the family,’ they are attempting to construct a new category of ‘parental rights,’ which has no support in existing human rights standards.

This discourse paradoxically endeavours to use the rights protections with which children are endowed, as articulated in the Convention on the Rights of the Child, to support the rights of parents to control their children and limit their rights.

Violence against women

Increasingly, anti-rights actors are attempting to infiltrate and subvert standards and discourses developed by women human rights defenders, such as violence against women (VAW).

At the Commission on the Status of Women and other spaces, one rhetorical move is to treat VAW as a concept in which to embed anti-reproductive rights and patriarchal arguments. Ultra conservative actors, for example, have argued that non-heteronormative or traditional intimate partner relationships are a risk factor for violence, and emphasize that fathers are necessary to protect families from violence.

Gender and ‘gender ideology’

The Holy See has set off a sustained critique of gender, ‘gender ideology’, ‘gender radicals,’ and gender theory, and anti-rights actors often read the term as code for LGBTQ rights. Gender is used by the religious right as a cross-cutting concept that links together many of their discourses. Increasingly, the hysteria on this subject fixates on gender identity and trans rights.

Complementarity and human dignity

Complementarity of the sexes is a discourse employed by a number of ultra-conservative actors today. Its rhetoric is structured around an assumption of difference: men and women are meant to have differing but complementary roles in marriage and family life, and with respect to their engagement in the community and political and economic life.

Reference to ‘natural’ roles is meant to fundamentally reject universal human rights to equality and non-discrimination.

It is also used to justify State and non-State violations of these rights, and non-compliance with respect to State obligations to eliminate prejudices and practices based on stereotyped roles for men or women.

National sovereignty and anti-imperialism

This discourse suggests that national governments are being unjustly targeted by UN bodies, or by other States acting through the UN. This is an attempt to shift the subject of human rights from the individual or marginalized community suffering a rights violation to a powerful and/or regressive institution - i.e. the state, in order to justify national exceptions from universal rights or to support state impunity. 

Religious freedom

Anti-rights actors have taken up the discourse of freedom of religion in order to justify violations of human rights. Yet, ultra-conservative actors refer to religious freedom in a way that directly contradicts the purpose of this human right and fundamentally conflicts with the principle of the universality of rights. The inference is that religious liberty is threatened and undermined by the protection of human rights, particularly those related to gender and sexuality.

The central move is to suggest that the right to freedom of religion is intended to protect a religion rather than those who are free to hold or not hold different religious beliefs.

Yet under international human rights law, the right protects believers rather than beliefs, and the right to freedom of religion, thought and conscience includes the right not to profess any religion or belief or to change one’s religion or belief.

Cultural rights and traditional values

The deployment of references to culture and tradition to undermine human rights, including the right to equality, is a common tactic amongst anti-rights actors. Culture is presented as monolithic, static, and immutable, and it is is often presented in opposition to ‘Western norms.’

Allusions to culture by anti-rights actors in international policy debates aim to undermine the universality of rights, arguing for cultural relativism that trumps or limits rights claims. Regressive actors’ use of cultural rights is founded on a purposeful misrepresentation of the human right. States must ensure that traditional or cultural attitudes are not used to justify violations of equality, and human rights law calls for equal access, participation and contribution in all aspects of cultural life for all, including women, religious, and racial minorities, and those with non-conforming genders and sexualities.

Subverting ‘universal’

Anti-rights actors in international policy spaces increasingly manipulate references to universal or fundamental human rights to reverse the meaning of the universality of rights.

Rather than using the term universal to describe the full set of indivisible and interrelated human rights, ultra conservative actors employ this term to instead delineate and describe a subset of human rights as ‘truly fundamental.’ Other rights would thus be subject to State discretion, ‘new’ rights or optional. This discourse is especially powerful as their category of the truly universal remains unarticulated and hence open to shifting interpretation.


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Aïssata Kane

Aïssata Kane, also fondly known as “Yaye Kadia” (Mother Kadia), was a feminist with a lifelong committment in advocating for African and especially Mauritanian women’s rights.

In her career as a politician, she was appointed Minister of Family Protection and Social Affairs in 1975, the first time a woman held such a position and in which Aïssata fervently worked to improve the status of women in her country.  

This work included advancing girls’ and women’s education, fighting against the practice of force-feeding of young women, lobbying for an inclusion of a marital rights provision, and advocating for a female representation quota to be created in the Parliament. 

“[Aïssata] realized all her passions with humility, courage and determination. She didn’t want to disturb anyone by her fight on all these fronts at the same time.” Ball Halimata Dem, Aïssata’s niece

She founded the National Union of Women of Mauritania (UNFM), co-creating and publishing Marienou for them, a magazine dedicated to the emancipation of Mauritanian women. Aïssata also directed several sub-regional and local organizations, including as the President of the International Association of Francophone Women (AIFF) and as a resolute ecologist, she was President of the Association for the Protection of the Environment in Mauritania (APEM). 

In 2018 she received the Pioneer Woman Award. It honors her work in advancing Mauritania’s women’s status and recognizes her strong leadership and sense of innovation.

Aïssata passed away on 10 August 2019. 

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When development initiatives, religious fundamentalisms and the state of women’s rights collide

Nuestro nuevo documento de investigación El diablo se esconde en los detalles aborda la falta de conocimientos sobre los fundamentalismos religiosos en el sector del desarrollo, y se propone comprender mejor de qué manera estos fundamentalismos inhiben el desarrollo y, en particular, los derechos de las mujeres. Propone recomendaciones para que quienes trabajan en temas de desarrollo desafíen la labor de los fundamentalismos y eviten fortalecerlos inadvertidamente. [CTA download link: Leer el documento completo]

 

Seven pointers to consider

 

Graphic1 1. Control of women’s bodies, sexuality, and choice are “warning signs” of rising fundamentalisms.
2. Neoliberal economic policies have a particularly negative impact on women, and fuel the growth of religious fundamentalisms. Graphic2
Graphic3 3. Choosing religious organizations as default for partnerships builds their legitimacy and access to resources, and supports their ideology, including gender ideology.
4.Everyone has multiple identities and should be defined by more than just their religion. Foregrounding religious identities tends to reinforce the power of religious fundamentalists. Graphic4
Graphic5 5. Religion, culture, and tradition are constantly changing, being reinterpreted and challenged. What is dominant is always a question of power.
6. Racism, exclusion, and marginalization all add to the appeal of fundamentalists’ offer of a sense of belonging and a “cause”. Graphic6
Graphic7 7. There is strong evidence that the single most important factor in promoting women’s rights and gender equality is an autonomous women’s movement.

 

Auge global de los fundamentalismos religiosos.

El Diablo se esconde en los detalles proporciona detalles de las graves violaciones a los derechos humanos y, en particular, de las violaciones a los derechos de las mujeres, causados por los fundamentalismos auspiciados por los Estados, así como por actores fundamentalistas no estatales como milicias, organizaciones comunitarias confesionales e individuos. La profundización fundamentalista de normas sociales atávicas y patriarcales está provocando el aumento de la violencia contra las mujeres, las niñas y las defensoras de derechos humanos (WHRDs). El informe propuesta estas ideas clave para abordar el problema:

  • [icon] Fundamentalismos religiosos están ganando terreno en el seno de las comunidades
  • [icon] Sistemas políticos
  • [icon] Escenarios internacionales, con efectos devastadores para la gente común y para las mujeres en particular.

 

Los agentes de desarrollo deben actuar urgentemente.

Quienes trabajan en el desarrollo están de capacidad de asumir una posición más firme. Su capacidad colectiva para reconocer y enfrentar conjuntamente a los fundamentalismos religiosos resulta crucial para promover la justicia social, económica y de género y los derechos humanos de todas las personas en el marco del desarrollo sostenible.   Resulta fundamental promover que el poder y los privilegios se entiendan desde la óptica del feminismo interseccional y aplicar esta comprensión a los interrogantes sobre religión y cultura. Las organizaciones de mujeres ya poseen conocimientos y estrategias para oponerse a los fundamentalismos. Quienes trabajan en el desarrollo deberían apoyarse en estos e invertir en coaliciones enfocadas en múltiples temáticas. Lo anterior, les ayudará a alcanzar nuevos horizontes.

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«¿Dónde está el dinero para las organizaciones feministas?»

¿Cuánto sabes sobre financiamiento feminista? 📊 Pon a prueba tu conocimiento sobre la movilización de recursos para el financiamiento de la organización feminista, respondiendo al cuestionario "¿Dónde está el dinero?":

Completa el quiz en línea Descarga la versión para imprimir


La encuesta ha cerrado. ¡Muchas gracias!

Queremos expresar nuestro más sincero agradecimiento a todos los diversos grupos, colectivos y organizaciones feministas de todo el mundo que respondieron a la encuesta WITM. Su participación y sus puntos de vista han sido inestimables y enriquecerán enormemente nuestra comprensión colectiva de los recursos feministas a nivel mundial.

Snippet Forum Quoate Nicky Mcintyre (EN)

All our change processes rely on the relationships we build at spaces like the AWID Forums where you dance together, your humour comes through, your real self, you tell stories. That is what makes the difference.
- Nicky Mcintyre, USA

Rosane Santiago Silveira

Rosane Santiago Silveira era conocida afectuosamente como «Rô Conceição». Fue una activista ambiental y por los derechos humanos que luchó fervientemente para proteger el medio ambiente en las zonas más amenazadas.

Esta lucha incluyó la defensa así como también la protección ambiental en la isla de Barra Velha, cuando estuvo amenazada por la exploración petrolera, mediante campañas contra la apropiación de tierras y la expansión de las plantaciones de eucaliptus en el Estado de Bahía, donde Rosane integraba el Consejo de la Reserva Extractivista de Cassurubá.

«La Reserva Extractiva es un área protegida donde las familias residentes se ganan la vida con productos naturales extraídos del bosque. Estas actividades ayudan a mantener la integridad del bosque.» - Global Justice Ecology Project (fuente original: Rede Brasil Atual)

Rosane participó en actividades sindicales, y en movimientos culturales y por los derechos humanos. Dedicó gran parte de sí misma, no solamente a las causas que la afectaban directamente, sino a problemas de la tierra, los bosques, los ríos y las comunidades cuyos derechos y vidas están continuamente en riesgo.

Fue torturada y asesinada el 29 de enero de 2019 en Nova Viçosa, una ciudad del sur de Bahía.

«Lamentablemente, hoy existe un sentimiento de inseguridad total, por la ausencia del Estado  en la investigación de estos delitos. Estuvimos con ella en Navidad, todos se dieron cuenta de que estaba preocupada, y ahora sabemos que había recibido tres amenazas de muerte.» - Tuian, hijo de Rosane, en una entrevista con Rádio Brasil Atual (fuente original: Rede Brasil Atual)

Film club - Finding Sally

Finding Sally (2016) Amárico | Inglés con subtítulos en inglés

Una investigación personal sobre la misteriosa vida de Sally (la tía de la directora), una aristócrata etíope que se convirtió en rebelde comunista y desapareció luego de la revolución que llevó al derrocamiento del Emperador Haile Selassie.


Conversación en vivo con Tamara Dawit, directora de << Finding Sally >>

23 de junio a las 12:30 pm EST en IG Live

L’AWID EN 2014 : Renforcer les processus d’organisation en faveur des droits des femmes dans le monde entier

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Thank you for taking the first steps to Co-create Feminist Realities!

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Présentation des donnée

Notre force collective, notre sagesse et notre engagement sont illimités... mais pas nos comptes en banque.

Cette synthèse s’appuie sur les réponses de 1 174 organisations féministes, de défense des droits des femmes, LBTQI+ et alliées (désignées ci-après comme « organisations féministes et de défense des droits des femmes ») issues de 128 pays, ayant participé à l’enquête Où est l’argent pour l’organisation des mouvements féministes ?. Les données reflètent les expériences vécues entre 2021 et 2023, et sont examinées au regard des tendances de restrictions budgétaires qui se profilent pour 2024–2025.

Découvrez l’état des lieux du financement des organisations féministes aujourd’hui.

Instantanés de données à venir