Confronting Extractivism & Corporate Power

Women human rights defenders (WHRDs) worldwide defend their lands, livelihoods and communities from extractive industries and corporate power. They stand against powerful economic and political interests driving land theft, displacement of communities, loss of livelihoods, and environmental degradation.


Why resist extractive industries?

Extractivism is an economic and political model of development that commodifies nature and prioritizes profit over human rights and the environment. Rooted in colonial history, it reinforces social and economic inequalities locally and globally. Often, Black, rural and Indigenous women are the most affected by extractivism, and are largely excluded from decision-making. Defying these patriarchal and neo-colonial forces, women rise in defense of rights, lands, people and nature.

Critical risks and gender-specific violence

WHRDs confronting extractive industries experience a range of risks, threats and violations, including criminalization, stigmatization, violence and intimidation.  Their stories reveal a strong aspect of gendered and sexualized violence. Perpetrators include state and local authorities, corporations, police, military, paramilitary and private security forces, and at times their own communities.

Acting together

AWID and the Women Human Rights Defenders International Coalition (WHRD-IC) are pleased to announce “Women Human Rights Defenders Confronting Extractivism and Corporate Power”; a cross-regional research project documenting the lived experiences of WHRDs from Asia, Africa and Latin America.

We encourage activists, members of social movements, organized civil society, donors and policy makers to read and use these products for advocacy, education and inspiration.

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Tell us how you are using the resources on WHRDs Confronting extractivism and corporate power.

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Thank you!

AWID acknowledges with gratitude the invaluable input of every Woman Human Rights Defender who participated in this project. This project was made possible thanks to your willingness to generously and openly share your experiences and learnings. Your courage, creativity and resilience is an inspiration for us all. Thank you!

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Não me sinto à vontade para partilhar o nome do meu grupo e as nossas informações de contacto com a AWID. Devo preencher o inquérito ainda assim?

Absolutamente, estas perguntas são opcionais, e valorizamos o seu direito de permanecer anónimo. Queira preencher o inquérito independentemente da sua decisão de partilhar o nome do seu grupo, organização e/ou movimento e as respetivas informações de contacto connosco.

Snippet FEA Wage Parity (ES)

Ilustración de dos un par de personas de piel blanca con anteojos, a la izquierda en el fondo hay un mando y a la derecha al frente hay una mujer. El fondo es turquesa.

PARIDAD SALARIAL

Fahmida Riaz

« Après
Après l’amour la première fois,
Nos corps et nos esprits nus
Une galerie des glaces,
Complètement désarmés, absolument fragiles,
Nous nous couchons dans les bras de l’autre
Respirant attentivement,
Avec la crainte de briser
Ces figurines en cristal. » - Fahmida Riaz

Fahmida Riaz a brisé les tabous sociaux en écrivant sur le désir des femmes dans ses poèmes, créant des récits alternatifs à propos du corps des femmes et de leur sexualité, et établissant de nouveaux standards dans la littérature urdu.

Son travail s’est confronté à de sévères critiques de la part des conservateurs, qui l’ont accusée d’utiliser des expressions érotiques et « pornographiques » dans son langage poétique.  

Fahmida a finalement été mise sur liste noire et accusée de sédition en vertu de l’article 124A du Code pénal pakistanais sous la dictature de Zia-ul-Haq. Forcée à l’exil en 1981, elle a passé presque sept ans en Inde avant de retourner au Pakistan. 

Dans la préface de « Badan Dareeda » (Un corps ravagé), un recueil de poèmes publié en 1974, elle écrit :

Si, en effet, je suis forcée à me tenir aujourd’hui devant ce maqtal et me confronte à la potence, je dois y faire face, la tête haute. Mes poèmes sont la trace d’une tête mutilée : des sons émanant même lorsque suspendue par des cordes… Un corps ravagé a pris la forme de razmia, ou  d’un son de rupture. Et si cette rupture est effectivement choquante pour les gens, c’est que la poète a atteint son intention : elle a réussi à la perturber. (traduction de l’urdu vers l’anglais par Asad Alvi) 

La splendeur de Fahmida résidait dans sa défiance de toute logique ou toute catégorie particulière de genre, nation, religion ou culture. Elle refusait d’être mise dans le rôle d’une « femme poète », brisant les définitions traditionnelles de la poésie féminine, des concepts et des thématiques (variant entre conscience politique, corps, culture, désir, religion, foyer), et renversant les inhibitions assignées à son genre.   

« Il faut que vous compreniez que la culture ne peut avoir d’essence. Les cultures changent, circulent entre elles, formant de nouvelles cultures. La culture est née de cette façon. Il n’y a pas de conflits de cultures. »

Fahmida a écrit plus de 15 livres de poésie et de fiction, dont son poème ‘Taaziyati Qaraardaaden’ («Résolutions de condoléances» en anglais) qui pourrait servir d'hommage approprié à sa vie et à son héritage et de collection de poèmes (Apna Jurm To Saabit He «Mon crime est prouvé») publié en 1988 durant son exil.

Fahmida Riaz est née à Meerut, en Inde, le 28 juillet 1946 et est décédée le 21 novembre 2018 à Lahore, au Pakistan. 

Reason to join 2

Encuentra y crea conexiones. AWID cuenta con más de 9000 afiliadxs, todxs dedicadxs a abordar cuestiones complementarias e interconectadas. En esta diversidad se apoya la sostenibilidad de los movimientos y actorxs feministas.

Ika Vantiani

Bunga-Transgirl are girl, Analog collage, 2020
Bunga-Transgirl are girl (Les filles-Bunga trans sont des filles) collage Analog, 2020

Bunga ou fleur en francais est un symbole qui est souvent associé aux femmes en Indonésie. Ce qui signifie qu'une fleur peut également être associée aux femmes transgenres. Parce que les femmes transgenres sont des femmes. Aussi belles, aussi fortes, l’une comme l’autre a vécu sans attendre d'être "cueillie", mais en grandissant, en s'épanouissant et en mourant à sa guise. Cette œuvre est un hommage à mes ami·e·s transgenres à l'occasion de la Journée Internationale de la Visibilité des Personnes Transgenres.

À propos d’Ika Vantiani 

Ika Vantiani portrait
Ika Vantiani est une artiste, conservatrice et créatrice indonésienne basée à Jakarta. Ses œuvres explorent l'idée d'être une femme dans la société d'aujourd'hui où médias et consommation sont inextricablement liés. Ika utilise le principe du collage et l'étend à des ateliers, des installations et au street art. Ika est membre de collectifs d'artistes dont Micro Galleries, The Collage Club et It's In Your Hands Collective. 

متى ستكون نتائج الاستطلاع جاهزة؟

سنقوم بتحليل الردود على الاستطلاع للوصول للاستنتاجات الأساسية والنتائج خلال المنتدى العالمي ل AWID في بانكوك، وعن طريق الانترنت في ديسمبر (كانون الأول) 2024. الرجاء التسجيل هنا لحضور المنتدى.

Snippet FEA Map of Spain Union Otras (FR)

Fond moutarde avec une carte rose de l'Espagne et une épingle jaune de l'emplacement de Sindicato Otras ;

Sylvia Rivera

Sylvia Rivera was a civil rights activist, a transvestite and sex worker.

Known as the New York Drag queen of color, Silvia was fierce and tireless in her advocacy, in defense of those who  were marginalized and excluded as the “gay rights” movement mainstreamed in the United States in the early 1970’s.

In a well-known speech on Christopher Street Day in 1973, Sylvia, shouted through a crowd of LGBT community members: 

“You all tell me, go and hide my tail between my legs.
I will no longer put up with this shit.
I have been beaten.
I have had my nose broken.
I have been thrown in jail.
I have lost my job.
I have lost my apartment.
For gay liberation, and you all treat me this way?
What the fuck’s wrong with you all?
Think about that!” 

In 1969, at age 17, Silvia took part in the iconic Stonewall Riots by allegedly throwing the second Molotov cocktail to protest the police raid of the gay bar in Manhattan. She continued to be a central figure in the uprisings that followed, organizing rallies and fighting back police brutality.

In 1970, Sylvia worked together with Marsha P. Johnson to establish Street Transvestite Action Revolutionaries (S.T.A.R.), a political collective and organisation that would set up projects of mutual support for trans people living on the streets, those struggling with drug addiction and in prisons and in particular for trans people of color and those living in poverty. 

Defiant of labels, Silvia lived life in a way that challenged people in the gay liberation movement to think differently. She said: 

“I left home at age 10 in 1961. I hustled on 42nd Street. The early 60s was not a good time for drag queens, effeminate boys or boys that wore makeup like we did. Back then we were beat up by the police, by everybody. I didn't really come out as a drag queen until the late 60s. when drag queens were arrested, what degradation there was. I remember the first time I got arrested, I wasn't even in full drag. I was walking down the street and the cops just snatched me. People now want to call me a lesbian because I'm with Julia, and I say, "No. I'm just me. I'm not a lesbian." I'm tired of being labeled. I don't even like the label transgender. I'm tired of living with labels. I just want to be who I am. I am Sylvia Rivera. 

Through her activism and courage, Sylvia offered a mirror that reflected all that was wrong within society, but also the possibility of transformation. Sylvia was born in 1951 and passed away in 2002. 

Rapport Annuel 2013

Notre rapport annuel 2013 retrace les temps forts du travail que nous avons réalisé au cours de l'année, afin de contribuer à l'avancement des droits des femmes et de l'égalité des genres à travers le monde.  

Nous présentons ici certains points saillants de notre analyse du contexte mondial, la position que nous adoptons en tant qu’organisation associative féministe mondiale dans ce contexte, les résultats que nous souhaitons atteindre et l’organisation de notre travail dans le but d’atteindre ces résultats.

Solidarity: membership why page

Solidarité

nous prenons position en solidarité les un·e·s avec les autres ainsi qu’avec différentes luttes en défense de la justice et des libertés. Nous nous efforçons de mobiliser et renforcer l’action collective et de pratiquer des méthodes significatives de collaboration.

Understanding the Context of Anti-Rights Threats

Chapter 2

While fundamentalisms, fascisms and other systems of oppression shapeshift and find new tactics and strategies to consolidate power and influence, feminist movements continue to persevere and celebrate gains nationally and The rising power of anti-rights actors is not happening in a vacuum. Understanding the rise of ultra-nationalism, unchecked corporate power, growing repression, and diminishing civic space is key to contextualize the anti-rights threats we face today.

Protester holding a flyer that reads "Danger - Trump and the Far Right."
© Alisdare Hickson / Flickr
Danger - Trump and the Far Right.

Today, considerably more than half of the world’s population is governed by far-right leaders.  Against this backdrop, human rights defenders and feminists are working hard to “hold the line” and protect multilateralism and the international human rights system. They also face the risk that their engagement may bring with it violent reprisals. At the same time, these institutions are increasingly subject to private sector interests. Large businesses, particularly transnational corporations, are occupying seats at the negotiating table and leadership positions in a number of multilateral institutions, including the UN. This nexus of ultra-nationalism, closing civic space, and corporate capture is having a tremendous impact on whether human rights for all can ever be achieved. 

Table of Contents

  • Nationalism and Ultra-nationalism
  • Corporate Capture: Untamed Corporate Power is Putting Rights at Risk
  • Reprisals and Closing Civic Spaces for Feminist Activists, and LGBTIQ+ and Women Human Rights Defenders
  • Movement Resistance Story: CEDAW’s Article 16: A Pathway for Reformation of Discriminatory Family Laws in Muslim Contexts 
     

Read Full Chapter >

Membership why page - Paz Romero

Cette communauté est un endroit de connexions, où l’on comprend nos combats individuels comme faisant partie de luttes mondiales, et où l’on peut même parfois danser ! Il n’existe aucun endroit de la sorte en ligne, où être en contact avec des activistes de terrain, qui viennent du monde entier, et forger de la solidarité et de la sororité..- Paz Romero, Argentina

Snippet FEA Unio Otras Photo 2 (EN)

Photo of Sabrina Sanchez waving a flag and leading a demonstration. She is marching while wearing a lingerie set and heels. There are people with posters behind her;

Cynthia Cockburn

Cynthia Cockburn fue una socióloga feminista, escritora, académica, fotógrafa y activista por la paz.

Estudió los aspectos relacionados con el género en la violencia y el conflicto e hizo importantes contribuciones al movimiento por la paz gracias a sus investigaciones sobre masculinidad y violencia, así como gracias a su activismo local e internacional.

Cynthia aportó un análisis feminista potente sobre la militarización y la guerra, y fue una de las académicas cuyos escritos y estudios demostraron claramente cómo la violencia de género desempeñaba un papel clave en la perpetuación de la guerra. Al trabajar en estrecha colaboración con activistas por la paz en distintos países en conflicto, sus conclusiones abarcaron diversos contextos, entre ellos: Irlanda del Norte, Bosnia y Herzegovina, Israel/Palestina, Corea del Sur, Japón, España y el Reino Unido. También logró incluir en sus investigaciones y escritos académicos una interpretación sobre cómo la violencia se experimenta como un continuo de tiempo y escala y cómo se percibe de forma muy diferente cuando se analiza desde la perspectiva de género.

En sus propias palabras: "El género nos ayuda a ver la continuidad, la conexión entre los casos de violencia".

Cynthia conectó su trabajo de investigación con el activismo que sostuvo a nivel local e internacional con los movimientos por la desmilitarización, el desarme y la paz. Ayudó a iniciar el campamento de paz de las mujeres de Greenham Common, que defendía el desarme nuclear universal en Gran Bretaña, y formó parte también de la creación del capítulo londinense de Women in Black [Mujeres de Negro]. A lo largo de las décadas, Cynthia organizó y participó en vigilias semanales locales y en el coro político Raised Voices [Elevar las Voces], para el que, además de cantar, escribió varias letras de canciones que forman parte de su repertorio.

Su activismo la llevó a apoyar también el trabajo de la Women’s International League for Peace and Freedom [Liga Internacional de Mujeres por la Paz y la Libertad] (WILPF, por su siglas en inglés), el European Forum of Socialist Feminists [Foro Europeo de Feministas Socialistas] y Women Against Fundamentalism [Mujeres contra el Fundamentalismo].

"Cynthia arrojó claridad feminista, tejió comunidades feministas, cantó canciones de paz, escuchó, escuchó, escuchó, observó los pájaros - y detuvo el tráfico. Siempre estaré agradecida y en deuda con ella, la otra 'Cynthia'" - Cynthia Enloe.

Cynthia nació en julio de 1934 y falleció en septiembre de 2019, a la edad de 85 años.

2018: Supporting feminist movements to thrive and disrupt

This report looks back and celebrates the first year of AWID’s new strategic plan as we took our first steps towards our desired outcomes of supporting feminist movements to thrive, challenging anti-rights agendas and co-creating feminist realities.

Download the full report


We worked with feminists to disrupt anti-rights agendas, achieving important victories fought and won within the United Nations system when ground-breaking language on structural discrimination, sexual rights, and states’ obligations were included in a number of resolutions. Yes, the multilateral system is in crisis and in need of serious strengthening but these victories are important as they contribute to the legitimacy of feminist demands, providing feminist movements with more pressure points and momentum to advance our agendas.

We tried and tested different ways to build knowledge with feminist movements through webinars, podcasts and ‘live’ conversations. We developed facilitation guides with popular educators to reclaim knowledge in the interest of social and gender justice, even about a topic as seemingly opaque as illicit funding flows. We commissioned blogs and opinions about how feminist groups fund and resource themselves and threw light on the threats facing our human rights systems.

Within AWID, we practiced and learned from our shared leadership approach, and told the story of the trials and tribulations of co-leading a global, virtual organization. We don’t have a definitive answer to what feminist leadership looks like, but we know, a year on, that a continued commitment to collective experimentation and learning has enabled us to keep building an organization that we are all excited to contribute to.

As we look back on this year, we want to thank all our friends and supporters, colleagues and companions, who have given their time and shared their wealth of knowledge and wisdom with us. We want to thank our members who helped frame our strategic plan and joined us to make feminist demands. We could not do this work without you.

Download the full report

Membership why page page - to join as a member block

To join as a member - step by step

  1. Read and endorse the AWID Values and Community Guidelines.
  2. Fill out your membership sign-up form and indicate your contribution to at least one type of action proposed.
  3. Check your mailbox for a confirmation of your membership.
  4. Fulfill your contribution commitment to the type(s) of action you chose in the sign-up form.

Promover agendas feministas: progresos clave en género y sexualidad

Capítulo 1

Mientras los fundamentalismos, los fascismos y otros sistemas de opresión cambian de forma y encuentran nuevas tácticas y estrategias para consolidar su poder e influencia, los movimientos feministas siguen perseverando y celebrando logros a nivel nacional y en espacios regionales e internacionales.

© GovernmentZA / Flickr A group of women re-enact the 1956 women's march to Pretoria protesting against pass laws.
© GovernmentZA / Flickr
Un grupo de mujeres recrea la marcha de mujeres de 1956 a Pretoria para protestar contra las leyes de pases.

Por ejemplo, en 2019, se dio un paso significativo en el Consejo de Derechos Humanos, cuando la ONU reconoció por primera vez el derecho a la integridad y autonomía corporal. Varias resoluciones del Consejo sobre la discriminación contra mujeres y niñas también reconocen que la reacción está vinculada con grupos de presión regresivos, con perspectivas ideológicas o con el uso inapropiado de la cultura o la religión para oponerse a los derechos igualitarios de mujeres y niñas. También hemos visto progresos feministas en el trabajo de Procedimientos Especiales de la ONU (funcionarixs independientes), tales como enfatizar la obligación de los Estados de oponerse a las narrativas de ideología de género, denunciar el uso inapropiado por parte de los actores antiderechos de referencias a la «cultura», y enfatizar que las creencias religiosas no pueden ser utilizadas como justificación de la violencia o la discriminación.

Índice de contenidos

  • Nivel nacional
  • Espacios internacionales
  • Ejercicio: ¡Esquematicemos y celebremos nuestras victorias!

 Lee el capítulo completo