Norma Angelica Bruno Roman
Protection of the Family
The Issue
Over the past few years, a troubling new trend at the international human rights level is being observed, where discourses on ‘protecting the family’ are being employed to defend violations committed against family members, to bolster and justify impunity, and to restrict equal rights within and to family life.
The campaign to "Protect the Family" is driven by ultra-conservative efforts to impose "traditional" and patriarchal interpretations of the family, and to move rights out of the hands of family members and into the institution of ‘the family’.
“Protection of the Family” efforts stem from:
- rising traditionalism,
- rising cultural, social and religious conservatism and
- sentiment hostile to women’s human rights, sexual rights, child rights and the rights of persons with non-normative gender identities and sexual orientations.
Since 2014, a group of states have been operating as a bloc in human rights spaces under the name “Group of Friends of the Family”, and resolutions on “Protection of the Family” have been successfully passed every year since 2014.
This agenda has spread beyond the Human Rights Council. We have seen regressive language on “the family” being introduced at the Commission on the Status of Women, and attempts made to introduce it in negotiations on the Sustainable Development Goals.
Our Approach
AWID works with partners and allies to jointly resist “Protection of the Family” and other regressive agendas, and to uphold the universality of human rights.
In response to the increased influence of regressive actors in human rights spaces, AWID joined allies to form the Observatory on the Universality of Rights (OURs). OURs is a collaborative project that monitors, analyzes, and shares information on anti-rights initiatives like “Protection of the Family”.
Rights at Risk, the first OURs report, charts a map of the actors making up the global anti-rights lobby, identifies their key discourses and strategies, and the effect they are having on our human rights.
The report outlines “Protection of the Family” as an agenda that has fostered collaboration across a broad range of regressive actors at the UN. It describes it as: “a strategic framework that houses “multiple patriarchal and anti-rights positions, where the framework, in turn, aims to justify and institutionalize these positions.”
Related Content
Solidarity: membership why page
Solidarity
We take a position in solidarity with each other and diverse struggles for justice and freedoms. We strive to mobilize and strengthen collective action and practice meaningful ways of working with each other.
ما هو عدد الردود الذي ترغبون بجمعها؟
نهدف للوصول الى 2000 رد، وهذا تقريباً ضعف الردود التي جمعناها من استطلاع "أين المال" الأخير عام 2021.
Ali Chavez Leeds
«Tasseography» (Tasséomancie)
La tasséomancie est une méthode de divination qui interprète les motifs dans les feuilles de thé et/ou le marc de café. Il s’agit d’une pratique qui se transmet par les femmes de mon côté arménien et qui m’a été enseignée par ma mère, qui elle-même l’a apprise de sa mère, et ainsi de suite. Lorsque je regardais ma grand-mère lire le marc de café du café arménien préparé pour la famille et les amis, je remarquais que, souvent, elle voyait ce qu'elle avait envie de dire. Ces gravures disent certaines des choses que j’ai envie de voir dans le monde ; j'espère que vous aussi.
«Our Promise» (Notre promesse)
Cette gravure célèbre la résilience, le sacrifice et la force des combattant·e·s de la liberté de l’Asie du Sud-Ouest et de l’Afrique du Nord à travers l'histoire et la solidarité qui existe. Elle a été inspirée à l'origine par un article que j'ai lu sur une exposition organisée à Tatvan, un district de Bitlis, qui mettait en lumière la présence arménienne dans la région. Mes ancêtres sont originaires de Bitlis, se situant aujourd'hui sur le territoire de la Turquie actuelle.
«Looking at the Cup» (Regarder la tasse)
La tasséomancie (la lecture du marc de café) est une pratique culturelle utilisée par les femmes arméniennes depuis des siècles pour se parler entre elles et les unes aux autres, un langage codé permettant d'entamer des conversations, d'établir des relations et de tisser des liens.
À propos d’Ali Chavez Leeds
![]Ali Chavez Leeds portrait](/sites/default/files/styles/max_325x325/public/2021-10/portrait.jpeg?itok=0yU3PqLe)
Ali Cat Leeds (elle/iel) est une artiste et graveuse qui vit sur les territoires non cédés de Cowlitz, Multnomah et des tribus confédérées de Grand Ronde, au confluent de deux rivières, également connu sous le nom de Portland, Oregon. Elle produit ses œuvres sous le nom de Entangled Roots Press. Ses impressions mêlent le littéral et le métaphorique pour éclairer et commenter le monde qui nous entoure. Les impressions en relief, sérigraphiques et typographiques vont du carnage de la déforestation à la beauté des mouvements des peuples. Les impressions d'Ali s'inspirent d'histoires ancestrales et s'orientent vers des avenirs libérateurs ; elles enchevêtrent les leçons des jardins, les symboles dans le marc de café, les fils tissés d'Arménie et d'Euskal Herria, jusqu'à la page imprimée.
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Sainimili Naivalu
"He dado testimonio de la discriminación que vi en las calles, he sufrido burlas y abusos verbales ahí. También he hecho numerosas amistades y he conocido a mucha gente. Puede que haya peligros ahí fuera, pero soy una sobreviviente y aquí es donde estaré por ahora." - Sainimili Naivalu
Sainimili Naivalu fue una feminista y activista por los derechos de las personas con discapacidades de la aldea de Dakuibeqa en la isla de Beqa, Fiji.
Exigió a las autoridades políticas y a otras partes interesadas que proporcionaran políticas y servicios favorables a la movilidad de las personas con discapacidad, como la construcción de rampas en pueblos y ciudades para aumentar su accesibilidad. Sin embargo, las barreras físicas no fueron las únicas que Sainimili se esforzó por cambiar. Por experiencia propia, sabía que era necesario que se produjeran cambios más complejos en las esferas sociales y económicas. Muchos de los retos a los que se enfrentan las personas con discapacidad tienen su origen en actitudes que llevan a la discriminación y al estigma.
Como sobreviviente y luchadora, Sainimili contribuyó a la creación conjunta de realidades feministas que fomentasen la inclusión y cambiasen las actitudes hacia las personas con discapacidad. Como afiliada a la Asociación de Lesiones de la Espina Dorsal de Fiji (SIA, por sus siglas en inglés) y a través del proyecto del Foro para Personas con Discapacidades del Pacífico “Pacífico Habilita”, Sainimili asistió a la formación de la Organización Internacional del Trabajo "Inicie su Negocio" en Suva, lo que le permitió transformar sus ideas en su propio negocio. Fue emprendedora en el puesto 7 del mercado de Suva, donde ofrecía servicios de manicura, y también se encargaba del puesto del mercado de las mujeres de SIA, donde vendía artesanías, sulus y otros objetos. El plan de Sainimili era expandir su negocio y convertirse en una importante empleadora de personas con discapacidad.
Además de su activismo, también fue medallista y campeona juvenil de tenis de mesa.
Sainimili era única, con una personalidad vivaz. Siempre podías saber si Sainimili estaba en una habitación porque su risa y sus historias eran los primero que notabas. - Michelle Reddy
Sainimili falleció en 2019.
Our values - Justice and systemic change
Justicia y cambio sistémico
Trabajamos por un mundo basado en la justicia social, ambiental y económica; y por la interdependencia, la solidaridad y el respeto. Trabajamos para desmantelar los sistemas de poder opresivo y contra todas sus manifestaciones, incluidos el patriarcado, los fundamentalismos, los militarismos, los fascismos y el poder corporativo que amenazan nuestras vidas y nuestro mundo. Queremos un mundo justo en el que los recursos y el poder sean compartidos en formas que permitan que todas las personas prosperen.
Barbara Bergmann
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AWID Community
AWID Community is an online social networking platform for specifically for AWID members. It’s a feminist space for connection, resistance and celebration. A space for critical feminist conversations, collective power and solidarity. It is also a space for post-event dialogues, navigating difficult political learnings and community care
Feminist Embodiments of Hope and Power
A Film Series on Feminist Realities from the SWANA region
by Esra Ozban
In a product-obsessed world, prioritizing process is a fundamental feminist method. Processes matter, and curation is no exception. While figuring out which of the films from the SWANA region would speak the loudest to the Feminist Realities theme, the global pandemic we are still facing shifted our everyday lives tremendously. Even to think, write, or express myself has become an everyday struggle. I kept missing all of my deadlines and sending apology emails to Kamee Abrahamian, whom I was working with as an independent curator for AWID’s Feminist Film Club. Kamee’s invaluable support, understanding, and suggestions reminded me that even in two different parts of the world, as colleagues who never met in person, we can co-create micro versions of the Feminist Realities for which we live and yearn.
Feminist Realities for me have a lot to do with sisterhoods. Sisterhoods that help womxn clearing mines in Artsakh/Nagorno-Karabakh. Sisterhoods baked in Vegan Inclusive Trans Cake by young trans feminists in Ankara that remind cis-ters that they are not welcomed by the Z generation. Sisterhoods that are growing into the mint on Dragica Alafandi’s rooftop in the Dheisheh Refugee Camp in Occupied Palestine in Sowing seeds of resistance. Sisterhoods that embrace intimate, sexual, and revolutionary proximities in Gezi Park in #resistayol. Sisterhoods that unearth an imagined encounter between two generations of womxn in exile in the streets of Haifa in Your father was born 100 years old and so was the Nakba. Cross-species sisterhoods that build in a fictional (brave) space created by Mounia Akl in Submarine for her rebel character Hala, who refuses to evacuate from a city full of garbage and is left behind with a dog friend.
This selection gathers bits and pieces of many Feminist Realities that have been realized in the SWANA region over the last couple of years. We will continue to imagine, learn, and share feminist embodiments of hope and power. In the meantime, let’s immerse ourselves in the powerful alternatives brought to life by the filmmakers and protagonists of these films. We may co-create every step, every act, and every attempt as we continue to cohabitate this world with others who are living Feminist Realities and continue to dream more of them into existence.
MOTHERLAND
By Emily Mkrtichian& Jesse Soursourian
“With beautiful visuals paired with compelling verité scenes, Motherland is a show of female camaraderie and strength… The film is a testament of women around the world who are willing to work harder to overcome any obstacle they meet.”
- Nosarieme Garrick, award winning filmmaker
“Motherland is an inspiring visualization of solidarity, courage, and grit…”
- Hers is Ours Collective, organizers of the Outsider Moving Art & Film Festival
Motherland from jesse soursourian on Vimeo.
Emily Mkrtichian on Feminist Realities and Artsakh/NKR:
We shot the short film, Motherland, in the Republic of Artsakh in 2018. I was drawn to each of these women for their strength, their resilience and their humor -- despite the context in which they lived. In 2018, that context was the aftermath of a brutal war in the 1990’s, after which their country remained an unrecognized (or, in the international community, disputed) territory that was not given the autonomy and independence so many other countries enjoy. Artsakh was also deeply affected by the consequences we see in almost all places that go through violent conflict -- consequences that so often fall on women to bear: PTSD, high rates of alcoholism, high rates of domestic abuse, less equality and freedoms granted to women, little to no representation of women in politics and civil service. In the face of all these challenges, this film tries to capture the fire and power of the women of Artsakh, one that might not fit the traditional Western feminist paradigm, but one they have created for themselves through deep community ties, care for their families, hard work, and the ability to laugh with eachother through it all. Today, the Republic of Artsakh has been newly devastated by another war that left it without 70% of the lands these women grew up understanding were theirs. Yet, I can promise you that these women, and thousands of others, continue to pull their families, communities, and culture together through the same networks of care, commitment to hard work, and deep riotous laughter in the face of an uncertain future.
SOWING SEEDS OF RESISTANCE
By Baladi-Rooted Resistance
“A timely film to watch after having born witness to the latest bombardment of Gaza by Israeli Defence Forces. A glimpse into the way that women in Palestinian communities survive structural oppression, through the story of a library of traditional seeds.. and the women that sustain them as a form of nourishing rebellion.”
- Jessica Horn, PanAfrican feminst strategist, writer and co-creator of the temple of her skin
“Watching women coming together and working collectively for food autonomy is both therapeutic and empowering for me.”
- Hers is Ours Collective, organizers of the Outsider Moving Art & Film Festival
Baladi-Rooted Resistance Team on Feminist Realities:
How to talk about Feminist Realities when you live in Deheisheh, a Palestinian refugee camp, built 70 years ago to serve 3000 refugees, but now home to 15000 people, in the occupied West Bank? Or when the land you farm is under constant threat by illegal settlers.
If you’re a woman in occupied Palestine you will have to struggle not only against patriarchy but also against colonialism and a brutal military occupation.
Dragiča and Vivien are fighting these multiple systems of domination in their own way.
Vivien uses native seeds to help Palestinians maintain their identity. Growing traditional food in traditional ways has great significance: “If you’re not a producer anymore, you’re a consumer, and what better way to enslave someone than turning them into your consumer. This is happening all around the world, but here you have it doubled with the military occupation.”
31.5% of households in the West Bank are food insecure. Through a rooftop edible garden, Dragiča managed to increase her family’s food autonomy. In the crowded camp, where the Israeli army conducts regular nighttime incursions to arrest and harass residents, Dragiča’s rooftop garden not only nourishes her family, but it especially nourishes her soul.
#RESISTAYOL
By Ruzgar Buski
Ruzgar Buski on Feminist Realities:
I don’t know what to say about Feminist Realities but as a trans artist, an activist from Turkey, I know our realities are harsh. We live with violences- physical, emotional, economical, sexual! That is why we have to build our own networks, and co-creating micro realities for each other is a Feminist Reality for me. #resistayol is my first film, and at the beginning I was planning to make a film by/for/with trans people that does not try to convince anyone to the fact that trans people are human or focuses on raising awareness on trans issues. However, Gezi Uprising, one of the biggest uprising in the history of Turkey, happened and the film became something different.
I believe the production process really affects what the film is. We tried very hard for women, trans and non-binary people to work on every step of the film. This film is made by people who gathered with camaraderie and friendship. Kanka Productions is founded on transfeminist comradeship. I want the film to give hope, to heal because we carry a lot of traumas in our bodies- this is what makes us and what bonds us. Healing is a never-ending process and we have to create spaces to breath. #resistayol is an hour of breathing collectively.
Boysan Yakar in #resistayol:
Well lubunyas (queers) were sitting in the park, all of a sudden bulldozers arrived and everyone got pissed off. Actually in summary this is it. It's Lubunya's park,and we had thirty days to explain that to this huge city. Everyone acknowledged that at night ibnes (faggots) fuck in that park...LGBTI Block carried our commune there. We already didn't trust the state and police and didn't have any security, we've established our own ways of doing things, our own laws and customs to survive... We carried our law to Gezi rapidly...With an effort to establish some common language and understanding among all these groups, the LGBT language of togetherness spread all through the park. Every day was a Pride march, everyone was continuously saying ‘ayol’. We spruced up the stinky, fusty language of the left. I guess we had such an impact because we've been disowned for all these years. From the most radical ones to the most conservative and nationalist ones, they all needed us, because everyone got used to being confronted with everything. Τhey were not used to such energy, our energy. That’s why it was a great political space for us. Every day, we actualized our biggest and main struggle there, that is, a struggle for visibility and recognition. That’s why we left Gezi with a huge gain.
VEGAN INCLUSIVE TRANS CAKE
By Pembe Hayat
“...a multifaceted statement, showing the joy that exists in the friendships within the queer community in Turkey as a display of rebellion and resistance.”
- Nosarieme Garrick, award winning filmmaker
“...fun, light, and random. In a world constantly marked and scarred by violence against the trans community, nothing, no action, is (unfortunately) deprived of meaning. So to more joy, love, and meaningful randomness!”
- Hers is Ours Collective, organizers of the Outsider Moving Art & Film Festival
Cayan Azadi in Vegan Inclusive Trans Cake:
Hello Barbies, Kens, porcelain dolls, Olive Oyls, cabbage dolls. Brides of Chucky, sisters of Chucky, brother-in-laws of Chucky and last but not least, esteemed brother-in-law lovers.
So why did we make this cake.
Now we got the news that a trans woman sex worker has attempted suicide due to the violence from street-guards and police on the street. She’s being kept at a police station now and that’s exactly why we made this cake. This transvestite cake is baked to show that we exist in every part of life, that we exist persistently and this cake shows that won’t be wiped off or ignored in this society.
Yes, there is violence in our lives, yes there is a lot of shade as well but despite all of that, we can still have fun, enjoying life as much as we can. Bon appetit, sis!
YOUR FATHER WAS BORN 100 YEARS OLD AND SO WAS THE NAKBA ابوكي خلق عمره ١٠٠ سنة، زي النكبة
By Razan AlSalah
SUBMARINE
By Mounia Akl
“It is directed as a poem is written… simple, a touch abstract, and moving.”
- Hers is Ours Collective, organizers of the Outsider Moving Art & Film Festival
Esra Ozban:
Esra Ozban is a film programmer and filmmaker from Turkey. Their artistic, curatorial, and scholarly work intersects critical archival practices, sex work, pornography, feminist/queer film cultures among others.
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Membres du syndicat OTRAS
Sylvia Rivera
Sylvia Rivera était une militante pour les droits civiques, travestie et travailleuse du sexe.
Connue comme la drag queen de couleur de New York, Sylvia était une infatigable et féroce défenseure des marginalisé·e·s et exclu·e·s au début des années 1970, alors que le mouvement pour les « droits des gays » prenait de l’ampleur aux États-Unis.
Dans un discours bien connu prononcé pour Chistopher Street Day en 1973, Sylvia s’est exclamée, parmi une foule de membres de la communauté LGBT :
« Vous me dites tous d’aller me cacher, la queue entre les jambes.
Je ne supporterai plus ces conneries.
On m’a battue.
On m’a cassé le nez.
On m’a jetée en prison.
J’ai perdu mon travail.
J’ai perdu mon appartement.
Tout ça pour la libération gay, et vous me traitez de la sorte?
C’est quoi votre putain de problème à tous?
Réfléchissez à ça! »
En 1969, à l’âge de 17 ans, Sylvia a participé aux célèbres émeutes de Stonewall en jetant, paraît-il, le deuxième cocktail molotov en signe de protestation contre la descente de la police dans le bar gay de Manhattan. Elle a continué à être une figure centrale des soulèvements qui ont suivi, organisant des rassemblements et ripostant aux brutalités policières.
En 1970, Sylvia a collaboré avec Marsha P. Johnson à la création de Street Transvestite Action Revolutionaries (S.T.A.R.), collectif et organisation politique qui mettait sur pied des projets de soutien mutuel pour les personnes trans vivant dans la rue, celles et ceux aux prises avec la toxicomanie ou en détention, et spécialement pour les personnes trans de couleur et celles et ceux vivant dans la pauvreté.
Refusant les étiquettes, Sylvia a incité les personnes du mouvement de libération gay à penser différemment, et ce, tout au long de sa vie. Elle a déclaré :
« J’ai quitté ma maison en 1961, à l’âge de 10 ans. Je me suis démenée sur la 42e rue. Le début des années 1960 n’était pas génial pour les drag queens, les garçons efféminés ou les garçons qui se maquillaient comme on le faisait. À l’époque, on se faisait battre par la police, par tout le monde. Je n’ai pas vraiment fait mon coming out en tant que drag queen avant la fin des années 1960. C’était vraiment la débandade lorsque des drag queens se faisaient arrêter. Je me rappelle la première fois où je me suis fait arrêter, je n’étais même pas habillée entièrement en drag. Je marchais dans la rue et les flics m’ont tout simplement attrapée. Les gens maintenant prétendent que je suis une lesbienne, parce que je suis avec Julia, ce à quoi je leur je réponds : « Non, je suis juste moi. Je ne suis pas une lesbienne. » J’en ai marre d’être étiquetée. Je ne suis même pas en faveur de l’étiquette de transgenre. J’en ai marre de vivre avec des étiquettes. Je veux juste être qui je suis. Je suis Sylvia Rivera »
Par son activisme et son courage, Sylvia Rivera a présenté un miroir où se reflétait tout ce qui n’allait pas dans la société, mais aussi la possibilité d’une transformation. Sylvia est née en 1951 et décédée en 2002.
Join the Feminist Realities journey (Forum page)
Rejoignez l'aventure des réalités féministes
Le Forum de l’AWID n’est qu’une étape dans l’aventure des Réalités féministes. Parcourons ce chemin ensemble et explorons notre pouvoir en action !
Angiza Shinwari
What Our Members Say - ES
Lo que dicen nuestrxs miembrxs
Discursos anti-derechos
Capítulo 3
Los discursos anti-derechos continúan evolucionando. Además de utilizar argumentos relacionados con la religión, la cultura y la tradición, los actores antiderechos cooptan el lenguaje de la justicia social y los derechos humanos para ocultar sus verdaderas agendas y ganar legitimidad.
Alison Howard, Alliance Defending Freedom, habla afuera del sitio de construcción de Planned Parenthood en Washington, D.C.
Hace tres décadas, un evangelista televisivo estadounidense candidato del Partido Republicano dijo una célebre frase: el feminismo es «un movimiento político antifamilia que alienta a las mujeres a dejar a sus maridos, matar a sus hijos, practicar brujería, destruir el capitalismo y convertirse en lesbianas». Hoy en día, esta idea conspirativa ha logrado un alcance y una legitimidad sin precedentes bajo la forma del discurso de la «ideología de género», un término genérico que, cual enemigo imaginario, ha sido creado por los actores antiderechos para oponerse a él.
Dentro de la serie de discursos empleados por los actores antiderechos (que incluyen nociones de «imperialismo cultural» y «colonización ecológica», apelaciones a la «objeción de conciencia» y la idea de un «genocidio prenatal»), un tema clave es la cooptación. Los actores antiderechos se apropian de problemáticas legítimas, o seleccionan partes de estas, y las distorsionan al servicio de sus agendas opresivas.
Índice de contenidos
- Ideología de género
- Imperialismo cultural y colonización ideológica
- Aborto: objeción de conciencia
- Aborto: genocidio prenatal
- Ejercicio: Recuperemos la narrativa
- Historia de movimiento de resistencia: Los principios de Nairobi: compromisos inter-movimientos sobre discapacidad y derechos a la salud sexual y reproductiva
Snippet FEA Principles of Work Antiracism (EN)
ANTIRACISM
Yamile Guerra
Yamile Guerra was a well-known lawyer, community leader and political activist in the Santander region of Colombia.
She was actively working to resolve disputes between local communities and developers, advocating against illegal land appropriation. Yamile had occupied various political posts, including as the Secretary General for the Santander government in Bogota and also aspired for the Mayor’s Office of Bucaramanga. In the last few years of her life, Yamile became increasingly active in environmental causes, particularly in the defense of the biodiverse wetlands of Santurbán against development, a region which supplies nearly 2 million people with freshwater.
According to her family and friends, Yamile received daily threats against her life and had asked the authorities for protection.
“She was very very aware of this issue [land litigation] and she said many times that she felt insecure.” - Alixon Navarro Munoz, journalist and friend of Guerra family
On July 20, 2019 Yamile was shot to death by two men in Floridablanca, Santander. She had just finished discussing a land dispute with them. A suspect was later arrested for her murder and admitted to being paid to carry out her assassination. According to reports, Yamile was the third member of her family to have been killed in relation to land disputes. Her father, Hernando Guerra was murdered several years previously.
Yamile’s assassination is part of a wave of violence and systematic killing of hundreds of social activists and human rights defenders in Colombia. According to the Institute for Development and Peace Studies (INDEPAZ), at the time of Yamile’s death, over 700 community leaders and human rights activists had been killed since the country signed a peace agreement in August 2016. Most were murdered for confronting illegal drug trafficking and mining operations, with indigenous people, Afro-Colombians and women human rights defenders being most at risk.
Less than a week after Yamile’s death, thousands of Colombians marched all over towns and cities, holding up black and white photos of activists who had been killed, with signs that read: "Without leaders there can be no peace" and "No more bloodshed”.
Yamile Guerra was only 42 years old at the time of her assassination.
