The Human Rights Council (HRC) is the key intergovernmental body within the United Nations system responsible for the promotion and protection of all human rights around the globe. It holds three regular sessions a year: in March, June and September. The Office of the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR) is the secretariat for the HRC.
The HRC works by:
Debating and passing resolutions on global human rights issues and human rights situations in particular countries
Examining complaints from victims of human rights violations or activist organizations on behalf of victims of human rights violations
Appointing independent experts (known as “Special Procedures”) to review human rights violations in specific countries and examine and further global human rights issues
Engaging in discussions with experts and governments on human rights issues
Assessing the human rights records of all UN Member States every four and a half years through the Universal Periodic Review
AWID works with feminist, progressive and human rights partners to share key knowledge, convene civil society dialogues and events, and influence negotiations and outcomes of the session.
With our partners, our work will:
◾️ Monitor, track and analyze anti-rights actors, discourses and strategies and their impact on resolutions
◾️Support the work of feminist UN experts in the face of backlash and pressure
◾️Advocate for state accountability
◾️ Work with feminist movements and civil society organizations to advance rights related to gender and sexuality.
Related Content
Snippet - CSW69 - OURs & friends - EN
OURs & friends at the Feminist Solidarity Space
✉️ By invitation only
📅 Tuesday, March 11, 2025
🕒 2.00-4.00pm EST
🏢 Chef's Kitchen Loft with Terrace, 216 East 45th St 13th Floor New York
Organizer: Observatory on the Universality of Rights (OURs) Consortium
FRMag - Anatomy of a survivor's story
Anatomía de la historia de una sobreviviente
por Maryum Saifee
Cuando se hace una búsqueda en Internet sobre «mutilación genital femenina» o «MGF», junto a la entrada de Wikipedia, aparece una imagen de cuatro dibujos lineales de la anatomía femenina, que ilustran cuatro tipos de violencia. (...)
Esther Mwikali habitait dans le village de Mithini, dans le comté de Murang’a au Kenya. Activiste des droits fonciers, importante et appréciée, elle travaillait sur les abus à l’égard de squatters vivant sur des terres revendiquées par des magnats. Esther a participé à une enquête qui comprenait également des violations de droits fonciers à Makaya par de puissants individus.
Suite à l’absence d’Esther lors d’une réunion de village, une équipe de patrouille est partie à sa recherche. Le 27 août 2019, deux jours après sa disparition, on retrouva son corps dans une ferme proche de sa propriété, montrant des signes de torture. Elle fut sauvagement assassinée.
« Esther était reconnue pour son travail auprès des membres de la communauté, empêchant les évictions de terres revendiquées des magnats. Les activistes du coin n’ont aucun doute sur le lien entre son meurtre et les luttes constantes pour les terres dans la région. C’est un tragique rappel de la fréquence alarmante d’assassinats extrajudiciaires régulièrement menés au Kenya » - Global Wittness Report, juillet 2020
« Nous associons la mort de Mwikali aux luttes pour les terres par ici. Nous demandons au gouvernement de mener une enquête sur ce sujet au plus tôt. » - James Mburu, porte-parole des squatters
« Des mesures devraient être prises à l’égard des individus suspectés d’avoir menacé les squatters, et notamment la famille Mwikali. » - Alice Karanja, National Coalition of Human Rights Defenders (coalition nationale des défenseur·e·s des droits humains)
« L’impact de son travail et sa ténacité demeureront encore en vie pour les prochaines décennies au Kenya. CJGEA console avec les personnes endeuillées et appelle à la justice. » - Center for Justice and Governmental Action (Centre pour la justice et l’action gouvernementale, CJGEA) communiqué de presse, 13 septembre 2019
Stephanie Bracken es una feminista dedicada a construir y a apoyar sistemas fuertes orientados a atender las necesidades del momento y las personas que interactúan con ellos y responden a principios de la justicia. Tiene una maestría en Derechos Humanos de la Universidad de Sydney y una licenciatura en Estudios de Género, Historia y Filosofía de la Universidad McGill. Posee experiencia de trabajo con organizaciones feministas y por la justicia social en seguimiento, evaluación y aprendizaje, planificación del trabajo estratégico, gobernanza, gestión de proyectos y establecimiento de sistemas y procesos operacionales. Stephanie vive en Tiohtià:ke/Montreal, donde disfruta de cantar con otrxs, acampar, el arte textil y pasar tiempo con sus hijes y su comunidad.
“I do not know a lot about spirituality or what happens when we die, but my crip queer Korean life makes me believe that our earthly bodyminds is but a fraction, and not considering our ancestors is electing only to see a glimpse of who we are.” - Stacey Park Milbern
Stacey Park Milbern was a self-identifying queer disabled woman of colour and a trailblazer. A long-standing and respected organizer and leader in the disability rights and justice movement, she also advocated for the rights of many different communities, not just her own. Stacey’s activism had mighty roots in her experience at the intersections of gender, disability, sexuality and race.
Stacey, along with some friends, co-created the Disability Justice Culture Club, a group working to support various and especially vulnerable communities, including helping homeless people gain access to resources during the COVID-19 pandemic.
She was also a co-producer of an impact campaign for Netflix’s documentary “Crip Camp”, a board member of the WITH Foundation, and led organizations at local, state and national levels. Stacey wrote beautifully and powerfully:
“My ancestors are people torn apart from loves by war and displacement. It’s because of them I know the power of building home with whatever you have, wherever you are, whoever you are with. My ancestors are queers who lived in the American South. It’s because of them I understand the importance of relationships, place and living life big, even if it is dangerous. All of my ancestors know longing. Longing is often our connecting place...” - Stacey Park Milbern
She was born in Seoul, Korea and grew up in North Carolina, later continuing her journey in the San Francisco Bay Area. Stacey passed away of complications from surgery on her 33rd birthday on 19 May 2020.
“She was, a lot of people would say, a leader. She kind of encompassed all of it. You know, sometimes there's like a lead from the front, lead from the middle, lead from the back. And she was just somehow able to do all of that.” - Andraéa LaVant, disability rights activist
“What a blow to lose Stacey when our communities need her leadership more than ever, and at a time when her strength, insight, and grit were receiving increased recognition outside of disability circles, giving her a greater platform to advance her life’s work...We will not have the gift of learning where her charismatic leadership would have taken us. But let there be no doubt: What Stacey gave us, in a relatively short time, will continue benefiting others for years to come.” - Disability Rights Education and Defense Fund (DREDF)
Inna est une activiste et sociologue féministe queer comptant de nombreuses années d'engagement profond dans les luttes féministes et LGBTQI+, l'éducation politique et l'organisation par et pour les femmes migrantes, ainsi que la libération de la Palestine et la solidarité avec cette dernière. Inna a rejoint l'AWID en 2016 et occupé différents postes, dont celui de directrice des programmes plus récemment. Basée à Berlin, en Allemagne, elle a grandi à Haïfa, en Palestine/Israël, et est née à Saint-Pétersbourg en Russie. Elle porte ces territoires politiques et cette résistance au passé et au présent colonial dans son féminisme et sa solidarité transnationale.
Inna est l'auteure de « Women's Economic Empowerment: Feminism, Neoliberalism, and the State » (« L'autonomisation Économique des Femmes : Féminisme, Néolibéralisme et l’État », Palgrave Macmillan, 2022), un ouvrage basé sur une thèse qui lui a valu un doctorat de l'Université Humboldt de Berlin. En tant qu'universitaire, elle a enseigné des cours sur la mondialisation, la production de connaissances, l'identité et l'appartenance. Inna est titulaire d'un master en études culturelles de l'Université hébraïque de Jérusalem. Elle a été membre du conseil d'administration de +972 Advancement of Citizen Journalism, et l’est actuellement pour Jewish Voice for a Just Peace in the Middle East (en Allemagne). Auparavant, Inna a travaillé avec la Coalition des Femmes pour la Paix et est une passionnée de la mobilisation des ressources pour l'activisme populaire.
Pourquoi l’AWID a-t-elle choisi de tenir le Forum à Taipei ?
Les recherches à distance et les consultations menées auprès de nos allié·e·s nous ont permis d’éliminer plusieurs options de la région.
Nous avons ensuite organisé une série complète de visites au Népal, en Malaisie, au Sri Lanka, en Thaïlande, en Indonésie et (plus tard) à Taïwan. Sur place, chaque visite comprenait non seulement un examen de l’infrastructure logistique, mais aussi des réunions avec des activistes et des groupes féministes locales·aux afin de mieux comprendre la situation et leur analyse des risques et opportunités potentielles quant à un Forum de l’AWID dans leur contexte.
Durant nos visites sur place, nous avons rencontré de formidables mouvements féministes locaux, divers et dynamiques.
Ils ont souvent exprimé des sentiments partagés entre risques et opportunités liées à la visibilité apportée par un événement comme le Forum. Durant l’une des réunions, les activistes présent·e·s soulignèrent à l'unanimité, au cours des 30 premières minutes, que le Forum de l’AWID pouvait entraîner de nombreux contrecoups, que les droits LGBTQ étaient un sujet politique particulièrement sensible et que les groupes fondamentalistes chercheraient de toutes leurs forces à interrompre l’événement. Lorsque nous répliquâmes « ok, donc vous ne pensez pas que ce soit une bonne idée », leur réponse également unanime fut « bien sûr que si, nous voulons changer les récits !».
Il était difficile d’entendre et de voir dans certains endroits le nombre d’activistes féministes qui voulaient utiliser l’opportunité de visibilité d’un tel événement comme levier, prêt·e·s à faire face aux risques locaux ; mais l’accueil de près de 2000 personnes venues du monde entier nécessitait de prendre en compte d’autres calculs de risque et de faisabilité.
Nous avons également débattu de questions sur ce qu’implique l’organisation d’un forum féministe en cohérence avec les principes d’inclusion, de réciprocité et d’autodétermination, là où les politiques et les pratiques étatiques vont généralement à leur encontre (même si les représentant·e·s des Ministères du Tourisme ont tenté ardemment de concilier ce point).
Nous avons pris en considération l’infrastructure au regard des opportunités éventuelles permettant d’insuffler un élan pour certaines priorités féministes nationales, ainsi que le contexte politique du pays.
Dans beaucoup d’endroits, suivre le contexte donnait des impressions de balancier pouvant pencher vers l’ouverture et la sécurité des débats féministes à un moment donné, et vers la répression totale et la xénophobie l’instant d’après, sacrifiant les priorités féministes dans les négociations politiques cherchant à apaiser l’extrême droite ou les forces anti-droits.
Ce processus a donné lieu à des réflexions sur le contexte extrêmement difficile pour l’activisme des droits des femmes et de la justice de genre au niveau mondial.
Les défis de la région Asie-Pacifique nous ont amené à nous demander : ne serait-ce pas plus simple de tenir le Forum dans une autre région ?
Pour autant, nous ne pourrions aujourd’hui organiser un Forum de l’AWID à Istanbul comme nous l’avions fait en 2012, ou au Brésil comme en 2016.
Malgré toute cette complexité, l’AWID a finalement choisi Taipei comme lieu de Forum car :
La ville offre un certain degré de stabilité et de sécurité aux divers·e·s participant·e·s du Forum que nous voulons rassembler.
Elle dispose aussi de capacités logistiques importantes, en plus d’être accessible pour beaucoup de voyageurs·ses (avec une facilitation de procédure de visa électronique pour les conférences internationales).
Le mouvement féministe sur place est accueillant vis-à-vis du Forum et désire s’engager avec des féministes du monde entier.
L’organisation du Forum de l’AWID implique pour nous la création et la disposition d’un espace qui s’ajuste au mieux à une diversité de formes d’expression de solidarité, d’indignation, d’espoir et d’inspiration. Celles-ci sont au cœur de nos mouvements féministes.
Actuellement, Taipei nous semble donc être l’emplacement de la région Asie-Pacifique qui nous permet au mieux de bâtir un espace sécurisé et désobéissant pour notre communauté féministe mondiale.
Le fait est qu’il n’existe pas d’emplacement idéal dans le monde actuel pour tenir un Forum qui se concentre sur les Réalités féministes. Peu importe où nous irons, nous devrons construire cet espace ensemble !
Snippet - GII Intro (ES)
La inversión con impacto de género y el auge de las falsas soluciones.
Un análisis para los movimientos feministas
La inversión con impacto de género (IIG) se ha convertido en tendencia como una solución a la desigualdad de género. Sin embargo, como lo demuestra nuestro informe, en realidad es parte del problema. Las instituciones públicas y privadas que fomentan la IIG la equiparan con la promoción de la igualdad de género y con mayores recursos para mujeres y niñas.
Ninguna de estas aseveraciones tiene una base empírica.
Por el contrario, la IIG es otra expresión de la subordinación de nuestras vidas y nuestras sociedades a la misma lógica financiera que ha configurado, y sigue configurando, las profundas desigualdades de nuestro mundo.
Con este informe, AWID ofrece a lxs lectorxs (feministas, defensorxs de la justicia de género y otrxs actorxs del sector de la inversión con impacto de género) un análisis crítico y pruebas fundamentadas para entender la IIG, sus narrativas y sus implicancias económicas y políticas para los movimientos feministas.
Snippet - Homepage CSW69_FR
AWID à la CSW69 Beijing+30 | #FreezeFascisms
Notre présence collective perturbe les mécanismes d’exclusion des institutions dans ces espaces tout en soutenant les mouvements qui s’organisent autour d’alternatives féministes aux systèmes d’oppression.
Participez aux conversations du 10 au 21 mars 2025 pour, collectivement, faire de la CSW69 un espace de résistance et de solidarité.
Let the invisible be visible: A Genderfluid Bodybuilder’s Manifesto in Hong Kong
by Siufung Law
“97..! 98.. where is 98? 98! Please come back to the lineup!... 99! 100!...” The backstage lady relentlessly asked each athlete to queue up at the humid, sweaty, overcrowded backstage. (...)
Sara AbuGhazal is a Palestinian feminist living in Beirut. She is a co-founder of Sawt al-Niswa, a collective that produces knowledge in Beirut. She is the co-director of The Knowledge Workshop, a feminist organization based in Beirut that works on feminist oral history and archiving. Sara is currently the Regional Coordinator of the Regional Coalition for Women Human Rights Defenders in the Middle East and North Africa.
Sara strives to help create spaces of feminist transformation and solidarity. Her work is mostly centered on building sustainable movements in the MENA region. She is invested in knowledge production, feminist transformation, and Palestine. She publishes regularly in sawtalniswa.org and her fiction also appears in Romman e-magazine.
Freeing the Church, Decolonizing the Bible for West Papuan Women
By Rode Wanimbo (@rodwan986), Jayapura, Papua Province of Indonesia
“Lord, we are unworthy. We are the ones who committed sin for Eve ate the fruit in Eden. We are just women who grow sweet potatoes, look after pigs and give birth to children. We believe you died on the cross to set us free. Thank you, In Jesus’s name Amen.”
This is a typical prayer of women I have heard during my visits to ministries in several villages. Even I said the same prayer for many years.
I was born and grew up in Agamua, the Central Highlands of West Papua. My father belongs to the Lani tribe and my mother comes from Walak.
In Lani and Walak languages - languages spoken in the Central Highlands - tiru means a pillar. There are four tiru (pillars) standing firmly in the middle of the Lani roundhouse (honai), around wun’awe or a furnace. Tiru is always made of the strongest type of wood called a’pe (ironwood tree). The longer the wood gets heated and smoked from the fire in the honai, the stronger it becomes. Without tiru, the honai cannot stand firm. West Papuan women are these tiru.
West Papua is located in the western part of the New Guinea island, containing some of the world’s highest mountains, densest jungle, and richest mineral resources. It is home to over 250 groups and has an incredible biodiversity. Due to its natural wealth, West Papua has, over the centuries, been targeted by foreign occupiers. Until 1963, we were colonized by the Dutch. However in 1969, after a manipulative political act, we were transferred from the Dutch to Indonesia.
The first German missionaries arrived in Mansinam Island, Manokwari, in 1855. Then, in the 1950s, Christianity was brought to the Central Highlands of West Papua by Protestant missionaries of European descent from America, Canada, Australia and New Zealand.
According to Scripture in Genesis 1: 26-27, Man and Woman are created in the image of God. It means all humanity is made with the call and capacity to exercise dominion. Radah, the Hebrew word for dominion, means stewardship. Radah is not a call to exercise imperial power as declared by Pope Nicolas V, granting Catholic nations the right to “discover” and claim dominion over non-Christian lands. To diminish the capacity of humans to exercise dominion, is to diminish the image of God on earth (Lisa Sharon Harper, The Very Good Gospel).
The Evangelical Church of Indonesia (GIDI) was established as an institution in 1963. In the Sunday Service liturgy of GIDI, Women are considered unworthy to take any responsibility except collecting offerings. In 2003, after 40 years, the Department of Women was introduced within the structure of the Synod leadership.
In November 2013, I was entrusted to be a chairperson of the Women’s Department of the GIDI Synod.
Together with several other women leaders, we started a cell group that is committed to “decolonizing the Bible.” We learn together how to reconstruct the interpretation of biblical texts to champion women.
A feminist theologian named Elisabeth S Florenza calls it a feminist hermeneutic theory (Josina Wospakrik, Biblical Interpretation and Marginalization of Woman in the Churches of West Papua).
Besides the cell group, we interview our elderly women to collect our ancestors’ wisdom and values. As Bernard Narakobi in his book The Melanesian Way said: “Our history did not begin with contact with the Western explorers. Our civilization did not start with the coming of the Christian missionaries. Because we have an ancient civilization. It is important for us to give proper dignity and place to our history”.
Yum is a knotted net or woven bag handmade from wood fiber or leaves. Yum is highly valued for it symbolizes life and hope. When women of Lani and Walak get married, our maternal aunts put yum on our heads. It means we bear the responsibility for giving life and for providing food. Yum is used to carry garden produce as well as being used as a container to put a baby to sleep in as it gives warmth and a sense of security.
“West Papuan Women are Yum and Tiru” became the prime references as we contextualized women in the eyes of Jesus Christ in seminar and focus group discussions. From 2013 to 2018, we focused on reconstructing the view of women in GIDI and in gaining a healthy self-image. We are still in the process of understanding who we are to Jesus, rather than who we have been told we are by theologians and the fathers of the early Churches. Josina Wospakrik, a West Papuan Theologian said “The Gospel is incredibly rich but it was impoverished due to human ambitions and agendas.”
Since 2018, the GIDI Women Leadership team and I have formulated four priority programs: Decolonizing the Bible, Storytelling in a circle, Training of trainers for Literacy and Gender. The fourth, supported simple bookkeeping and savings groups workshops facilitated by Yapelin and Yasumat, which are faith based organizations established by GIDI leaders to reach the economic, social and health needs of women in the communities.
Storytelling in a Circle
In this programme we create a safe space for women to talk - each woman has a story. We all sit together and learn how to be good listeners.
“I became Christian and was taught that the government is God’s representative. Why did the government do nothing when the army burnt down my village and killed my relatives?” asked one woman in the storytelling circle. “My aunt was raped.” She stopped for a while. Could not talk. She cried. We all did.
The process of storytelling has driven us into deep conversation. We began to contextualize Biblical texts within our daily realities.
We started asking questions amongst ourselves: Where is God in our toughest times? Does the state government truly represent God on earth? Why does the Creator allow privileged people to destroy His own image in the name of Christianity and Development? During the process, I realized that I have been reading the Bible using somebody else’s glasses.
The church has to be a safe place to share stories and be a place of comfort to be still and rest. As we reflect on the testimonies, those who tell their stories begin the process of recovering from wounds and trauma.
Financial Literacy for Women
Culturally, West Papuans invest in relationships. The concept of saving is understood as an investment in relations, not in a bank account. And while the Indonesian central government has granted special autonomy to respond to West Papuans’ demand for self-determination, many government policies harm the quality of family life and they do not account for women’s lives. High illiteracy rates amongst women mean most women do not have access to a bank account. With no money saved, access to medical services becomes a struggle.
Through the priority programmes, Yapelin, with the active involvement and support of women, created saving groups in Bokondini and Jayapura. The saving groups are chaired by women who have access to a bank.
In coordination with Yayasan Bethany Indonesia (YBI) and Yayasan Suluh, a faith-based organization (FBO) based in Jayapura, we facilitated four literacy workshops. The literacy team facilitated the training of trainers in three different dioceses: Merauke, Sentani, and Benawa. We now have 30 facilitators in different congregations who run literacy programs.
Lack of financial support for our programs will not stop us. Being stigmatized as rebels will not stop us from standing up and speaking in church evaluation meetings and conferences. It is stressful but I am committed together with several women leaders to calling on the power-holders within to free the church.
The Gospel known as Good News should become news that liberates women from a very patriarchal circle of power, liberates women from social stigma and returns women to the original purpose of The Creator.
The Gospel must be a mirror to reflect who we are collectively. As Lisa Sharon Harper, in her book The Very Good Gospel said “The Gospel is not only about an individual’s reconciliation with God, self and communities. But also speaks on systemic justice, peace between people groups and freedom for the oppressed”.
Rode Wanimbo is the chairperson of the Women’s Department of Evangelical Church of Indonesia (GIDI).
“Offerings for Black Life”
By Sokari Ekine (@blacklooks), New Orleans
Coming from a place of healing and self-care is a political act that guides us to be focused and to move as one. In New Orleans, we created and will be creating altars in honour of those murdered by police and white supremacists vigilantes!
Explore 150+ regularly updated funding opportunities in this searchable database, created in response to cuts in development aid. Filter by issue, region, funder type, and eligibility.
Delante mío hay una foto vieja, borrosa. En ella, estoy toda vestida de blanco, desde las perlas sujetas en mi cabello y apretadas contra mis orejas, hasta las que rodean holgadamente mis pequeñas muñecas. (...)
es una activista feminista de Tiflis, Georgia, dedicada a la justicia social y de género. Tiene una Maestría en estudios de género, y ha estado comprometida con movimientos feministas, queer y ecologistas desde hace nueve años, trabajando, entre otras problemáticas, sobre violencia de género, violencia doméstica, derechos y salud sexuales y reproductivos, derechos LGBTIQ, y seguridad y derechos holísticos y digitales, entre otros.
Desde 2014 trabaja activamente sobre asuntos de seguridad de activistas y defensoras de derechos humanos, ha organizado talleres sobre seguridad integrada y seguridad digital dirigidos específicamente a activistas de grupos desfavorecidos (personas queer, minorías étnicas y religiosas, mujeres y niñas rurales, etc.), y también para organizaciones feministas más grandes. Salome integra el «Independent Group of Feminists», una iniciativa informal, no jerárquica y no registrada que reúne feministas de distintos contextos de Georgia. Actualmente, trabaja con el Fondo de Mujeres de Georgia, que está comprometido con la construcción de movimientos feministas y de mujeres, brindando financiación feminista y alentando la filantropía feminista local.
