Special Focus

AWID is an international, feminist, membership organisation committed to achieving gender equality, sustainable development and women’s human rights

AWID Forum: Co-creating Feminist Futures

In September 2016, the 13th AWID international Forum brought together in Brazil over 1800 feminists and women’s rights advocates in a spirit of resistance and resilience.

This section highlights the gains, learnings and resources that came out of our rich conversations. We invite you to explore, share and comment!


What has happened since 2016?

One of the key takeaways from the 2016 Forum was the need to broaden and deepen our cross-movement work to address rising fascisms, fundamentalisms, corporate greed and climate change.

With this in mind, we have been working with multiple allies to grow these seeds of resistance:

And through our next strategic plan and Forum process, we are committed to keep developing ideas and deepen the learnings ignited at the 2016 Forum.

What happens now?

The world is a much different place than it was a year ago, and it will continue to change.

The next AWID Forum will take place in the Asia Pacific region (exact location and dates to be announced in 2018).

We look forward to you joining us!

About the AWID Forum

AWID Forums started in 1983, in Washington DC. Since then, the event has grown to become many things to many peoples: an iterative process of sharpening our analyses, vision and actions; a watershed moment that reinvigorates participants’ feminisms and energizes their organizing; and a political home for women human rights defenders to find sanctuary and solidarity.

Learn more about previous Forums

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Key impacts on the international human rights system

Anti-rights actors have had a substantive impact on our human rights framework and the progressive interpretation of human rights standards, especially rights related to gender and sexuality.

When it comes to the impact of conservative actors in international policy spaces, the overall picture today is of stasis and regressions.


We have witnessed the watering down of existing agreements and commitment; deadlock in negotiations; sustained undermining of UN agencies, treaty review bodies and Special Procedures; and success in pushing through regressive language in international human rights documents.

Commission on the Status of Women (CSW)

The CSW, held annually in March, has long been one of the most contested sites in the UN system. In March 2015, conservative efforts set the tone before events or negotiations even began; the outcome document of the Commission was a weak Declaration negotiated before any women’s rights activists even arrived on the ground.

At 2016’s CSW, the new Youth Caucus was infiltrated by large numbers of vocal anti-abortion and anti-SRHR actors, who shouted down progressive youth organizations. Again, intensive negotiations resulted in a lacklustre text, which included regressive language on ‘the family.’

Precisely when addressing women’s human rights is of urgent importance, the CSW has been rendered a depoliticized and weakened space. Using it to advance rights has become harder and harder since progressives’ energy is taken up trying to hold the ground against conservative backlash.

Human Rights Council (HRC)

As the intergovernmental body responsible for the promotion and protection of human rights around the globe, the HRC is a key entry point for conservative actors. In recent years, this mechanism has been the scene for a number of damaging anti-human rights moves.

In conversation with other anti-rights actors, one strategy of conservative states, and blocs of states, is to aggressively negotiate out positive language and to introduce hostile amendments to resolutions, most often resolutions focusing on rights related to gender and sexuality.

To take one example, during the June 2016 session of the HRC, opposition was mounted towards a resolution on discrimination against women by the member states of the Organization of Islamic Cooperation (OIC) and allies. During contentious negotiations, multiple provisions were removed, including women’s and girls’ right to have control over their sexuality, sexual and reproductive health, and reproductive rights; and the need to repeal laws which perpetuate the patriarchal oppression of women and girls in families, and those criminalizing adultery or pardoning marital rape.

The HRC has also been the site of pernicious conservative initiatives to co-opt human rights norms and enact conservative “human rights” language, such as that of the Russia-led “traditional values” resolutions, and more recently the “Protection of the Family” agenda.

Human Rights Committee

In 2015, moving their sights to another front, a number of religious right organizations began to target the Human Rights Committee, the treaty monitoring body for the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), a pivotal human rights instrument.

Anti-human rights groups mobilized in hopes of cementing their anti-abortion rhetoric into the treaty.

When the Committee announced it was drafting a new authoritative interpretation of the right to life, over 30 conservative non-state actors sent in written submissions, advocating their misleading discourse on ‘right to life’ - that life begins at conception and that abortion is a violation of the right - be incorporated in the Committee’s interpretation of article 6.

Conservative groups targeting the Human Rights Committee was a shift considering that historically anti-human rights actors have repeatedly attempted to undermine and invalidate the essential work of the treaty monitoring bodies, including the Human Rights Committee.

SDG negotiations and Agenda 2030

Anti-human rights actors were involved in lobbying towards the development of the new Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) in 2015, focusing again on rights relating to gender and sexuality. These efforts had limited traction in their attempts to embed regressive language in Agenda 2030.

However, after successfully pushing back against progressive language in the final text, conservative actors then pivoted to another strategy. In an attempt to evade state accountability and undermine the universality of rights, several states have repeatedly made reservations to the Goals.

On behalf of the African Group, Senegal claimed that African states would only “implement the goals in line with the cultural and religious values of its countries.”

The Holy See also made a number of reservations, stating it was “confident that the related pledge ‘no one will be left behind’ would be read” as meaning “the right to life of the person, from conception until natural death.”

Saudi Arabia went one step further, declaring that the country would not follow any international rules relating to the SDGs that reference sexual orientation or gender identity, describing them as running “counter to Islamic law.”

General Assembly (GA)

Anti-rights actors have made increasing headway at the UN General Assembly (GA).  Most recently, during the 71st session in 2016, the GA was the scene of feverish anti-rights organizing in opposition to the new mandate created by the Human Rights Council resolution on sexual orientation and gender identity in June 2016: the Independent Expert on SOGI. Four separate attempts were made to undercut the mandate in GA spaces.

One approach was to introduce a hostile resolution at the Third Committee[1], led by the African Group, which in essence aimed to indefinitely defer the new mandate. While this approach was not successful, such an attempt in the GA to retroactively block the creation of a mandate brought forward by the Human Rights Council represented a new and troubling tactic - anti-right actors are now working to directly undermine the HRC’s authority respective to the General Assembly.

Another approach targeted the Fifth Committee (responsible for administration and budgetary matters) as an entry point to attack the mandate. In an unprecedented move a number of States attempted (again, unsuccessfully) to block the funding of UN human rights experts, including the new IE on SOGI[2],.

While these multiple efforts were unsuccessful in blocking the creation and continuation of the new mandate, the significant support they received, the novel strategizing employed, and the strong alliances built along regional lines through negotiations point to difficulties ahead.


[1] The Third Committee of the GA deals with agenda items relating to a range of social, humanitarian affairs, and human rights issues.  Each year it discusses and issues resolutions on issues including the advancement of women, the protection of children, family, and youth.

[2] While UN Special Procedures experts (i.e. Special Rapporteurs, Working Group members and Independent Experts) work pro bono, some funds are generally allocated to facilitate country visits on the invitation of the national government, and support staff.

 


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Qual é o objetivo do inquérito WITM?

O objetivo principal do inquérito WITM é chamar a atenção para o estado financeiro dos diversos movimentos feministas, de direitos das mulheres, de justiça de género, de LBTQI+ e de aliados globalmente, e com base nisto, fortalecer ainda mais o argumento para transferir mais recursos de melhor qualidade e poder para os movimentos feministas.

Carmen de la Cruz

Carmen a consacré sa carrière à la défense des droits des femmes au sein de diverses ONG, ainsi qu’au sein des Nations Unies.

Elle a enseigné dans plusieurs universités espagnoles et latino-américaines et publié de nombreux articles et rapports sur les femmes, le genre et la paix dans les pays en développement. Ses écrits et ses réflexions critiques ont touché toute une génération de jeunes femmes.

Son dernier mandat auprès du centre régional du Programme des Nations Unies pour le développement (PNUD) de l'Amérique latine, fut comme responsable du département de mise en pratique des politiques de genre, lors duquel elle a soutenu de très précieuses initiatives en faveur de l'égalité de genre et des droits fondamentaux des femmes.


 

Carmen de la Cruz, Argentina/ Spain
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Ressources en soutien aux mouvements féministes, aux décideur·euse·s et aux allié·e·s pour résister aux tendances antidroits.

Snippet FEA collaborator and allies Photo 3 (EN)

The photo depicts five women (Sopo is standing in the middle) standing on top of stairs in front of a stone wall, holding placards with Georgian slogans written on them.

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Compilación de noticias sobre la organización y/o el trabajo de AWID


 

 


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É possível existir várias respostas para o inquérito WITM em nome de um grupo específico?

Não, solicitamos apenas um inquérito completo por grupo.

Dora Nkem Akunyili

Dora was born in Benue State, Nigeria. She was a globally acclaimed pharmacist, technocrat, erudite scholar and community leader.

Dora’s revolutionary work created a paradigm shift in the Nigerian public service when she served as Director General of National Agency for Food and Drugs Administration and Control (NAFDAC) from 2001-2008. She spearheaded reforms in policy and regulatory enforcement that radically reduced the measure of fake drugs that plagued the Nigerian pharmaceutical sector during her tenure.

Having exemplified the reality of a courageous, competent woman who challenged the ills of a dominantly patriarchal society and drove change, she became an icon for women’s empowerment. She was appointed the Minister of Information and Communication between 2008 and 2010.

She died after a battle with cancer and is survived by her husband, six children and three grandchildren.


 

Dora Nkem Akunyili, Nigeria
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Snippet FEA Meet the Solidarity Network (ES)

SINDICATO RED DE SOLIDARIDAD

Te presentamos el Sindicato Red de Solidaridad, un sindicato de servicios y salud liderado en su mayoría por mujeres. Surgiendo como respuesta a la creciente precariedad, salarios insuficientes y entornos laborales hostiles que enfrentan diariamente lxs trabajadorxs en Georgia, el Sindicato Red de Solidaridad lucha por lugares y condiciones de trabajo dignos.

¿Su objetivo? Crear un movimiento obrero democrático nacional. Para hacerlo, se ha asociado con otros sindicatos locales y regionales y ha creado lentamente una red de sindicatos, empoderando por el camino a cada vez más trabajadoras para que se conviertan en líderes sindicales.

Su enfoque político es holístico. Para el Sindicato Red de Solidaridad, los temas de derechos laborales están directamente conectados con agendas y reformas políticas y económicas nacionales más amplias. Por eso están presionando por la justicia fiscal, los derechos de las mujeres y personas LGBTQIA+, y luchando contra el desmantelamiento del estado de bienestar georgiano.

Solidarity Network también forma parte de Huelga Social Transnacional (Transnational Social Strike, TSS), una plataforma política e infraestructura inspirada en la organización de migrantes, mujeres y trabajadores esenciales que trabaja para construir conexiones entre los movimientos laborales a través de las fronteras y fomentar la solidaridad global.

Here are your report and infographics: Toward a feminist funding ecosystem

هل استطيع تعبئة الاستطلاع خارج KOBO ومشاركتكم/ن الأجوبة عن طريق البريد الالكتروني؟

ما لم تكن هناك مشكلات في إمكانية الوصول و/أو إذا كنت تملأ/ئي الاستبيان بلغات أخرى، فإننا نشجعك بشدة على استخدام KOBO لجمع وتحليل البيانات الموحدة للاستطلاع.

Su’ad Al-Ali

Su’ad fue una firme defensora de los derechos de las mujeres y lxs niñxs y estuvo al frente de Al-Weed Al-Alaiami, una organización de derechos humanos iraquí.

Participó en las manifestaciones que tuvieron lugar en julio de 2018 en Basra y en varias otras ciudades iraquíes, en protesta contra el desempleo y en demanda de trabajo y servicios públicos adecuados para la ciudadanía, y exigiendo también la eliminación de la corrupción generalizada.

Su’ad fue asesinada el 25 de septiembre de 2018, en el barrio de Al-Abbasiyah, en el centro de Basra. En un video del hecho, se veía a una persona que se le acercaba mientras ella se subía a su automóvil, le disparaba un tiro en la parte posterior de la cabeza y apuntaba el siguiente disparo a Hussain Hassan, su chofer, quien resultó herido en un hombro. Al-Ali tenía 46 años y era madre de cuatro hijxs.


 

Su'ad Al Ali, Iraq
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Snippet FEA different lines of work FOR S4 (FR)

Lignes de travail :

POUR

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