AWID Forum: Co-creating Feminist Futures
In September 2016, the 13th AWID international Forum brought together in Brazil over 1800 feminists and women’s rights advocates in a spirit of resistance and resilience.
This section highlights the gains, learnings and resources that came out of our rich conversations. We invite you to explore, share and comment!
What has happened since 2016?
One of the key takeaways from the 2016 Forum was the need to broaden and deepen our cross-movement work to address rising fascisms, fundamentalisms, corporate greed and climate change.
With this in mind, we have been working with multiple allies to grow these seeds of resistance:
- Our Seed Initiatives, has helped 20 ideas that emerged at the Forum to grow into concrete actions
- The video “Defending people and planet” and guide “Weaving resistance through action” put courageous WHRDs in the spotlight and present concrete strategies they use to confront corporate power.
- With our animations about the State of Our Feminist Movements and Climate and Environmental Justice, movements now have creative tools to support their advocacy work.
- The compiling artistic expressions of our #MovementsMatter series continues to inspire stronger and more creative organizing around the world.
- Movements can also benefit from new methodologies on Visioning Feminist Futures (Coming up soon!)
And through our next strategic plan and Forum process, we are committed to keep developing ideas and deepen the learnings ignited at the 2016 Forum.
What happens now?
The next AWID Forum will take place in the Asia Pacific region (exact location and dates to be announced in 2018).
We look forward to you joining us!
About the AWID Forum
AWID Forums started in 1983, in Washington DC. Since then, the event has grown to become many things to many peoples: an iterative process of sharpening our analyses, vision and actions; a watershed moment that reinvigorates participants’ feminisms and energizes their organizing; and a political home for women human rights defenders to find sanctuary and solidarity.
Related Content
Challenging the economic growth model
Context
Contesting the premise that a country’s economy must always ‘grow or die’, de-growth propositions come to debunk the centrality of growth measured by increase in Gross domestic product (GDP).
Definition
A de-growth model proposes a shift towards a lower and sustainable level of production and consumption. In essence, shrinking the economic system to leave more space for human cooperation and ecosystems.
The proposal includes
- Downsizing resource-, energy- and emission-intensive superfluous production, particularly in the North (e.g. the automotive and military industries)
- Directing investments instead into the care sector, social infrastructure and environmental restoration
Feminist perspective
Feminist perspectives within de-growth theory and practice argue that it also needs to redefine and revalidate unpaid and paid, care and market labour to overcome traditional gender stereotypes as well as the prevailing wage gaps and income inequalities that devalue care work.

Learn more about this proposition
- In “The Future WE Want: Occupy development” Christa Wichterich argues that in order to break up the hegemonic logic of unfettered growth and quick returns on investment, three cornerstones of another development paradigm must combine: care, commons and sufficiency in production and consumption.
- Equitable, Ecological Degrowth: Feminist Contributions by Patricia Perkins suggests developing effective alternative indicators of well-being, including social and economic equity and work-time data, to demonstrate the importance of unpaid work and services for the economy and provide a mechanism for giving credit to those responsible.
Part of our series of
Feminist Propositions for a Just Economy
Snippet - COP30 - Resisting Ecofascisms - FR
Résister aux éco-fascismes : un dialogue inter-mouvements à la COP30
Comment les mouvements résistent aux agendas fascistes en lien avec le changement climatique.
📅 Mardi 11 novembre 2025
📍 Beira Rio Hôtel, Belém, Pará
¿Puede una persona u organización presentar múltiples propuestas?
Como organizadorx, puedes proponer hasta dos (2) actividades, y también puedes asociarte en otras propuestas.
Ester Lopes | Snippet

Ester Lopes is a dancer and writer whose research focuses on the body, gender, race, and class relations. She is a Pilates instructor and art educator. Ester graduated in Contemporary Theater – Creative Processes (at FAINC) and in Dance and Body Consciousness (at USCS). Her musical specialization includes popular singing and percussion. She received training in Novos Brincantes with Flaira Ferro, Mateus Prado, and Antonio Meira at Brincante Institute in 2015 and 2016.
Key opposition discourses
Ultra conservative actors have developed a number of discourses at the international human rights level that call on arguments manipulating religion, culture, tradition, and national sovereignty in order to undermine rights related to gender and sexuality.
Anti-rights actors have increasingly moved away from explicitly religious language. Increasingly, we see regressive actors - who may previously have derided human rights concepts - instead manipulating and co-opting these very concepts to further their objectives.
Protection of the family
This emerging and successful discourse appears innocuous, but it functions as a useful umbrella theme to house multiple patriarchal and anti-rights positions. The ‘protection of the family’ theme is thus a key example of regressive actors’ move towards holistic and integrated advocacy.
The language of ‘protection of the family’ works to shift the subject of human rights from the individual and onto already powerful institutions.
It also affirms a unitary, hierarchical, and patriarchal conception of the family that discriminates against family forms outside of these rigid boundaries. It also attempts to change the focus from recognition and protection of the rights of vulnerable family members to non-discrimination, autonomy, and freedom from violence in the context of family relations.
The Right to Life
The Holy See and a number of Christian Right groups seek to appropriate the right to life in service of an anti-abortion mission. Infusing human rights language with conservative religious doctrine, they argue that the right to life, as set out in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, applies at the moment of conception.
The discourse has no support in any universal human rights instrument. Yet this is an appealing tactic for anti-rights actors, because the right to life cannot be violated under any circumstances and is a binding legal standard.
Sexual rights
Anti-rights actors use a number of rhetorical devices in their campaign to undermine sexual rights: they argue that sexual rights do not exist or are ‘new rights,’ that they cause harm to children and society, and/or that these rights stand in opposition to culture, tradition or national laws.
Conservative actors engaged in advocacy at the UN attack the right to comprehensive sexuality education from several directions. They claim that CSE violates ‘parental rights’, harms children, and that it is not education but ideological indoctrination. They also claim that comprehensive sexuality education is pushed on children, parents, and the United Nations by powerful lobbyists seeking to profit from services they provide to children and youth.
Attempts to invalidate rights related to sexual orientation and gender identity have proliferated. Ultra conservative actors argue that application of long-standing human rights principles and law on this issue constitutes the creation of ‘new rights’; and that the meaning of rights should vary radically because they should be interpreted through the lens of ‘culture’ or ‘national particularities.’
Reproductive Rights
Christian Right organizations have been mobilizing against reproductive rights alongside the Holy See and other anti-rights allies for several years. They often argue that reproductive rights are at heart a form of Western-imposed population control over countries in the global South. Ironically, this claim often originates from U.S. and Western Europe-affiliated actors, many of whom actively work to export their fundamentalist discourses and policies.
Regressive actors also cite to ‘scientific’ arguments from ultra-conservative think tanks, and from sources that rely on unsound research methodologies, to suggest that abortion causes an array of psychological, sexual, physical, and relational side effects.
Protection of children and parental rights
Just as anti-rights actors aim to construct a new category of ‘protection of the family,’ they are attempting to construct a new category of ‘parental rights,’ which has no support in existing human rights standards.
This discourse paradoxically endeavours to use the rights protections with which children are endowed, as articulated in the Convention on the Rights of the Child, to support the rights of parents to control their children and limit their rights.
Violence against women
Increasingly, anti-rights actors are attempting to infiltrate and subvert standards and discourses developed by women human rights defenders, such as violence against women (VAW).
At the Commission on the Status of Women and other spaces, one rhetorical move is to treat VAW as a concept in which to embed anti-reproductive rights and patriarchal arguments. Ultra conservative actors, for example, have argued that non-heteronormative or traditional intimate partner relationships are a risk factor for violence, and emphasize that fathers are necessary to protect families from violence.
Gender and ‘gender ideology’
The Holy See has set off a sustained critique of gender, ‘gender ideology’, ‘gender radicals,’ and gender theory, and anti-rights actors often read the term as code for LGBTQ rights. Gender is used by the religious right as a cross-cutting concept that links together many of their discourses. Increasingly, the hysteria on this subject fixates on gender identity and trans rights.
Complementarity and human dignity
Complementarity of the sexes is a discourse employed by a number of ultra-conservative actors today. Its rhetoric is structured around an assumption of difference: men and women are meant to have differing but complementary roles in marriage and family life, and with respect to their engagement in the community and political and economic life.
Reference to ‘natural’ roles is meant to fundamentally reject universal human rights to equality and non-discrimination.

It is also used to justify State and non-State violations of these rights, and non-compliance with respect to State obligations to eliminate prejudices and practices based on stereotyped roles for men or women.
National sovereignty and anti-imperialism
This discourse suggests that national governments are being unjustly targeted by UN bodies, or by other States acting through the UN. This is an attempt to shift the subject of human rights from the individual or marginalized community suffering a rights violation to a powerful and/or regressive institution - i.e. the state, in order to justify national exceptions from universal rights or to support state impunity.
Religious freedom
Anti-rights actors have taken up the discourse of freedom of religion in order to justify violations of human rights. Yet, ultra-conservative actors refer to religious freedom in a way that directly contradicts the purpose of this human right and fundamentally conflicts with the principle of the universality of rights. The inference is that religious liberty is threatened and undermined by the protection of human rights, particularly those related to gender and sexuality.
The central move is to suggest that the right to freedom of religion is intended to protect a religion rather than those who are free to hold or not hold different religious beliefs.
Yet under international human rights law, the right protects believers rather than beliefs, and the right to freedom of religion, thought and conscience includes the right not to profess any religion or belief or to change one’s religion or belief.
Cultural rights and traditional values
The deployment of references to culture and tradition to undermine human rights, including the right to equality, is a common tactic amongst anti-rights actors. Culture is presented as monolithic, static, and immutable, and it is is often presented in opposition to ‘Western norms.’
Allusions to culture by anti-rights actors in international policy debates aim to undermine the universality of rights, arguing for cultural relativism that trumps or limits rights claims. Regressive actors’ use of cultural rights is founded on a purposeful misrepresentation of the human right. States must ensure that traditional or cultural attitudes are not used to justify violations of equality, and human rights law calls for equal access, participation and contribution in all aspects of cultural life for all, including women, religious, and racial minorities, and those with non-conforming genders and sexualities.
Subverting ‘universal’
Anti-rights actors in international policy spaces increasingly manipulate references to universal or fundamental human rights to reverse the meaning of the universality of rights.
Rather than using the term universal to describe the full set of indivisible and interrelated human rights, ultra conservative actors employ this term to instead delineate and describe a subset of human rights as ‘truly fundamental.’ Other rights would thus be subject to State discretion, ‘new’ rights or optional. This discourse is especially powerful as their category of the truly universal remains unarticulated and hence open to shifting interpretation.
Other Chapters
Genvieve Sidaros
Snippet - COP30 - Actions - EN
COP30 Events and Actions
08 - 16 November, 2025
Le processus de proposition d’activités en ligne est-il différent de celui des activités en présentiel ?
Le processus et la date limite de soumission sont exactement les mêmes. Merci d’utiliser le même formulaire, que l’activité proposée ait lieu en personne, en ligne ou un mélange des deux (format hybride).
Disintegration | Content Snippet AR
وصلتني رسالة يوم الأربعاء
مصحوبة بعنوانٍ على ظهرها.


الخامسة مساءً، اليوم
خطّ كتابة الدعوة –
متحفّظ وجاف –
رأيته خمس مرّات في خمس سنوات.
جسدي مُستنفَر،
محموم.
أحتاج لمضاجعة نفسي أوّلًا.
المدُّ عالٍ الليلة
وأنا
أنتشي.
أريدُ إبطاءَ كلَّ شيء،
واستطعام الوقت والفراغ،
أن أحفرهما
في الذاكرة.
*
لم آتِ أبدًا إلى هذا الجزء من البلدة.
الأماكن المجهولة تثيرني،
[كذلك] الطريقة التي تقاوم بها الأشلاء والعروق والعظام
الاضمحلال،
مصيرهم غامض.
عند الباب أعيدُ التفكير.
الرواق قاتم السواد
يجعلني أتوقّف.
على الناحية الأخرى،
مثل اللعنة، يُفتَح باب
من الروائح والألوان
على عَصْرٍ مُشمس.
النسيم
يجعل شعري يرقص،
يثير فضوله،
يدفعه للحركة.
أسمعُ أزيزَ الكرسي المتحرّك،
يشكّل الظلال.
عندها أراهم:
وجه فهد
وجسدٌ مثل جسدي
وأجِدني راغبة بكليهما
مرّة أخرى.


يقترب المخلوق منّي.
إيماءاتهم تكتب جملة؛
كلّما اقتربت منهم،
أتبيّن تفاصيلها:
ذبول، لحم، غِبطة
بأمر ٍمنهم، تزحف الكرمة
التي تغطّي الرُواق
مُعانقةً الصخور الدافئة
وتتسلّق الحائط كالأفعى.
لقد أصبح فعلًا،
«أن تقفز»،
أُعيدَ توجيهي عندما أشارت مخالبهم
نحو سرير الكرم في المنتصف.
أسمع العجلات خلفي،
ثم أسمع ذلك الصوت.
يُدوي
بشكلٍ لا مثيل له.
أجنحتهم الطويلة السوداء
ترتفع نحو السقف
ثم تندفع للأمام.
عينا الهرّة تفحص كلّ تفصيلة،
كلّ تغيّر،
كلّ تَوق.
هل يمكن أن تُذيب الرغبة عضلاتك؟
هل يمكن أن تكون أحلى من أقوى المهدّئات؟
فهدٌ يخيط العالم،
عبرَ اختلافاتنا،
غازلًا الدانتيل حول ركبتيَّ.
هل يمكن للرغبة أن تسحق تباعُد العالم،
أن تكثّف الثواني؟
مازالوا يقتربون،
تلتقي عين الفهد بعين الإنسان،
تتنشّق الهواء،
تُحوِّل الجسد إلى
إلحاح.
يخفقون بأجنحتهم للأسفل.
هائجة،
تلتفّ الكرمة حول خصري/ خسارتي.


لسانهم يرقّق الوقت،
تتبدّل الآراء،
يُسكِّن، بسحرهم،
ما يشتعل أسفل [السطح].
أرى العالم فيك، والعالم مُنهَك.
ثم يتوسّلون:
دعيني أقتات عليك.
When development initiatives, religious fundamentalisms and the state of women’s rights collide
Nuestro nuevo documento de investigación El diablo se esconde en los detalles aborda la falta de conocimientos sobre los fundamentalismos religiosos en el sector del desarrollo, y se propone comprender mejor de qué manera estos fundamentalismos inhiben el desarrollo y, en particular, los derechos de las mujeres. Propone recomendaciones para que quienes trabajan en temas de desarrollo desafíen la labor de los fundamentalismos y eviten fortalecerlos inadvertidamente. [CTA download link: Leer el documento completo]
Seven pointers to consider
| Graphic1 | 1. Control of women’s bodies, sexuality, and choice are “warning signs” of rising fundamentalisms. |
| 2. Neoliberal economic policies have a particularly negative impact on women, and fuel the growth of religious fundamentalisms. | Graphic2 |
| Graphic3 | 3. Choosing religious organizations as default for partnerships builds their legitimacy and access to resources, and supports their ideology, including gender ideology. |
| 4.Everyone has multiple identities and should be defined by more than just their religion. Foregrounding religious identities tends to reinforce the power of religious fundamentalists. | Graphic4 |
| Graphic5 | 5. Religion, culture, and tradition are constantly changing, being reinterpreted and challenged. What is dominant is always a question of power. |
| 6. Racism, exclusion, and marginalization all add to the appeal of fundamentalists’ offer of a sense of belonging and a “cause”. | Graphic6 |
| Graphic7 | 7. There is strong evidence that the single most important factor in promoting women’s rights and gender equality is an autonomous women’s movement. |
Auge global de los fundamentalismos religiosos.
El Diablo se esconde en los detalles proporciona detalles de las graves violaciones a los derechos humanos y, en particular, de las violaciones a los derechos de las mujeres, causados por los fundamentalismos auspiciados por los Estados, así como por actores fundamentalistas no estatales como milicias, organizaciones comunitarias confesionales e individuos. La profundización fundamentalista de normas sociales atávicas y patriarcales está provocando el aumento de la violencia contra las mujeres, las niñas y las defensoras de derechos humanos (WHRDs). El informe propuesta estas ideas clave para abordar el problema:
- [icon] Fundamentalismos religiosos están ganando terreno en el seno de las comunidades
- [icon] Sistemas políticos
- [icon] Escenarios internacionales, con efectos devastadores para la gente común y para las mujeres en particular.
Los agentes de desarrollo deben actuar urgentemente.
Quienes trabajan en el desarrollo están de capacidad de asumir una posición más firme. Su capacidad colectiva para reconocer y enfrentar conjuntamente a los fundamentalismos religiosos resulta crucial para promover la justicia social, económica y de género y los derechos humanos de todas las personas en el marco del desarrollo sostenible. Resulta fundamental promover que el poder y los privilegios se entiendan desde la óptica del feminismo interseccional y aplicar esta comprensión a los interrogantes sobre religión y cultura. Las organizaciones de mujeres ya poseen conocimientos y estrategias para oponerse a los fundamentalismos. Quienes trabajan en el desarrollo deberían apoyarse en estos e invertir en coaliciones enfocadas en múltiples temáticas. Lo anterior, les ayudará a alcanzar nuevos horizontes.
Agniva Lahiri
Snippet - COP30 - Our Tools title - EN
Toolbox for COP30 Organizing
A Joy to the World: Six Questions with Naike Ledan | Small Snippet FR
La joie dans le monde : six questions à Naïké Ledan
Ce qui m’a aidée, c’est que j’adorais le travail qui consiste à aller dans les terres et à documenter les connaissances des gens. Donc j’ai quitté le confort...

Bureau administratif
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Rosalinda Pérez
Snippet - COP30 - Ecozine card - ES
📰 Solidaridad Feminista Transnacional: un Antídoto contra el Ecocidio
Esta publicación (zine) colaborativa surgió de una serie de círculos de intercambio que reunieron a feministas de todo el mundo durante 2022. El propósito fue intercambiar ideas y aprender mutuamente de qué manera las comunidades responden a la crisis climática en diversos contextos locales.