Supporting feminist, women’s rights and gender justice movements to thrive, to be a driving force in challenging systems of oppression, and to co-create feminist realities.
While we dream of a feminist world, there are those who are already building and living it. These are our Feminist Realities!
What are Feminist Realities?
Feminist Realities are the living, breathing examples of the just world we are co-creating. They exist now, in the many ways we live, struggle and build our lives.
Feminist Realities go beyond resisting oppressive systems to show us what a world without domination, exploitation and supremacy look like.
These are the narratives we want to unearth, share and amplify throughout this Feminist Realities journey.
Transforming Visions into Lived Experiences
Through this initiative, we:
Create and amplify alternatives: We co-create art and creative expressions that center and celebrate the hope, optimism, healing and radical imagination that feminist realities inspire.
Build knowledge: We document, demonstrate & disseminate methodologies that will help identify the feminist realities in our diverse communities.
Advance feminist agendas: We expand and deepen our collective thinking and organizing to advance just solutions and systems that embody feminist values and visions.
Mobilize solidarity actions: We engage feminist, women’s rights and gender justice movements and allies in sharing, exchanging and jointly creating feminist realities, narratives and proposals at the 14th AWID International Forum.
The AWID International Forum
As much as we emphasize the process leading up to, and beyond, the four-day Forum, the event itself is an important part of where the magic happens, thanks to the unique energy and opportunity that comes with bringing people together.
We expect the next Forum to:
Build the power of Feminist Realities, by naming, celebrating, amplifying and contributing to build momentum around experiences and propositions that shine light on what is possible and feed our collective imaginations
Replenish wells of hope and energy as much needed fuel for rights and justice activism and resilience
Strengthen connectivity, reciprocity and solidarity across the diversity of feminist movements and with other rights and justice-oriented movements
As world leaders gather in Brazil, it’s vital that feminist movements especially from the Global Majority have autonomous spaces to gather, strategize, and disrupt.
These Hubs challenge the elitism of climate talks, center lived experiences, and aim to build collective power across borders. They offer a critical counterbalance to top-down, often exclusionary international negotiations. The Hubs aim to foster community-driven solutions, amplify feminist demands, and ensure that feminist principles of care and solidarity shape the climate agenda. It’s not just about being present at COP30, it’s about reshaping the conversation on climate justice on feminist terms.
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WITM - Refreshed Intro Text (FR)
Où est l’argent ? Un plaidoyer documenté pour soutenir les organisations féministe
Ce rapport révèle la réalité du financement des organisations féministes et de défense des droits des femmes dans un contexte de bouleversements politiques et financiers. S’appuyant sur plus de dix ans d’analyse depuis la dernière étude Où est l’argent ? de l’AWID (Arroser les feuilles, affamer les racines), il dresse un bilan des progrès réalisés, des lacunes persistantes et des menaces croissantes dans le domaine du financement féministe.
Le rapport salue le pouvoir des initiatives menées par les mouvements pour façonner le financement selon leurs propres conditions, tout en alertant sur les coupes massives dans l’aide au développement, le recul de la philanthropie et l’escalade des offensives anti-droits.
Il appelle les bailleurs de fonds à investir massivement dans l’organisation féministe, infrastructure essentielle pour la justice et la libération, et invite les mouvements à réimaginer des modèles de financement audacieux et autodéterminés, fondés sur le soin, la solidarité et le pouvoir collectif.
The platform is the go-to place for information and resources on safeguarding the universality of rights in international and regional human rights spaces.
Provides funding for young feminist-led initiatives. It aims to strengthen the capacity of young feminist organizations to leverage resources for their work and to increase donors’ and allies’ commitments to resourcing young feminist activism.
A go-to site to learn about the urgent responses undertaken to protect women human rights defenders and to find tools and resources to support the work and wellness of WHRDs.
A regional initiative created to prevent, respond, document and make public all cases of violence against women human rights defenders in the Mesoamerican region.
A Coalition of feminist, women´s rights, women´s development, grassroots and social justice organisations working to challenge and reframe teh global development agenda.
The role of the Women’s Major Group is to assure effective public participation of women’s non-governmental groups in the UN policy processes on Sustainable Development, Post2015 and Environmental matters.
An alliance of women’s organizations and networks to advocate for the advancement of gender equality, women’s empowerment and human rights in the Financing for Development (FfD) related UN processes.
WHRDs are self-identified women and lesbian, bisexual, transgender, queer and intersex (LBTQI) people and others who defend rights and are subject to gender-specific risks and threats due to their human rights work and/or as a direct consequence of their gender identity or sexual orientation.
WHRDs are subject to systematic violence and discrimination due to their identities and unyielding struggles for rights, equality and justice.
The WHRD Program collaborates with international and regional partners as well as the AWID membership to raise awareness about these risks and threats, advocate for feminist and holistic measures of protection and safety, and actively promote a culture of self-care and collective well being in our movements.
Risks and threats targeting WHRDs
WHRDs are exposed to the same types of risks that all other defenders who defend human rights, communities, and the environment face. However, they are also exposed to gender-based violence and gender-specific risks because they challenge existing gender norms within their communities and societies.
By defending rights, WHRDs are at risk of:
Physical assault and death
Intimidation and harassment, including in online spaces
Judicial harassment and criminalization
Burnout
A collaborative, holistic approach to safety
We work collaboratively with international and regional networks and our membership
to raise awareness about human rights abuses and violations against WHRDs and the systemic violence and discrimination they experience
to strengthen protection mechanisms and ensure more effective and timely responses to WHRDs at risk
We work to promote a holistic approach to protection which includes:
emphasizing the importance of self-care and collective well being, and recognizing that what care and wellbeing mean may differ across cultures
documenting the violations targeting WHRDs using a feminist intersectional perspective;
promoting the social recognition and celebration of the work and resilience of WHRDs ; and
building civic spaces that are conducive to dismantling structural inequalities without restrictions or obstacles
Our Actions
We aim to contribute to a safer world for WHRDs, their families and communities. We believe that action for rights and justice should not put WHRDs at risk; it should be appreciated and celebrated.
Promoting collaboration and coordination among human rights and women’s rights organizations at the international level to strengthen responses concerning safety and wellbeing of WHRDs.
Supporting regional networks of WHRDs and their organizations, such as the Mesoamerican Initiative for WHRDs and the WHRD Middle East and North Africa Coalition, in promoting and strengthening collective action for protection - emphasizing the establishment of solidarity and protection networks, the promotion of self-care, and advocacy and mobilization for the safety of WHRDs;
Increasing the visibility and recognition of WHRDs and their struggles, as well as the risks that they encounter by documenting the attacks that they face, and researching, producing, and disseminating information on their struggles, strategies, and challenges:
Mobilizing urgent responses of international solidarity for WHRDs at risk through our international and regional networks, and our active membership.
Nana Adjoa Sifa Amponsah, una joven de Ghana, sueña con «una sociedad en la que las jóvenes que se gradúan sientan orgullo de ser 'agroemprendedoras' a cargo de emprendimientos agrícolas y en la que haya una buena relación precio-calidad para los productos de la agricultura a pequeña escala».
Nana confía en que las agroemprendedoras lograrán influir sobre la economía de Ghana e impulsarla, «produciendo alimentos saludables y campesinas ricas».
«Creo firmemente que si hay un sector que puede ayudar a reducir cinco de los problemas más urgentes del mundo —desempleo, inseguridad alimentaria, pobreza, hambre y desnutrición— es la agricultura».
Emprendedora social certificada por el Institute of Social Entrepreneurs [Instituto de Emprendedores Sociales, ahora conocido como Kanthari], Nana tiene experiencia directa de campo en seguridad alimentaria, gestión estratégica y agricultura adquirida en África, Asia y Europa. Con los años, Nana se ha convertido en una experta en gestión de proyectos y ha generado muchos proyectos y programas que ayudan a generar cambios duraderos. También está capacitada en movilización de recursos y en planificación de eventos y proyectos.
En la actualidad, Nana es la Presidenta de Direct Impact Foundation [Fundación Impacto Directo], una organización con sede en Ghana que se propone cerrar la brecha educativa entre las zonas rurales y las urbanas. También es la creadora de Guzakuza, un emprendimiento social que combina la agricultura y el espíritu emprendedor para generar mentalidades agroemprendedoras. Guzakuza es una palabra suajili que significa «cultivar para cambiar vidas». Para Nana, se trata de un enfoque para hacer frente a los problemas más urgentes, al que por su sigla en inglés ella llama ‘la solución ACT’ (incidencia , cooperativas y capacitación).
«La pregunta más importante que hago todo el tiempo es ¿cuál sería el cambio más profundo? ¿Cómo vamos a alimentar a una población que se estima será de 9 mil millones en 2050 si somos todas abogadas, médicas e ingenieras?»
Nana está afiliada a AWID desde comienzos de 2014. Le gusta viajar, escribir y cocinar, y le apasionan la fotografía y la agricultura.
Escucha su “Dream Speech” [Discurso sobre mi sueño] (en inglés) en el que podrás encontrar más información sobre la ‘solución ACT’.
Nana Adjoa Sifa Amponsah, une jeune femme ghanéenne, rêve d'une « société dans laquelle les jeunes diplômées seraient fières d'être des agro-entrepreneuses – entrepreneuses du secteur agricole – et où la petite agriculture serait rémunérée à sa juste valeur ». Elle est convaincue de la capacité des agro-entrepreneuses à faire évoluer et à stimuler l'économie du Ghana, qui pourrait ainsi « produire une nourriture saine et un secteur agricole prospère ».
« Je suis convaincue du fait que l'agriculture est un secteur qui, à lui seul, peut apporter beaucoup à la résolution des problèmes mondiaux les plus pressants : le chômage, l'insécurité alimentaire, la pauvreté, la faim et la malnutrition. »
Titulaire d'un diplôme d'entrepreneuse sociale de l'Institute of Social Entrepreneurs (aujourd'hui appelé Kanthari), en Inde, Nana possède une expérience de terrain dans les domaines de la sécurité alimentaire, du management stratégique et de l'agriculture en Afrique, en Asie et en Europe. Aujourd'hui, Nana est une experte de la gestion de projet qui a lancé de nombreux projets et programmes visant à l’obtention de changements durables. Elle est également spécialisée dans les activités de levée de fonds et de planification d'évènements et de projets.
Actuellement, Nana est la présidente de la Direct Impact Foundation, une organisation implantée au Ghana qui vise à combler le fossé entre éducation urbaine et éducation rurale. Elle est également à l’initiative de la création de Guzakuza, une entreprise sociale qui a vocation à concilier agriculture et entrepreneuriat pour favoriser l'épanouissement d'une mentalité agro-entrepreneuriale. Guzakuza est un mot swahili que l’on pourrait traduire par « des pépinières qui changent la vie ». Nana y voit une approche susceptible de résoudre les problèmes les plus pressants, approche qu’elle désigne aussi par l’expression « solution PDF » (Plaidoyer, Coopératives et Formation).
« Je reviens toujours à la même question : quel est véritablement le grand changement que nous devons espérer ? Comment allons-nous nourrir une population qui atteindra les 9 milliards de personnes en 2050 si nous sommes tous et toutes des avocat-e-s, des médecins et des ingénieur-e-s ? »
Nana est membre de l'AWID depuis début 2014. Elle adore voyager, écrire et cuisiner. Ses deux grandes passions sont la photographie et l'agriculture.
Écoutez Nana vous présenter ses rêves.
Vous en apprendrez plus sur la « solution PDF » (en anglais).
Nana Adjoa Sifa Amponsah, a young woman from Ghana, dreams of “a society where young women graduates are proud to be ‘agripreneurs’, agricultural entrepreneurs, and where the smallholder farmer gets value for money”.
She is confident that women agripreneurs will influence and drive Ghana's economy, “grow healthy food and wealthy farmers”.
“I strongly believe that agriculture is one single sector that can help reduce five of the world's most pressing problems which are unemployment, food insecurity, poverty, hunger and malnutrition.”
A certified social entrepreneur from the India-based Institute of Social Entrepreneurs (now called Kanthari), Nana has direct field experience in food security, strategic management and agriculture in Africa, Asia and Europe. Over the years, Nana has become a project management expert and has initiated numerous projects and programs that help create lasting change. Nana is also skilled in fundraising and events and projects planning.
Currently, Nana is the President of Direct Impact Foundation in Ghana, an organization aiming to bridge the gap between rural and urban education. She is also an initiator of Guzakuza, a social enterprise committed to combining agriculture and entrepreneurship to create agrpreneurial mindsets. Guzakuza is a Swahili word meaning ‘grow to touch lives’. She sees it as an approach to tackle the most pressing problems, calling it ‘solution ACT’ which stands for Advocacy, Cooperatives, and Training.
“The big question I keep asking is what would be the greatest change? How do we feed the population on track to 9 billion in 2050 if we are all lawyers, doctors and engineers?”
Nana has been a member of AWID since early 2014. She loves to travel, write and cook and is passionate about photography and farming.
Listen to her “Dream Speech” where you can also find out more about ‘solution ACT’.
« Notre voix » pour améliorer le bien-être social, culturel et économique des femmes et des filles
Créée en 2008, La Floraison se donne pour mission de mobiliser, consolider et appuyer les énergies de jeunes femmes activistes des droits humains dans le territoire de Fizi[1], zone rurale de la province du Sud-Kivu en République démocratique du Congo, afin d’améliorer leur bien-être social, culturel et économique. Sa mission s’inscrit dans le cadre d’une vision plus globale de l’éclosion d’une nouvelle catégorie de jeunes femmes soucieuses de leur développement et résolument engagées à être des actrices de progrès socioculturel et économique dans leur environnement. C’est ainsi qu’est né le slogan « Jeunes femmes au service de la communauté », porté par l’association depuis sa création
« Je me suis sacrifiée à passer tout mon temps au service des vulnérables et surtout des femmes victimes de violences sexuelles», Magdeleine Rusia Abwe, assistante psychosociale dans le cadre d’un des projets de La Floraison.
L’organisation utilise une approche qu’elle intitule « Notre voix », qui va de la sensibilisation et l’information via une troupe théâtrale, un journal écrit et des radios communautaires, au plaidoyer et à la mobilisation des ressources de groupements féminins. « « Notre voix » est la preuve de notre souci et de notre engagement vers un monde sans violence », dit Loy Honore, Fondatrice de La Floraison.
Une maison d’écoute pour les survivantes de violences sexuelles et basées sur le genre
Depuis trois ans, La Floraison appuie la prise en charge psychosociale et la réinsertion socioéconomiques des femmes et des filles qui ont survécu aux violences sexuelles et basées sur le genre, dans les aires de santé de Nemba, Katenga et Rubana, en territoire de Fizi. Dans le cadre d’une maison d’écoute, ce projet cherche à informer les communautés sur les violences sexuelles faites aux femmes et aux filles, les services disponibles, les droits des femmes et leur cadre légal d’exécution, ainsi qu’à fournir aux victimes un accompagnement, une orientation vers des services de soutien médical et juridique et assurer leur réinsertion économique à travers des Associations Villageoises d’Epargne et de Crédit (AVEC), tout en renforçant l’activisme communautaire contre les violences basées sur le genre.
En plus des activités d’identification, d’écoute, de soutien et d’orientation des survivantes de violences sexuelles et basées sur le genre, La Floraison assure une médiation entre les survivantes qui ont été rejetées et leurs familles. De façon complémentaire, le projet comprend des activités de sensibilisation communautaire sur les violences sexuelles et basées sur le genre, la création et le renforcement de Comités d’Alerte et de Surveillance, la résolution de conflits sociaux et communautaires et la consolidation d’un plaidoyer en faveur des droits des femmes.
« Au sein du groupe, j’ai trouvé quelque chose qui dépasse même l’argent : la solidarité ! »
Une survivante burundaise de la violence, âgée de 17 ans et bénéficiaire de l’assistance proposée par La Floraison, raconte son histoire :
« A 15 ans, j’ai mis au monde mon premier enfant avec un vieux et fidèle client qui a proposé une vache à ma mère. Le comportement brutal de ce vieux soulard – coups, menaces de mort – n’a pas permis une entente dans le foyer. Je suis rentrée à la maison mais ma mère n’a pas été satisfaite de ma réaction. En octobre 2013, un vieil homme congolais âgé de plus de 49 ans a voulu m’amener avec lui en RDC, ma mère a donné son accord pour me marier sans me demander mon avis et le prétendant lui a remis 3 chèvres et deux paires de pagnes[2] pour ma dot.
Quand nous sommes arrivés en RDC, j’ai trouvé qu’il avait 3 femmes et que j’étais devenue la quatrième ; il avait des enfants plus âgés que moi. Après un mois, les trois premières femmes n’ont pas accepté que je reste dans la parcelle agricole. Le mari m’a abandonnée sans aucun soutien. Je suis allée voir le chef de village mais la communication a posé problème en raison de la différence de langue. Sans ration ni moyen de survie, j’ai commencé à cultiver pour les gens pour que je puisse manger. Quand mon mari apprenait que je travaillais pour quelqu’un, il venait le menacer en disant que j’étais son épouse et que personne ne pouvait m’utiliser sans son consentement. Je ne comprenais rien car tout se passait dans une langue que je ne comprends pas. Plusieurs personnes avaient peur de me faire travailler. Un jour, trois hommes se sont introduits dans ma maison non protégée vers minuit. Ils m’ont violée à tour de rôle. L’un d’eux a entendu mes cris en Kirundi – il était aussi burundais – et a demandé à ses amis de me laisser en vie. Il m’a conseillée de partir car mon mari avait l’intention de me tuer. Le matin, les voisins sont venus à mon secours.
Je n’ai dit à personne ce qui m’est arrivée cette nuit – le viol – car selon nos coutumes, si l’entourage apprend que vous avez subi le viol, personne ne peut plus se marier avec vous. Au vu de ces menaces, le chef de village m’a installée chez lui et la police est venue faire des investigations. Ça n’a pas été facile de m’assister car j’étais installée illégalement en RDC, mais ils ont commencé à chercher mon mari. Ma vie était devenue très difficile car j’avais déjà vendu tous les biens que j’avais pour ma survie et celle de mon enfant. J’ai demandé au chef de village de me faire partir au Burundi, il fallait plus de 30$, ce n’était pas facile.
Un jour, une femme travaillant au centre de santé est venue me chercher et m’a demandé de venir au centre de santé pour un entretien en privé. J’avais peur, mais lorsque je suis arrivée sur le lieu, elle m’a très bien accueillie, elle m’a rassurée, mais l’émotion était si grande que les pleurs n’ont pas permis un entretien libre. Elle m’a donnée un nouveau rendez-vous et cette fois-là, je lui ai révélé tout ce qui m’est arrivée à partir du Burundi. L’infirmier m’a aussi reçu et je suis allée à Sebele[3] pour les soins. Elle m’a beaucoup aidée par des conseils et des visites, même si je ne parle pas convenablement le Swahili. Je passais la voir au centre de santé et un jour elle m’a accompagnée au poste de la police pour suivre le déroulement de mon dossier et a demandé à la police de faciliter mon rapatriement vers le Burundi.
Elle m’a aussi conseillée de rejoindre un groupe d’épargne et crédit créé dans le village pour que je puisse bénéficier du crédit pour me permettre de mener des petites activités commerciales. Au sein du groupe, j’ai trouvé quelque chose qui dépasse même l’argent : la solidarité ! Je ne savais pas que je pouvais trouver des personnes généreuses à mes côtés surtout pendant ces moments de dures épreuves. J’ai eu un petit crédit de 16000FC qui me permet de commercialiser les fretins (12000FC) et la farine de maïs (4000FC). Je ne peux plus mourir de faim.
Mentalement je me sens bien, mais j’ai encore besoin de regagner mon pays pour vivre avec ma mère. »
[1] Le territoire de Fizi comprend quatre collectivités rurales, 27 groupements, 142 localités et 1.634 villages. Ses structures de base sont en mauvais état, notamment pour l’éducation, la santé, l’emploi, les transports et les loisirs. La région n’est pas électrifiée et peu de ménages disposent d’un accès à l’eau potable et aux infrastructures hygiéniques appropriées.
“Our voice” to advance the social, cultural and economic well-being of women and girls
Founded in 2008, La Floraison’s mission is to mobilize, convene and support young women human rights activists in Fizi territory[1], a rural area in the South Kivu province of the Democratic Republic of Congo, to advance their social, cultural and economic wellbeing. Its mission is part of a broader vision for the emergence of a new group of young women concerned about their development and resolutely committed to becoming agents of sociocultural and economic progress within their environment. This brought about the slogan “Young women serving the community” which has been part of the association since its launch.
“I sacrificed all of my time to serve the most vulnerable, especially women victims of sexual violence,” Magdeleine Rusia Abwe, psychosocial assistant of one of the Floraison projects.
The organization uses an approach they call ‘Our Voice’ which ranges from awareness-building and information-sharing via a theatrical troupe, a newspaper and community radio, to advocacy, and mobilizing resources for women’s groups. ‘Our Voice’ is proof of our support and engagement toward a world without violence,” says Loy Honore, founder of La Floraison.
A counseling center for survivors of sexual and gender-based violence
For three years, La Floraison has supported the psychosocial care and socioeconomic reintegration of women and girls who are survivors of sexual and gender-based violence within the Nemba, Katenga and Rubana health centers in Fizi territory. Through the counselling center the project seeks to inform communities about sexual violence against women and girls, available services, and women’s rights and their legal implementation, as well as provide victims with counseling, referral to medical and legal support services and ensure their economic reintegration through Village Saving and Lending Associations (VSLA), while strengthening community activism against gender-based violence.
In addition to documenting, counselling, supporting, and providing referrals to survivors of sexual and gender-based violence, La Floraison mediates between survivors who have been shunned and their families. To compliment, the project includes community outreach on sexual and gender-based violence, creating and strengthening Committees for Surveillance and Alert, social and community conflict resolution, and women’s rights advocacy.
“Through the group, I found something worth more than money: solidarity!”
A 17 year old Burundian survivor of violence, and beneficiary of La Floraison support, tells her story:
“At 15, I gave birth to my first child with an old loyal client who offered a cow to my mother. The brutality of that old drunkard – beatings, death threats – wouldn’t allow for a moment’s peace at home. I came home but my mother wasn’t pleased with my behaviour. In October 2013, an old Congolese man, older than 49, presented the need to bring me to the DRC with him, my mother gave him her permission for marriage without asking me and the suiter gave 3 goats and 2 pairs of loincloths[2] as my dowry.
When we arrived in the DRC, I found out that he had 3 wives and that I had become the fourth; he had children older than me. After a month, the three first wives didn’t want me on the plot of land. The husband abandoned me without any support. I went to see the village chief but there was a language barrier. Without any ration or means of survival, I started to cultivate for people so that I could eat. When my husband learned that I was working for someone, he would come and threaten them by saying that I was his wife and that no one could use me without his consent. I did not understand anything because everything was happening in a language I don’t understand. Many people were scared to give me work. One day, three men came to my unprotected home around midnight. They raped me one by one. One of them heard my screams in Kirundi – who was also Burundian – and asked his friends to let me live. He advised me to leave because my husband was planning to kill me. In the morning, the neighbours came to my rescue.
I didn’t tell anyone what happened to me that night – the rape – because according to our customs, if others find out that you have been raped, no one can marry you any longer. In light of these threats, the village chief brought me to his home and the police came to investigate. It was not easy to help me because I was in the DRC illegally, but they began to look for my husband. My life became very difficult because I had already sold all of the goods I had for survival, and those of my child. I asked the village chief to send me to Burundi. That cost more than $30, it was not easy.
One day, a women working at the health centre came to look for me and asked me to come to the health centre for a private meeting. I was scared, but when I arrived at the location, she welcomed me very kindly, she reassured me, but I was so emotional and the meeting couldn’t take place because of all my crying. She gave me a new meeting, and this time, I told her everything that happened beginning from Burundi. The nurse also saw me and I went to Sebele[3] for care. She helped me a lot, with counselling and visits, even though I don’t speak fluent Swahili. I would go and see her at the health center and one day she came with me to the police station to follow-up on the progress of my case and asked the police officer to facilitate my repatriation to Burundi.
She also recommended that I join a savings and credit group founded in the village so that I could receive a loan to conduct small business transactions. Through the group, I found something worth more than money: solidarity! I didn’t know that I could find such generous people by my side, especially during such hardship. I received a small loan of 16,000FC, which allows me to sell fry (12,000FC) and corn flour (4,000FC). I can’t starve to death anymore.
Mentally, I feel good, but I still need to return to my country to live with my mother.”
[1] Fizi territory includes four rural communities, 27 groups, 142 towns and 1,634 villages. The infrastructure is in poor condition, particularly for education, health, employment, transportation and recreation. The area lacks electricity and few households have access to potable water and proper sanitation.
"Nuestra voz” para promover el bienestar social, cultural y económico de las mujeres y las niñas
La Floraison fue fundada en 2008 y su misión es movilizar, reunir y brindar apoyo a mujeres jóvenes activistas por los derechos humanos en el territorio de Fizi[1] –un área rural de la provincia de Kivu del Sur en la República Democrática del Congo– con el propósito de fomentar el bienestar social, cultural y económico de estas jóvenes. Su misión forma parte una visión más amplia para el surgimiento de un nuevo grupo de jóvenes preocupadas por su desarrollo y firmemente decididas a convertirse en agentes de progreso sociocultural y económico en su entorno. Así surgió el eslogan “Mujeres jóvenes al servicio de la comunidad”, que ha sido parte de la asociación desde su lanzamiento.
“Sacrifiqué todo mi tiempo para servir a las personas más vulnerables, en especial a las mujeres víctimas de violencia sexual”, Magdeleine Rusia Abwe, asistente psicosocial de uno de los proyectos de La Floraison.
La organización trabaja desde un enfoque al que denomina “Nuestra voz” y que incluye la concienciación y la información a través de una radio, un grupo de teatro y un periódico comunitarios, así como la incidencia y la movilización de recursos para los grupos de mujeres. ‘Nuestra voz’ es prueba de nuestro apoyo y compromiso con la construcción de un mundo sin violencia”, afirma Loy Honore, fundadora de La Floraison.
Un centro de atención para sobrevivientes de violencia sexual y de género
Desde hace tres años, La Floraison apoya la atención psicosocial y la reintegración socioeconómica de las mujeres y las niñas sobrevivientes de violencia sexual y de género en centros de salud de Nemba, Katenga y Rubana, en el territorio de Fizi. A través de los centros de atención, el proyecto busca informar a las comunidades sobre la violencia sexual contra las mujeres y las niñas, los servicios disponibles y los derechos de las mujeres y su implementación legal. La iniciativa se propone también asesorar a las víctimas, derivarlas a servicios médicos y de apoyo legal y asegurar su reintegración económica a través de las Asociaciones Aldeanas de Ahorro y Préstamo, a la vez que fortalece el activismo comunitario contra la violencia de género.
Además de documentar, asesorar, apoyar y derivar a las sobrevivientes de violencia sexual y de género, La Floraison media entre las sobrevivientes que han sido rechazadas y sus familias. Como complemento, el proyecto incluye la divulgación entre la comunidad sobre la violencia sexual y de género a través de la creación de comités de vigilancia y alerta, la resolución de conflictos sociales y comunitarios y la promoción y defensa de los derechos de las mujeres.
“A través del grupo encontré algo más valioso que el dinero: ¡la solidaridad!”
Una joven burundiana de 17 años sobreviviente de violencias y beneficiaria del apoyo de La Floraison, cuenta su historia:
“A los 15 años di a luz a mi primer hijo con un viejo buen cliente que le ofreció una vaca a mi madre. La brutalidad de ese viejo borracho –me propinaba golpizas y amenazas de muerte– no daban un momento de paz en el hogar. Volví a la casa de mi madre, pero ella no aprobó mi comportamiento. En octubre de 2013, un congoleño mucho mayor que yo, de más de 49 años, planteó la necesidad de llevarme con él a la República Democrática del Congo. Mi madre dio su permiso para el matrimonio sin consultarme y el pretendiente entregó 3 cabras y 2 pares de taparrabos[2] como dote.
Cuando llegamos a la RDC, descubrí que él tenía tres esposas y que yo me había converitdo en la cuarta; él tenía hijos mayores que yo. Al cabo de un mes las tres primeras esposas no me querían en la parcela de tierra. El esposo me abandonó sin ningún apoyo. Fui a ver al jefe de la aldea pero estaba la barrera del idioma. Sin comida ni medios de superviviencia, empecé a cultivar para otras personas para poder comer. Cuando mi esposo se enteraba de que yo estaba trabajando para alguien, venía y los amenazaba diciendo que yo era su esposa y que nadie podía usarme sin su consentimiento. Yo no entendía nada porque todo sucedía en un idioma que no comprendo. Muchas personas tenían miedo de darme trabajo. Un día, tres hombres llegaron a mi hogar desprotegido alrededor de la medianoche. Me violaron uno a uno. Uno de ellos oyó mis gritos en kirundi –él también era de Burundi– y le pidió a sus amigos que me dejaran vivir. Me aconsejó que huyera porque mi esposo planeaba matarme. Por la mañana, los vecinos vinieron a rescatarme.
No Ie dije a nadie lo que me había sucedido esa noche –la violación– porque de acuerdo con nuestras costumbres, si los demás saben que has sido violada, ya nadie querrá casarse contigo. A la luz de estas amenazas, el jefe de la aldea me llevó a su casa y la policía empezó a investigar. No era fácil ayudarme porque estaba en la RDC ilegalmente, pero empezaron a buscar a mi esposo. Mi vida se volvió muy difícil porque para sobrevivir había vendido todo lo que tenía, y también las cosas de mi hijo. Le pedí al jefe de la aldea que me enviara a Burundi. Eso costaba más de $30, y no era fácil.
Un día, una mujer que trabajaba en el centro de salud vino a verme y me dijo que fuera al centro de salud para una cita privada. Yo tenía miedo, pero cuando llegué al lugar, ella me recibió con mucha amabilidad, me reconfortó, pero yo estaba muy conmovida y la reunión no pudo tener lugar a causa de mi llanto. Me dio una nueva cita, y esa vez le conté todo lo sucedido desde el principio en Burundi. También me vio la enfermera y fui a Sebele[3] para que me atendieran. Ella me ayudó mucho, con asesoramiento y visitas, aunque yo no hablaba swahili fluidamente. Yo iba a verla al centro de salud y un día fue conmigo a la estación de policía para ver cómo iba mi caso y le pidió al funcionario policial que facilitara mi repatriación a Burundi.
Ella también me recomendó que me uniera a un grupo de ahorro y crédito fundado en la aldea ya que así podría recibir un préstamo y hacer pequeñas transacciones comerciales. A través del grupo encontré algo más valioso que el dinero: ¡la solidaridad! No sabía que podría encontrar personas tan generosas a mi lado, en especial durante momentos tan duros. Recibí un pequeño préstamo de 16.000FC, que me permite vender pescado (12.000FC) y harina de maíz (4.000FC). Ya no moriré de hambre.
Mentalmente me siento bien, pero todavía necesito regresar a mi país a vivir con mi madre”.
[1] El territorio de Fizi incluye cuatro comunidades rurales, 27 grupos, 142 pueblos y 1634 aldeas. La infraestructura es insuficiente, en especial para la educación, la salud, el empleo, el transporte y la recreación. El área carece de electricidad y pocos hogares tienen acceso a agua potable y a saneamiento adecuado.
7 Women Human Rights Defenders from across the South and Southeast Asian region are honored in this year’s Online Tribute. These defenders have made key contributions to advancing human and women’s rights, indigenous people’s rights, and the right to education. These WHRDs were lawyers, women’s rights activists, scholars, and politicians. Please join AWID in commemorating t their work and legacy by sharing the memes below with your colleagues, networks and friends and by using the hashtags #WHRDTribute and #16Days.
Please click on each image below to see a larger version and download as a file
The results of your research will also shape your advocacy – for example, your results will have revealed which sectors fund the most and which sectors you feel need donor education.
Adapt your strategy to the sector
1. Women’s rights organizations
2. Bilaterals and multilaterals
3. Private foundations
4. Women’s funds
5. Private sector and new donors
Build your advocacy strategy
In the “Frame your research” section of this toolkit we recommend that you plot out what goals you hope to accomplish with your research. These goals will allow you to build anadvocacy strategyonce your research is complete.
An advocacy strategy is a plan of distributing your research results in a way that allows you to accomplish your goals, falling under the broader goal of advocating with key sectors to make positive changes for resources for women’s rights organizing.
Using the goals defined in your research framing:
List the potential groups of contacts who can be interested in your research results
For each group, explain in one sentence how they can help you achieve your goal.
For each group, mark what tone you are supposed to use to talk to them (formal professional, commentary casual, do they understand the field’s jargon?)
List every media that can allow you to reach these audiences, in the proper tone (social media to build community feeling, press release for official announcement to a general audience, etc.)
From this list – as exhaustive as possible, chose which ones are the most efficient for achieve your goals. (See below for specific examples of audiences and advocacy methods)
Once you have a strategy, you can start the dissemination.
To disseminate your results, reach out first to the contacts through whom you distributed your survey, as well as to all your survey and interview participants.
First, take this opportunity to thank them for contributing to this research.
Share with them the main survey results and analysis.
Make it easy for them to disseminate your product through their networks by giving them samples of tweets, Facebook posts or even a short introduction that they could copy and paste on their website.
Do not forget to state clearly a contact person and ask for a confirmation once they have published it.
On top of making you able to track who disseminated your report, it will help build stronger relationships within your network.
As an example, we present below a list of sectors AWID engages in advocacy.
Use this list as a point of departure to develop your own sector-specific advocacy plan.
Create an objective for what you hope to accomplish for each sector.
Be sure to add any additional sectors to this list that are relevant for your particular research, such as local NGOs or local governments, for example.
Your list of advisory organizations and individuals will also be useful here. They can help you disseminate the report in different spaces, as well as introduce you to new organizations or advocacy spaces.
1. Women’s rights organizations
Sample objectives: Update women’s rights organizations on funding trends; brainstorm collaborative efforts for resource mobilization using research findings; influence how they approach resource mobilization
Examples of possible advocacy methods:
Offer seminars, learning cafés or other events throughout your region, in relevant languages, in order to update women’s rights organizations with the findings of your research.
If you can’t physically reach everyone in your region, think about setting-up a webinar and online presentations.
Present your findings at larger convenings, such as the Commission on the Status of Women (CSW).
Beyond your own organizations’ newsletters and website, write articles on different platforms that are frequented by your target audience. Some examples:World Pulse, OpenDemocracy, feministing.
2. Bilaterals and multilaterals
Sample Objective: Raising awareness about how funding is not meeting established commitments and how this sector needs to improve funding mechanisms to finance women’s rights organizing.
Identify which bilateral & multilaterals have the most influence on funding – this could include local embassies.
Examples of possible advocacy methods:
Enlist ally organizations and influential individuals (some may already be your advisors for this research process) to do peer education.
Seek their assistance to disseminate research finding widely in large multilaterals (like the UN).
Present at and/or attend influential spaces where bilaterals and multilaterals are present, such as GENDERNET .
Publish articles in outlets that are read by bilaterals and multilaterals such as devex, Better Aid, Publish What You Pay.
3. Private foundations
Sample Objective: Expand the quality and quantity of support for women’s rights organizations.
Examples of possible advocacy methods:
Attend and/or present at events led by private foundations.
Sample Objective: Encourage them to continue their work at higher scale.
Examples of possible advocacy methods:
Hold presentations at the women’s funds in your region and in countries that you hope to influence.
Disseminate your research findings to all women’s funds that impact the region, priority issue or population you are focusing on.
Consider doing joint efforts based on the results of the findings. For example, you could propose to collaborate with a fund to develop an endowment that closes the funding gaps found in your research.
5. Private sector and new donors
Sample Objective: Increase their understanding of the field and encourage coherence between their philanthropic interests and business practice.
Examples of possible advocacy methods:
Enlist ally organizations and influential individuals (some may already be your advisors for this research process) to do peer education.
Arrange meetings with influential private actors to present your research findings.
Host your own meeting, inviting private sector actors, to share the findings and to advocate for your position.
Make sure to adapt your presentations, propositions and applications to each targeted group.
We strongly recommend referring to our Ready to Go worksheet to assess your own advancement.
Estimated time:
• 1-2 years, depending on advocacy goals
People needed:
• 1 or more communications person(s)
Resources needed:
• List of spaces to advertise research
• List of blogs and online magazines where you can publish articles about your research finding
• List of advisors
• Your WITM information products
• Sample of Advocacy Plan
Despite their rigidity in matters of doctrine and worldview, anti-rights actors have demonstrated an openness to building new kinds of strategic alliances, to new organizing techniques, and to new forms of rhetoric. As a result, their power in international spaces has increased.
There has been a notable evolution in the strategies of ultra conservative actors operating at this level. They do not only attempt to tinker at the edges of agreements and block certain language, but to transform the framework conceptually and develop alternative standards and norms, and avenues for influence.
Strategy 1: Training of UN delegates
Ultra conservative actors work to create and sustain their relationships with State delegates through regular training opportunities - such as the yearly Global Family Policy Forum - and targeted training materials.
These regular trainings and resources systematically brief delegates on talking points and negotiating techniques to further collaboration towards anti-rights objectives in the human rights system. Delegates also receive curated compilations of ‘consensus language’ and references to pseudo-scientific or statistical information to bolster their arguments.
The consolidated transmission of these messages explains in part why State delegates who take ultra-conservative positions in international human rights debates frequently do so in contradiction with their own domestic legislation and policies.
Strategy 2: Holding international convenings
Anti-rights actors’ regional and international web of meetings help create closer links between ultra conservative Civil Society Organizations (CSOs), States and State blocs, and powerful intergovernmental bodies. The yearly international World Congress of Families is one key example.
These convenings reinforce personal connections and strategic alliances, a key element for building and sustaining movements. They facilitate transnational, trans-religious and dynamic relationship-building around shared issues and interests, which leads to a more proactive approach and more holistic sets of asks at the international policy level on the part of anti-rights actors.
Strategy 3: Placing reservations on human rights agreements
States and State blocs have historically sought to undermine international consensus or national accountability under international human rights norms through reservations to human rights agreements, threatening the universal applicability of human rights.
The Convention on the Elimination of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW) has received by far the most reservations, most of which are based on alleged conflict with religious law. It is well-established international human rights law that evocations of tradition, culture or religion cannot justify violations of human rights, and many reservations to CEDAW are invalid as they are “incompatible with the object and purpose” of CEDAW. Nevertheless, reference to these reservations is continually used by States to dodge their human rights responsibilities.
‘Reservations’ to UN documents and agreements that are not formal treaties - such as Human Rights Council and General Assembly resolutions - are also on the rise.
Strategy 4: Creating a parallel human rights framework
In an alarming development, regressive actors at the UN have begun to co-opt existing rights standards and campaign to develop agreed language that is deeply anti-rights.
The aim is to create and then propagate language in international human rights spaces that validates patriarchal, hierarchical, discriminatory, and culturally relativist norms.
One step towards this end is the drafting of declarative texts, such as the World Family Declaration and the San Jose Articles, that pose as soft human rights law. Sign-ons are gathered from multiple civil society, state, and institutional actors; and they are then used a basis for advocacy and lobbying.
Strategy 5: Developing alternative ‘scientific’ sources
As part of a strategic shift towards the use of non-religious discourses, anti-rights actors have significantly invested in their own ‘social science’ think tanks. Given oxygen by the growing conservative media, materials from these think tanks are then widely disseminated by conservative civil society groups. The same materials are used as the basis for advocacy at the international human rights level.
While the goals and motivation of conservative actors derive from their extreme interpretations of religion, culture, and tradition, such regressive arguments are often reinforced through studies that claim intellectual authority. A counter-discourse is thus produced through a heady mix of traditionalist doctrine and social science.
Strategy 6: Mobilizing Youth
This is one of the most effective strategies employed by the religious right and represents a major investment in the future of anti-rights organizing.
Youth recruitment and leadership development, starting at the local level with churches and campuses, are a priority for many conservative actors engaged at the international policy level.
This strategy has allowed for infiltration of youth-specific spaces at the United Nations, including at the Commission on the Status of Women, and creates a strong counterpoint to progressive youth networks and organizations.
Key anti-rights strategies
Strategy 7: Defunding and delegitimizing human rights mechanisms
When it comes to authoritative expert mechanisms like the UN Special Procedures and Treaty Monitoring Bodies and operative bodies like the UN agencies, regressive groups realize their potential for influence is much lower than with political mechanisms[1].
In response, anti-rights groups spread the idea that UN agencies are ‘overstepping their mandate,’ that the CEDAW Committee and other Treaty Bodies have no authority to interpret their treaties, or that Special Procedures are partisan experts working outside of their mandate. Anti-rights groups have also successfully lobbied for the defunding of agencies such as the United Nations Population Fund (UNFPA).
This invalidation of UN mechanisms gives fuel to state impunity. Governments, when under international scrutiny, can defend their action on the basis that the reviewing mechanism is itself faulty or overreaching.
Strategy 8: Organizing online
Conservative non-state actors increasingly invest in social media and other online platforms to promote their activities, campaign, and widely share information from international human rights spaces.
The Spanish organization CitizenGo, for example, markets itself as the conservative version of Change.org, spearheading petitions and letter-writing campaigns. One recent petition, opposing the establishment of a UN international day on safe abortion, gathered over 172,000 signatures.
Overarching Trends:
Learning from the organizing strategies of feminists and other progressives.
Replicating and adapting successful national-level tactics for the international sphere.
Moving from an emphasis on ‘symbolic protest’ to becoming subversive system ‘insiders.’
By understanding the strategies employed by anti-rights actors, we can be more effective in countering them.
[1] The fora that are state-led, like the General Assembly, the Human Rights Council, and UN conferences like the Commission on the Status of Women and the Commission on Population and Development
¿Por qué las industrias como la minería son peligrosas para el medioambiente?
Estas industrias 'extraen' materias primas de la tierra: minería, gas, petróleo y madera son algunos ejemplos.
Este modelo económico explota desenfrenadamente la naturaleza e intensifica las desigualdades norte, donde sus grandes corporaciones se benefician y sur, de donde extraen los recursos.
Contaminación del agua, daño irreparable al medioambiente, deforestación de la amazonia, comunidades forzadas a desplazarse son algunas de las consecuencias inmediatas.
Hay alternativas sostenibles para el medioambiente y los derechos humanos de la mujer. Empecemos por conseguir un tratado vinculante para que las corporaciones extractivas nos respeten.
Freeing the Church, Decolonizing the Bible for West Papuan Women
By Rode Wanimbo (@rodwan986), Jayapura, Papua Province of Indonesia
“Lord, we are unworthy. We are the ones who committed sin for Eve ate the fruit in Eden. We are just women who grow sweet potatoes, look after pigs and give birth to children. We believe you died on the cross to set us free. Thank you, In Jesus’s name Amen.”
This is a typical prayer of women I have heard during my visits to ministries in several villages. Even I said the same prayer for many years.
I was born and grew up in Agamua, the Central Highlands of West Papua. My father belongs to the Lani tribe and my mother comes from Walak.
In Lani and Walak languages - languages spoken in the Central Highlands - tiru means a pillar. There are four tiru (pillars) standing firmly in the middle of the Lani roundhouse (honai), around wun’awe or a furnace. Tiru is always made of the strongest type of wood called a’pe (ironwood tree). The longer the wood gets heated and smoked from the fire in the honai, the stronger it becomes. Without tiru, the honai cannot stand firm. West Papuan women are these tiru.
West Papua is located in the western part of the New Guinea island, containing some of the world’s highest mountains, densest jungle, and richest mineral resources. It is home to over 250 groups and has an incredible biodiversity. Due to its natural wealth, West Papua has, over the centuries, been targeted by foreign occupiers. Until 1963, we were colonized by the Dutch. However in 1969, after a manipulative political act, we were transferred from the Dutch to Indonesia.
The first German missionaries arrived in Mansinam Island, Manokwari, in 1855. Then, in the 1950s, Christianity was brought to the Central Highlands of West Papua by Protestant missionaries of European descent from America, Canada, Australia and New Zealand.
According to Scripture in Genesis 1: 26-27, Man and Woman are created in the image of God. It means all humanity is made with the call and capacity to exercise dominion. Radah, the Hebrew word for dominion, means stewardship. Radah is not a call to exercise imperial power as declared by Pope Nicolas V, granting Catholic nations the right to “discover” and claim dominion over non-Christian lands. To diminish the capacity of humans to exercise dominion, is to diminish the image of God on earth (Lisa Sharon Harper, The Very Good Gospel).
The Evangelical Church of Indonesia (GIDI) was established as an institution in 1963. In the Sunday Service liturgy of GIDI, Women are considered unworthy to take any responsibility except collecting offerings. In 2003, after 40 years, the Department of Women was introduced within the structure of the Synod leadership.
In November 2013, I was entrusted to be a chairperson of the Women’s Department of the GIDI Synod.
Together with several other women leaders, we started a cell group that is committed to “decolonizing the Bible.” We learn together how to reconstruct the interpretation of biblical texts to champion women.
A feminist theologian named Elisabeth S Florenza calls it a feminist hermeneutic theory (Josina Wospakrik, Biblical Interpretation and Marginalization of Woman in the Churches of West Papua).
Besides the cell group, we interview our elderly women to collect our ancestors’ wisdom and values. As Bernard Narakobi in his book The Melanesian Way said: “Our history did not begin with contact with the Western explorers. Our civilization did not start with the coming of the Christian missionaries. Because we have an ancient civilization. It is important for us to give proper dignity and place to our history”.
Yum is a knotted net or woven bag handmade from wood fiber or leaves. Yum is highly valued for it symbolizes life and hope. When women of Lani and Walak get married, our maternal aunts put yum on our heads. It means we bear the responsibility for giving life and for providing food. Yum is used to carry garden produce as well as being used as a container to put a baby to sleep in as it gives warmth and a sense of security.
“West Papuan Women are Yum and Tiru” became the prime references as we contextualized women in the eyes of Jesus Christ in seminar and focus group discussions. From 2013 to 2018, we focused on reconstructing the view of women in GIDI and in gaining a healthy self-image. We are still in the process of understanding who we are to Jesus, rather than who we have been told we are by theologians and the fathers of the early Churches. Josina Wospakrik, a West Papuan Theologian said “The Gospel is incredibly rich but it was impoverished due to human ambitions and agendas.”
Since 2018, the GIDI Women Leadership team and I have formulated four priority programs: Decolonizing the Bible, Storytelling in a circle, Training of trainers for Literacy and Gender. The fourth, supported simple bookkeeping and savings groups workshops facilitated by Yapelin and Yasumat, which are faith based organizations established by GIDI leaders to reach the economic, social and health needs of women in the communities.
Storytelling in a Circle
In this programme we create a safe space for women to talk - each woman has a story. We all sit together and learn how to be good listeners.
“I became Christian and was taught that the government is God’s representative. Why did the government do nothing when the army burnt down my village and killed my relatives?” asked one woman in the storytelling circle. “My aunt was raped.” She stopped for a while. Could not talk. She cried. We all did.
The process of storytelling has driven us into deep conversation. We began to contextualize Biblical texts within our daily realities.
We started asking questions amongst ourselves: Where is God in our toughest times? Does the state government truly represent God on earth? Why does the Creator allow privileged people to destroy His own image in the name of Christianity and Development? During the process, I realized that I have been reading the Bible using somebody else’s glasses.
The church has to be a safe place to share stories and be a place of comfort to be still and rest. As we reflect on the testimonies, those who tell their stories begin the process of recovering from wounds and trauma.
Financial Literacy for Women
Culturally, West Papuans invest in relationships. The concept of saving is understood as an investment in relations, not in a bank account. And while the Indonesian central government has granted special autonomy to respond to West Papuans’ demand for self-determination, many government policies harm the quality of family life and they do not account for women’s lives. High illiteracy rates amongst women mean most women do not have access to a bank account. With no money saved, access to medical services becomes a struggle.
Through the priority programmes, Yapelin, with the active involvement and support of women, created saving groups in Bokondini and Jayapura. The saving groups are chaired by women who have access to a bank.
In coordination with Yayasan Bethany Indonesia (YBI) and Yayasan Suluh, a faith-based organization (FBO) based in Jayapura, we facilitated four literacy workshops. The literacy team facilitated the training of trainers in three different dioceses: Merauke, Sentani, and Benawa. We now have 30 facilitators in different congregations who run literacy programs.
Lack of financial support for our programs will not stop us. Being stigmatized as rebels will not stop us from standing up and speaking in church evaluation meetings and conferences. It is stressful but I am committed together with several women leaders to calling on the power-holders within to free the church.
The Gospel known as Good News should become news that liberates women from a very patriarchal circle of power, liberates women from social stigma and returns women to the original purpose of The Creator.
The Gospel must be a mirror to reflect who we are collectively. As Lisa Sharon Harper, in her book The Very Good Gospel said “The Gospel is not only about an individual’s reconciliation with God, self and communities. But also speaks on systemic justice, peace between people groups and freedom for the oppressed”.
Rode Wanimbo is the chairperson of the Women’s Department of Evangelical Church of Indonesia (GIDI).
“Offerings for Black Life”
By Sokari Ekine (@blacklooks), New Orleans
Coming from a place of healing and self-care is a political act that guides us to be focused and to move as one. In New Orleans, we created and will be creating altars in honour of those murdered by police and white supremacists vigilantes!
Colectivo Moriviví is an all women artistic collective. Our artistic production consists of muralism, community-led muralism, and protest performance/actions. Our work is about democratizing art and bringing the narratives of Puerto Rican communities to the public sphere to create spaces in which they are validated. We believe that through artivism we can promote consciousness on social issues and strengthen our collective memory.
“Cacibajagua” 2017, Mural Project. Jiangxi, China“Cacibajagua” 2017, Mural Project. Jiangxi, China“Paz para la Mujer” 2015, collaboration with Coordinadora Paz para la Mujer Organization. Santurce, Puerto Rico
“Paz para la Mujer” 2015, collaboration with Coordinadora Paz para la Mujer Organization. Santurce, Puerto Rico
As part of their participation in AWID’s Artist Working Group, Colectivo Morivivi gathered a diverse group of members, partners and staff to facilitate a collaborative process of dreaming into, informing, and deciding on the content for a community mural through a multi-stage co-creation process. The project began with a remote conceptualization with feminists from different parts of the planet brought together by AWID, and then it evolved to its re-contextualization and realization in Puerto Rico. We were honored to have the input of local artists Las Nietas de Nonó(@lasnietasdenono), the participation of local women in the Community Painting Session, the logistics support from the Municipality of Caguas, and FRIDA Young Feminist Fund’s additional support to the collective.
The mural explores the transcendence of borders by presenting bodies like a map, in an embrace that highlights the intersection of the different feminist manifestations, practices and realities.
We also thank Kelvin Rodríguez, who documented and captured the different stages of this project in Puerto Rico:
About Colectivo Morivivi
Moriviví is a collective of young female artists, working on public art since April 2013. Based in Puerto Rico, we’ve gained recognition for the creation of murals and community led arts.
The group started out in local Urban Art Festivals. As our work became more popular, organizations and community leadership started to reach out to us. We began as eight high schoolers who wanted to paint a mural together. However, in eight years of hard work, we’ve faced many challenges. Now we are in a period of transition. During this following year, we aim to restructure the collective internally. Our goal is to open new opportunities for collaborators and back-up our decision making process with a new evaluation system. In the long run, we aspire to become an alternative school of art practice for those interested in immersing themselves in community art production.
