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Le Conseil des droits de l'homme (CDH) est un organe intergouvernemental clé du système des Nations Unies, responsable de la promotion et la protection des droits humains autour du globe. Il se réunit trois fois par an en session ordinaire, en Mars, Juin et Septembre. Le Bureau du Haut-Commissariat des Nations Unies aux Droits de l’Homme (HCDH) constitue le secrétariat pour le CDH.
Débat et adopte des résolutions sur les questions globales des droits humains ainsi que sur la situation des droits humains dans des pays particuliers
Examine les plaintes des victimes de violations des droits humains et des organisations activistes, au nom des victimes de violations des droits humains
Nomme des experts indépendants (que l'on connaît sous le nom de « Procédures Spéciales ») pour réviser les cas de violation des droits humains dans des pays spécifiques, ainsi que pour examiner et suivre des questions globales relatives aux droits humains
Prend part à des discussions avec les experts et les gouvernements sur les questions de droits humains
Évalue les bilans des États membres de l'ONU en matière de droits humains tous les quatre ans et demi, dans le cadre de l'examen périodique universel.
La prochaine session du CDH a lieu à Genève, en Suisse, du 30 juin au 17 juillet 2020.
AWID travaille avec des partenaires féministes, progressistes et du domaine des droits humains pour partager nos connaissances clé, convoquer dialogues et évènements avec la société civile, et influencer les négociations et les résultats de la session.
Anti-rights actors have had a substantive impact on our human rights framework and the progressive interpretation of human rights standards, especially rights related to gender and sexuality.
When it comes to the impact of conservative actors in international policy spaces, the overall picture today is of stasis and regressions.
We have witnessed the watering down of existing agreements and commitment; deadlock in negotiations; sustained undermining of UN agencies, treaty review bodies and Special Procedures; and success in pushing through regressive language in international human rights documents.
The CSW, held annually in March, has long been one of the most contested sites in the UN system. In March 2015, conservative efforts set the tone before events or negotiations even began; the outcome document of the Commission was a weak Declaration negotiated before any women’s rights activists even arrived on the ground.
At 2016’s CSW, the new Youth Caucus was infiltrated by large numbers of vocal anti-abortion and anti-SRHR actors, who shouted down progressive youth organizations. Again, intensive negotiations resulted in a lacklustre text, which included regressive language on ‘the family.’
Precisely when addressing women’s human rights is of urgent importance, the CSW has been rendered a depoliticized and weakened space. Using it to advance rights has become harder and harder since progressives’ energy is taken up trying to hold the ground against conservative backlash.
As the intergovernmental body responsible for the promotion and protection of human rights around the globe, the HRC is a key entry point for conservative actors. In recent years, this mechanism has been the scene for a number of damaging anti-human rights moves.
In conversation with other anti-rights actors, one strategy of conservative states, and blocs of states, is to aggressively negotiate out positive language and to introduce hostile amendments to resolutions, most often resolutions focusing on rights related to gender and sexuality.
To take one example, during the June 2016 session of the HRC, opposition was mounted towards a resolution on discrimination against women by the member states of the Organization of Islamic Cooperation (OIC) and allies. During contentious negotiations, multiple provisions were removed, including women’s and girls’ right to have control over their sexuality, sexual and reproductive health, and reproductive rights; and the need to repeal laws which perpetuate the patriarchal oppression of women and girls in families, and those criminalizing adultery or pardoning marital rape.
The HRC has also been the site of pernicious conservative initiatives to co-opt human rights norms and enact conservative “human rights” language, such as that of the Russia-led “traditional values” resolutions, and more recently the “Protection of the Family” agenda.
In 2015, moving their sights to another front, a number of religious right organizations began to target the Human Rights Committee, the treaty monitoring body for the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), a pivotal human rights instrument.
Anti-human rights groups mobilized in hopes of cementing their anti-abortion rhetoric into the treaty.
When the Committee announced it was drafting a new authoritative interpretation of the right to life, over 30 conservative non-state actors sent in written submissions, advocating their misleading discourse on ‘right to life’ - that life begins at conception and that abortion is a violation of the right - be incorporated in the Committee’s interpretation of article 6.
Conservative groups targeting the Human Rights Committee was a shift considering that historically anti-human rights actors have repeatedly attempted to undermine and invalidate the essential work of the treaty monitoring bodies, including the Human Rights Committee.

Anti-human rights actors were involved in lobbying towards the development of the new Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) in 2015, focusing again on rights relating to gender and sexuality. These efforts had limited traction in their attempts to embed regressive language in Agenda 2030.
However, after successfully pushing back against progressive language in the final text, conservative actors then pivoted to another strategy. In an attempt to evade state accountability and undermine the universality of rights, several states have repeatedly made reservations to the Goals.
On behalf of the African Group, Senegal claimed that African states would only “implement the goals in line with the cultural and religious values of its countries.”
The Holy See also made a number of reservations, stating it was “confident that the related pledge ‘no one will be left behind’ would be read” as meaning “the right to life of the person, from conception until natural death.”
Saudi Arabia went one step further, declaring that the country would not follow any international rules relating to the SDGs that reference sexual orientation or gender identity, describing them as running “counter to Islamic law.”
Anti-rights actors have made increasing headway at the UN General Assembly (GA). Most recently, during the 71st session in 2016, the GA was the scene of feverish anti-rights organizing in opposition to the new mandate created by the Human Rights Council resolution on sexual orientation and gender identity in June 2016: the Independent Expert on SOGI. Four separate attempts were made to undercut the mandate in GA spaces.
One approach was to introduce a hostile resolution at the Third Committee[1], led by the African Group, which in essence aimed to indefinitely defer the new mandate. While this approach was not successful, such an attempt in the GA to retroactively block the creation of a mandate brought forward by the Human Rights Council represented a new and troubling tactic - anti-right actors are now working to directly undermine the HRC’s authority respective to the General Assembly.
Another approach targeted the Fifth Committee (responsible for administration and budgetary matters) as an entry point to attack the mandate. In an unprecedented move a number of States attempted (again, unsuccessfully) to block the funding of UN human rights experts, including the new IE on SOGI[2],.
While these multiple efforts were unsuccessful in blocking the creation and continuation of the new mandate, the significant support they received, the novel strategizing employed, and the strong alliances built along regional lines through negotiations point to difficulties ahead.
[1] The Third Committee of the GA deals with agenda items relating to a range of social, humanitarian affairs, and human rights issues. Each year it discusses and issues resolutions on issues including the advancement of women, the protection of children, family, and youth.
[2] While UN Special Procedures experts (i.e. Special Rapporteurs, Working Group members and Independent Experts) work pro bono, some funds are generally allocated to facilitate country visits on the invitation of the national government, and support staff.
First High-level Dialogue on Financing for Development, 29-30 October 2003
One of the follow up mechanisms to the Monterrey conference are the UN General Assembly High-level Dialogues on Financing for Development held every two years. In total eight roundtable meetings took place following the Dialogue on various issues including agricultural subsidies, trade, debt relief and funding of the MDGs. All the discussions focused on dealing with the structural hindrances on these issues that disadvantaged ‘developing’ nations.
Other follow up mechanisms to Monterrey included:
It is exactly the same process and same deadline. Please use the same form to submit your activity, whether it is in-person, online, or both (hybrid).
5 de la tarde, hoy.


La escritura a mano de la invitación—
enroscada y brusca—
la he visto cinco veces en cinco años.
Mi cuerpo se activa,
afiebrado.
Necesito cogerme a mí misma antes.
La marea está alta esta noche y
yo
acabo/me corro.
Quiero bajar la velocidad de todo,
saborear el tiempo y el espacio, grabarlos
en la memoria.
*
Nunca he estado antes en esta parte de la ciudad.
Los lugares desconocidos me excitan,
la forma en que las extremidades y las venas
y los huesos
resisten a la descomposición,
su destino incierto.
En la puerta, lo pienso dos veces.
El vestíbulo está oscuro como el carbón
y me hace detenerme.
Del otro lado,
un portal de olor y color
se abre como una maldición
a una tarde soleada.


La brisa
hace bailar mi cabello,
despierta su curiosidad,
lo obliga a moverse.
Oigo chirriar la silla de ruedas,
dando forma a las sombras.
Entonces lx veo:
un rostro de lince
y un cuerpo como el mío
y me encuentro deseando a ambos
de nuevo.
La criatura me hace señas para que me acerque.
Sus gestos escriben una oración;
mientras me muevo hacia ellx
noto sus detalles:
marchitarse, carne, deleite
A su orden, la enredadera que cubre el vestíbulo
abrazando piedras tibias
serpentea hacia arriba por la pared.
Se convierte en un verbo,
«trepar»,
y me reoriento cuando sus garras apuntan
al cantero de la enredadera en el centro.
Oigo las ruedas detrás de mí,
luego ese sonido.
Reverbera
como ningún otro.
Sus largas alas negras
se elevan hacia el cielorraso
y después se lanzan hacia adelante.
La visión felina examina cada detalle,
cada cambio,
cada anhelo.
¿Puede el deseo licuar tus músculos?
¿Puede actuar más dulce que el
tranquilizante más potente?


Un lince cose el mundo
a través de nuestras diferencias
tejiendo encaje alrededor de mis rodillas.
¿Puede el deseo aplastar la distancia del mundo, comprimiendo los segundos?
Se acerca todavía más,
el ojo de lince encontrando el ojo humano,
olfateando el aire,
convirtiendo al cuerpo en
urgencia.
Ellx agita sus alas.
Atizadas,
las lianas se enmarañan alrededor de mi cintura/residuo.
Su lengua adelgaza el tiempo,
moviendo los suelos,
calma, con su magia,
lo que se aviva debajo.
Veo el mundo en ti, y el mundo
está exhausto.
Entonces ellx suplica:
Déjame hacer de tí mi banquete.
Barin was a member of the all-women fighting unit of the Kurdish People’s Protection Unit (YPG)
She was killed while on active duty.
Lebanese journalist Hifaa Zuaiter wrote: “Barin represents everything we have heard about the courage of the Kurdish female fighters, and her death is far more than the killing of a rival, or the result of a political or ethnic struggle. The horror of displaying her body only because she is a woman stems from the fact that she dared to threaten male hegemony by becoming a female fighter on a battlefield meant for men”.
Compilación de noticias sobre la organización y/o el trabajo de AWID
Notas de prensa, dosieres y kits
En síntesis, ¡sí! En este momento AWID está trabajando con un Comité de Accesibilidad, para garantizar que el Foro sea lo más accesible posible. También estamos realizando una auditoría de accesibilidad en la sede del Foro, los hoteles circundantes y el transporte. Antes de que se abra el proceso de inscripción incluiremos en esta sección información detallada sobre la accesibilidad del Foro de AWID. Mientras tanto, si tienes alguna pregunta por favor contáctanos.
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Trauma is not the event; it is how our bodies respond to events that feel dangerous to us. It is often left stuck in the body, until we address it. There’s no talking our body out of this response – it just is.
Jacqueline fue una feminista pionera malí-burkinesa, nacionalista y educadora.
Enseñó inglés en Senegal antes de ser convocada en 1961 como maestra de inglés en el Lycée Philippe Zinda Kaboré en Ouagadougou, Burkina Faso. Debido a su activismo, estuvo involucrada en el alzamiento popular del 3 de enero de 1966. Entre 1961 y 1966 fue responsable de la prensa del sindicato docente, Voces de lxs Maestrxs. Fue nombrada directora del Curso Normal para Niñas Jóvenes (ahora conocida como Escuela Secundaria Nelson Mandela), cargo que ocupó hasta 1974, dedicándose a la educación de las niñas y a la promoción de los derechos de las mujeres.
En 1984 recibió el Premio Paul G. Hoffmann por su destacado trabajo para el desarrollo nacional e internacional.
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Publication de la version zéro du document final, mars 2015
Lara était une DJ bien connue et appréciée de la Motsweding, une radio FM d’Afrique du Sud.
Lara a été l’un des premières animatrices ouvertement transgenre d’une radio grand public. Elle a œuvré sans relâche pour que lumière soit faite sur les questions LGBTI.
L’activisme de Lara a commencé très tôt, alors qu’elle revendiquait son droit de s’habiller et de se comporter afin de se sentir à l’aise auprès des membres de sa communauté qui ne comprenaient pas encore ce que signifiait être transgenre.