La investigación secundaria la puedes realizar en todos los estadios del proceso investigativo. Te puede ayudar a formular el marco, a elegir las preguntas de la encuesta y a comprender mejor los resultados.

En esta sección

• Describe el contexto
• Utiliza el conocimiento ya construido
• Posibles fuentes para la investigación secundaria
  1. Sitios de donantes en Internet y sus informes anuales
  2. Fuentes de información en línea

Describe el contexto

Realizar investigación secundaria durante todo el proceso investigativo te ayudará a formular el marco de referencia, elegir las preguntas de la encuesta, interpretar la información según el contexto o percibir aspectos interesantes de los resultados de la investigación. Por ejemplo, podrás comparar similitudes y diferencias entre los resultados de tu investigación y la información recogida de la sociedad civil y del sector donante.

Tal vez percibas tendencias en la información que te aporta la encuesta y quieras entenderlas mejor.

Por ejemplo, imagina que la encuesta te indica que los presupuestos de las organizaciones se están reduciendo, pero no te puede decir por qué está sucediendo esto. Consultar publicaciones te puede ayudar a entender el contexto y las posibles razones que explican esa tendencia.

Volver al comienzo

Utiliza el conocimiento ya construido

La utilización de fuentes secundarias garantiza que la investigación incorpore el conocimiento ya construido, confirmando así la validez y relevancia de tus resultados.

Estos resultados pueden complementar o contradecir el conocimiento construido, pero deben guardar relación con él.

Para asegurarte de investigar todo el panorama del financiamiento para la temática que estés relevando, necesitarás estudiar un conjunto diverso de sectores donantes.

Puedes tener en cuenta:

• Fondos de mujeres
• Fundaciones privadas y públicas
• Organizaciones no gubernamentales internacionales (ONGI)
• Entidades bilaterales y multilaterales
• Actores del sector privado
• Filantropía individual
• Micromecenazgos (crowdfunding)

Incluye a todo otro actor que resulte relevante para la investigación.

Por ejemplo, puedes decidir que también será importante relevar a las organizaciones no gubernamentales (ONG)

Volver al comienzo

Posibles fuentes para la investigación secundaria (lista no exhaustiva)

1. Sitios de donantes en Internet y sus informes anuales

Estas son fuentes directas de información que revelan lo que están haciendo las financiadoras y por lo general también informan acerca de sus políticas y presupuestos. Incluir estos materiales en la investigación antes de entrevistar a donantes te podrá ayudar a formular preguntas más puntuales y a recoger más información durante la entrevista.

2. Fuentes de información en línea

• Alliance Magazine [Revista Alianza] (en inglés)
• Boletín del Council on Foundations [Concejo de Fundaciones] (en inglés)
• Blog y boletines de Devex (en inglés)
• Noticias del Foundation Center [Centro de Fundaciones] (en inglés)
• Artículos escritos por activistas y organizaciones de la población que estás encuestando
• Lista de donantes de AWID (en inglés)
• Philanthropy Journal [Boletín de Filantropía] (en inglés)
• Institute of Development Studies [Instituto de Estudios sobre Desarrollo] (en inglés)

Volver al comienzo

Paso previo

5. Realiza las entrevistas

Paso siguiente

7. Sintetiza los resultados de la investigación

Duración estimada

• 1-2 meses

Personas que se necesitan

• 1 persona (o más) de investigación

Paso previo

5. Realiza las entrevistas

Paso siguiente

7. Sintetiza los resultados de la investigación

Planilla «¿Estoy listx?»

Descargar el manual en PDF

第十四屆論壇的主題是“女權主義現實實踐：我們的行動力量”。

我們將女權主義現實實踐理解為不同方式和形式的存在，向我們展示了儘管有主導的權力系統但仍舊存在各種可能性去反抗和抵抗它們。我們將這些女權主義現實實踐理解為希望和力量的開墾與體現，並且是多維的、動態的和植根於特定背景和歷史時刻的。

閱讀有關女權主義現實實踐的更多信息

À quels défis les personnes Trans et Travesti sont-elles confrontées en Argentine ?

Nous croyons que l'économie, le marché, le système financier et les prémisses sur lesquelles ils reposent sont des domaines critiques pour la lutte féministe.

Ainsi, notre vision pour une économie juste dépasse la promotion des droits et de l'autonomisation des femmes sur le marché. Elle propose d'évaluer le rôle des oppressions liées au genre lors de l'élaboration de mesures économiques, afin de les modifier pour favoriser l'égalité de genre et la justice économique.

Processus

Nous ne partons pas de zéro et nous ne sommes pas seules à tenter de mettre en avant des propositions féministes pour une économie juste. Beaucoup des propositions formulées dans ce document existaient déjà en théorie et aussi dans la pratique, au sein de diverses communautés qui défient et résistent face aux systèmes économiques fondés sur la croissance et le marché.
 
Il est également très important de noter qu'il y a une prise de conscience croissante du fait que les micros solutions n’apportent pas toujours de réponses aux problèmes macros, même si elles représentent des espaces importants pour la construction de la résistance et des mouvements. Certaines alternatives spécifiques peuvent ne pas être en mesure de remédier aux injustices du système capitaliste actuel à l'échelle mondiale.

Objectifs

Cela dit, les alternatives féministes pour une économie juste sont essentielles pour ouvrir des brèches dans le système et pouvoir en tirer des leçons, en faveur d’un changement systémique transformateur. Nous n’avons pas la prétention de proposer un compte-rendu complet et exhaustif sur la manière de créer un modèle économique qui soit juste d’un point de vue féministe, ou même des modèles.

À partir d’un dialogue inter-mouvements avec des syndicats, des mouvements ruraux et paysans et des mouvements environnementaux, nous pouvons néanmoins formuler une série de propositions pour cheminer vers cette vision.

Que voulons-nous changer?

Le modèle néolibéral qui domine l'économie mondiale a démontré à maintes reprises son incapacité à traiter les causes profondes de la pauvreté, des inégalités et de l'exclusion. En réalité, le néolibéralisme a même contribué à provoquer et à exacerber ces injustices.
 
Caractérisées par la mondialisation, la libéralisation, la privatisation, la financiarisation et l'aide conditionnelle, les politiques générales de développement de ces trois dernières décennies ont fait des ravages dans la vie et les moyens de subsistance de tous et toutes. Ces politiques ont également contribué sans faillir à creuser le fossé des inégalités, aux injustices de genre et à une destruction de l'environnement que le monde ne peut plus se permettre de supporter.
 
Il y a encore des personnes qui affirment qu’en donnant carte blanche aux sociétés et aux entreprises pour favoriser la croissance économique, le vent finira par atteindre les voiles de tous les navires.
 
Cependant, la notion du développement dominante au cours des dernières décennies,  qui repose en grande partie sur le principe d’une croissance économique illimitée, traverse actuellement une crise idéologique.
 
Le mythe de la croissance économique en tant que panacée capable de résoudre tous nos problèmes prend l’eau.

Voir également

Notre vision

5 menaces principales

Nos partenaires

我們一直努力確保論壇是由合作夥伴、運動和我們的優先群體共同來開發。

對於即將舉行的論壇，我們旨在加深和增強共同創造與合作的精神和實踐。我們還認識到有必要在多樣的聲音和體驗之間取得平衡，讓參與者和工作人員有調整呼吸、休息和享受一些空閒時間的空間。

該論壇將在以下方面有所不同：

• 特別有組織條理的論壇活動大幅減少，因為我們希望人們有時間去參與、體驗、消化資訊和彼此交談等。這是溝通的關鍵：您可以參加論壇、積極活躍參與，不必協助推動特別有組織的活動（或「場次」）。
• 我們將擁有開放空間（至少會有一個下午沒有任何有組織的活動），而且整個論壇過程中都將有可供使用的物理空間鼓勵人們自己組織會議等。
• 我們有一個內容和方法委員會，由來自不同地區的女權主義者組成，他們在參與式方法上頗有建樹，以創新和吸引人的方式參與並支持我們的論壇活動。

"My dreams and objectives have always been the same as those of Lohana Berkins: for the cooperative to continue standing and not to close. To continue to give this place to our travesti comrades, to give them work and a place of support"

Brisa Escobar,
president of the Cooperative

Definition

There are varied conceptualizations about the commons notes activist and scholar Soma Kishore Parthasarathy.

Conventionally, they are understood as natural resources intended for use by those who depend on their use. However, the concept of the commons has expanded to include the resources of knowledge, heritage, culture, virtual spaces, and even climate. It pre-dates the individual property regime and provided the basis for organization of society. Definitions given by government entities limit its scope to land and material resources.

The concept of the commons rests on the cultural practice of sharing livelihood spaces and resources as nature’s gift, for the common good, and for the sustainability of the common.

Context

Under increasing threat, nations and market forces continue to colonize, exploit and occupy humanity’s commons.

In some favourable contexts, the ‘commons’ have the potential to enable women, especially economically oppressed women, to have autonomy in how they are able to negotiate their multiple needs and aspirations.

Feminist perspective

Patriarchy is reinforced when women and other oppressed genders are denied access and control of the commons.

Therefore, a feminist economy seeks to restore the legitimate rights of communities to these common resources. This autonomy is enabling them to sustain themselves; while evolving more egalitarian systems of governance and use of such resources. A feminist economy acknowledges women’s roles and provides equal opportunities for decision-making, i.e. women as equal claimants to these resources.

Learn more about this proposition

• Reclaiming the Commons for Gender and Economic Justice: Struggles and Movements in India is an interview to scholar Soma Kishore Parthasarathy on how women in rural India are contesting this reality by proposing a shared management of common resources.
• Feminism And The Politics Of The Commons by Silvia Federici looks at the politics of the commons from a feminist standpoint shaped by the struggle against sexual discrimination and reproductive work, to clarify the conditions under which the principle of the common/s can become the foundation of an anti-capitalist program.

請訪問“資助建議”頁面，以獲取一些想法和靈感，瞭解如何為參與論壇提供資金，裡面也包括AWID能提供的部分資金支持。

Despite their rigidity in matters of doctrine and worldview, anti-rights actors have demonstrated an openness to building new kinds of strategic alliances, to new organizing techniques, and to new forms of rhetoric. As a result, their power in international spaces has increased.

There has been a notable evolution in the strategies of ultra conservative actors operating at this level. They do not only attempt to tinker at the edges of agreements and block certain language, but to transform the framework conceptually and develop alternative standards and norms, and avenues for influence.

Strategy 1: Training of UN delegates

Ultra conservative actors work to create and sustain their relationships with State delegates through regular training opportunities - such as the yearly Global Family Policy Forum - and targeted training materials.

These regular trainings and resources systematically brief delegates on talking points and negotiating techniques to further collaboration towards anti-rights objectives in the human rights system. Delegates also receive curated compilations of ‘consensus language’ and references to pseudo-scientific or statistical information to bolster their arguments.

The consolidated transmission of these messages explains in part why State delegates who take ultra-conservative positions in international human rights debates frequently do so in contradiction with their own domestic legislation and policies.

Strategy 2: Holding international convenings

Anti-rights actors’ regional and international web of meetings help create closer links between ultra conservative Civil Society Organizations (CSOs), States and State blocs, and powerful intergovernmental bodies. The yearly international World Congress of Families is one key example.

These convenings reinforce personal connections and strategic alliances, a key element for building and sustaining movements. They facilitate transnational, trans-religious and dynamic relationship-building around shared issues and interests, which leads to a more proactive approach and more holistic sets of asks at the international policy level on the part of anti-rights actors.

Strategy 3: Placing reservations on human rights agreements

States and State blocs have historically sought to undermine international consensus or national accountability under international human rights norms through reservations to human rights agreements, threatening the universal applicability of human rights.  

The Convention on the Elimination of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW) has received by far the most reservations, most of which are based on alleged conflict with religious law. It is well-established international human rights law that evocations of tradition, culture or religion cannot justify violations of human rights, and many reservations to CEDAW are invalid as they are “incompatible with the object and purpose” of CEDAW. Nevertheless, reference to these reservations is continually used by States to dodge their human rights responsibilities.

‘Reservations’ to UN documents and agreements that are not formal treaties - such as Human Rights Council and General Assembly resolutions - are also on the rise.

Strategy 4: Creating a parallel human rights framework

In an alarming development, regressive actors at the UN have begun to co-opt existing rights standards and campaign to develop agreed language that is deeply anti-rights.

The aim is to create and then propagate language in international human rights spaces that validates patriarchal, hierarchical, discriminatory, and culturally relativist norms.

One step towards this end is the drafting of declarative texts, such as the World Family Declaration and the San Jose Articles, that pose as soft human rights law. Sign-ons are gathered from multiple civil society, state, and institutional actors; and they are then used a basis for advocacy and lobbying.

Strategy 5: Developing  alternative ‘scientific’ sources

As part of a strategic shift towards the use of non-religious discourses, anti-rights actors have significantly invested in their own ‘social science’ think tanks. Given oxygen by the growing conservative media, materials from these think tanks are then widely disseminated by conservative civil society groups. The same materials are used as the basis for advocacy at the international human rights level.  

While the goals and motivation of conservative actors derive from their extreme interpretations of religion, culture, and tradition, such regressive arguments are often reinforced through studies that claim intellectual authority. A counter-discourse is thus produced through a heady mix of traditionalist doctrine and social science.

Strategy 6: Mobilizing Youth

This is one of the most effective strategies employed by the religious right and represents a major investment in the future of anti-rights organizing.

Youth recruitment and leadership development, starting at the local level with churches and campuses, are a priority for many conservative actors engaged at the international policy level.  

This strategy has allowed for infiltration of youth-specific spaces at the United Nations, including at the Commission on the Status of Women, and creates a strong counterpoint to progressive youth networks and organizations.

Strategy 7: Defunding and delegitimizing human rights mechanisms

When it comes to authoritative expert mechanisms like the UN Special Procedures and Treaty Monitoring Bodies and operative bodies like the UN agencies, regressive groups realize their potential for influence is much lower than with political mechanisms^[1].

In response, anti-rights groups spread the idea that UN agencies are ‘overstepping their mandate,’ that the CEDAW Committee and other Treaty Bodies have no authority to interpret their treaties, or that Special Procedures are partisan experts working outside of their mandate. Anti-rights groups have also successfully lobbied for the defunding of agencies such as the United Nations Population Fund (UNFPA).

This invalidation of UN mechanisms gives fuel to state impunity. Governments, when under international scrutiny, can defend their action on the basis that the reviewing mechanism is itself faulty or overreaching.

Strategy 8: Organizing online

Conservative non-state actors increasingly invest in social media and other online platforms to promote their activities, campaign, and widely share information from international human rights spaces.

The Spanish organization CitizenGo, for example, markets itself as the conservative version of Change.org, spearheading petitions and letter-writing campaigns. One recent petition, opposing the establishment of a UN international day on safe abortion, gathered over 172,000 signatures.

Overarching Trends:

• Learning from the organizing strategies of feminists and other progressives.
• Replicating and adapting successful national-level tactics for the international sphere.
• Moving from an emphasis on ‘symbolic protest’ to becoming subversive system ‘insiders.’

By understanding the strategies employed by anti-rights actors, we can be more effective in countering them.

[1] The fora that are state-led, like the General Assembly, the Human Rights Council, and UN conferences like the Commission on the Status of Women and the Commission on Population and Development

Other Chapters

• Key impacts on the international human rights system
• Key opposition actors
• Key opposition discourses

Read the full report

Other Chapters

• Key impacts on the international human rights system
• Key opposition actors
• Key opposition discourses

Read the full report

全球和區域的合作夥伴已就論壇會前會的一些想法與我們聯繫，我們將很快分享有關這些想法的更多信息。

如果您打算在論壇之前組織會前會，請告訴我們！

聯繫我們

由諮詢小組組織，AWID資助的2016年黑人女權主義論壇（BFF）湧現出許多美好的事物。BFF產生了一些獨立組織包括巴西的黑人女權組織。儘管今年我們不會再舉辦BFF，但我們仍致力於與有興趣繼續圍繞黑人女權主義組織開展工作的任何人分享一些重要的經驗。