Les recherches à distance et les consultations menées auprès de nos allié·e·s nous ont permis d’éliminer plusieurs options de la région.

Nous avons ensuite organisé une série complète de visites au Népal, en Malaisie, au Sri Lanka, en Thaïlande, en Indonésie et (plus tard) à Taïwan. Sur place, chaque visite comprenait non seulement un examen de l’infrastructure logistique, mais aussi des réunions avec des activistes et des groupes féministes locales·aux afin de mieux comprendre la situation et leur analyse des risques et opportunités potentielles quant à un Forum de l’AWID dans leur contexte.     

Durant nos visites sur place, nous avons rencontré de formidables mouvements féministes locaux, divers et dynamiques. 

Ils ont souvent exprimé des sentiments partagés entre risques et opportunités liées à la visibilité apportée par un événement comme le Forum. Durant l’une des réunions,  les activistes présent·e·s soulignèrent à l'unanimité, au cours des 30 premières minutes, que le Forum de l’AWID pouvait entraîner de nombreux contrecoups, que les droits LGBTQ étaient un sujet politique particulièrement sensible et que les groupes fondamentalistes chercheraient de toutes leurs forces à interrompre l’événement. Lorsque nous répliquâmes  « ok, donc vous ne pensez pas que ce soit une bonne idée », leur réponse également unanime  fut « bien sûr que si, nous voulons changer les récits !».

Il était difficile d’entendre et de voir dans certains endroits le nombre d’activistes féministes qui voulaient utiliser l’opportunité de visibilité d’un tel événement comme levier, prêt·e·s à faire face aux risques locaux ; mais l’accueil de près de 2000 personnes venues du monde entier nécessitait de prendre en compte d’autres calculs de risque et de faisabilité. 

Nous avons également débattu de questions sur ce qu’implique l’organisation d’un forum féministe en cohérence avec les principes d’inclusion, de réciprocité et d’autodétermination, là où les politiques et les pratiques étatiques vont généralement à leur encontre (même si les représentant·e·s des Ministères du Tourisme ont tenté  ardemment de concilier ce point). 

Nous avons pris en considération l’infrastructure au regard des opportunités éventuelles permettant d’insuffler un élan pour certaines priorités féministes nationales, ainsi que le contexte politique du pays.   

Dans beaucoup d’endroits, suivre le contexte donnait des impressions de balancier pouvant pencher vers l’ouverture et la sécurité des débats féministes à un moment donné, et vers la répression totale et la xénophobie l’instant d’après, sacrifiant les priorités féministes dans les négociations politiques cherchant à apaiser l’extrême droite ou les forces anti-droits.  

Ce processus a donné lieu à des réflexions sur le contexte extrêmement difficile pour l’activisme des droits des femmes et de la justice de genre au niveau mondial. 

Les défis de la région Asie-Pacifique nous ont amené à nous demander : ne serait-ce pas plus simple de tenir le Forum dans une autre région ? 

Pour autant, nous ne pourrions aujourd’hui organiser un Forum de l’AWID à Istanbul comme nous l’avions fait en 2012, ou au Brésil comme en 2016.  

Malgré toute cette complexité, l’AWID a finalement choisi Taipei comme lieu de Forum car :

• La ville offre un certain degré de stabilité et de sécurité aux divers·e·s participant·e·s du Forum que nous voulons rassembler.
• Elle dispose aussi de capacités logistiques importantes, en plus d’être accessible pour beaucoup de voyageurs·ses (avec une facilitation de procédure de visa électronique pour les conférences internationales). 
• Le mouvement féministe sur place est accueillant vis-à-vis du Forum et désire s’engager avec des féministes du monde entier.

L’organisation du Forum de l’AWID implique pour nous la création et la disposition d’un espace qui s’ajuste au mieux à une diversité de formes d’expression de solidarité, d’indignation, d’espoir et d’inspiration. Celles-ci sont au cœur de nos mouvements féministes.

Actuellement, Taipei nous semble donc être l’emplacement de la région Asie-Pacifique qui nous permet au mieux de bâtir un espace sécurisé et désobéissant pour notre communauté féministe mondiale.

Le fait est qu’il n’existe pas d’emplacement idéal dans le monde actuel pour tenir un Forum qui se concentre sur les Réalités féministes. Peu importe où nous irons, nous devrons construire cet espace ensemble !

أحبّ الاستمتاع بقليل من الشِعر من حين إلى آخر…

حمراء هي القلوب وزرقاء هي الهدوب هياج ستشهده الشعوب ونشوة ستُنسينا العيوب

By Rode Wanimbo (@rodwan986), Jayapura, Papua Province of Indonesia

“Lord, we are unworthy. We are the ones who committed sin for Eve ate the fruit in Eden. We are just women who grow sweet potatoes, look after pigs and give birth to children. We believe you died on the cross to set us free. Thank you, In Jesus’s name Amen.”

This is a typical prayer of women I have heard during my visits to ministries in several villages. Even I said the same prayer for many years.

I was born and grew up in Agamua, the Central Highlands of West Papua. My father belongs to the Lani tribe and my mother comes from Walak.

In Lani and Walak languages - languages spoken in the Central Highlands - tiru means a pillar. There are four tiru (pillars) standing firmly in the middle of the Lani roundhouse (honai), around wun’awe or a furnace. Tiru is always made of the strongest type of wood called a’pe (ironwood tree). The longer the wood gets heated and smoked from the fire in the honai, the stronger it becomes. Without tiru, the honai cannot stand firm. West Papuan women are these tiru.

West Papua is located in the western part of the New Guinea island, containing some of the world’s highest mountains, densest jungle, and richest mineral resources. It is home to over 250 groups and has an incredible biodiversity. Due to its natural wealth, West Papua has, over the centuries, been targeted by foreign occupiers. Until 1963, we were colonized by the Dutch. However in 1969, after a manipulative political act, we were transferred from the Dutch to Indonesia. 

The first German missionaries arrived in Mansinam Island, Manokwari, in 1855. Then, in the 1950s, Christianity was brought to the Central Highlands of West Papua by Protestant missionaries of European descent from America, Canada, Australia and New Zealand.  

According to Scripture in Genesis 1: 26-27, Man and Woman are created in the image of God. It means all humanity is made with the call and capacity to exercise dominion. Radah, the Hebrew word for dominion, means stewardship. Radah is not a call to exercise imperial power as declared by Pope Nicolas V, granting Catholic nations the right to “discover” and claim dominion over non-Christian lands. To diminish the capacity of humans to exercise dominion, is to diminish the image of God on earth (Lisa Sharon Harper, The Very Good Gospel).

The Evangelical Church of Indonesia (GIDI) was established as an institution in 1963. In the Sunday Service liturgy of GIDI, Women are considered unworthy to take any responsibility except collecting offerings. In 2003, after 40 years, the Department of Women was introduced within the structure of the Synod leadership.

In November 2013, I was entrusted to be a chairperson of the Women’s Department of the GIDI Synod.

Together with several other women leaders, we started a cell group that is committed to “decolonizing the Bible.” We learn together how to reconstruct the interpretation of biblical texts to champion women.

A feminist theologian named Elisabeth S Florenza calls it a feminist hermeneutic theory (Josina Wospakrik, Biblical Interpretation and Marginalization of Woman in the Churches of West Papua).

Besides the cell group, we interview our elderly women to collect our ancestors’ wisdom and values. As Bernard Narakobi in his book The Melanesian Way said: “Our history did not begin with contact with the Western explorers. Our civilization did not start with the coming of the Christian missionaries. Because we have an ancient civilization. It is important for us to give proper dignity and place to our history”.

Yum is a knotted net or woven bag handmade from wood fiber or leaves. Yum is highly valued for it symbolizes life and hope. When women of Lani and Walak get married, our maternal aunts put yum on our heads. It means we bear the responsibility for giving life and for providing food. Yum is used to carry garden produce as well as being used as a container to put a baby to sleep in as it gives warmth and a sense of security.

“West Papuan Women are Yum and Tiru” became the prime references as we contextualized women in the eyes of Jesus Christ in seminar and focus group discussions. From 2013 to 2018, we focused on reconstructing the view of women in GIDI and in gaining a healthy self-image. We are still in the process of understanding who we are to Jesus, rather than who we have been told we are by theologians and the fathers of the early Churches. Josina Wospakrik, a West Papuan Theologian said “The Gospel is incredibly rich but it was impoverished due to human ambitions and agendas.”

Since 2018, the GIDI Women Leadership team and I have formulated four priority programs: Decolonizing the Bible, Storytelling in a circle, Training of trainers for Literacy and Gender. The fourth, supported simple bookkeeping and savings groups workshops facilitated by Yapelin and Yasumat, which are faith based organizations established by GIDI leaders to reach the economic, social and health needs of women in the communities.

Storytelling in a Circle

In this programme we create a safe space for women to talk - each woman has a story. We all sit together and learn how to be good listeners.

“I became Christian and was taught that the government is God’s representative. Why did the government do nothing when the army burnt down my village and killed my relatives?” asked one woman in the storytelling circle. “My aunt was raped.” She stopped for a while. Could not talk. She cried. We all did. 

The process of storytelling has driven us into deep conversation. We began to contextualize Biblical texts within our daily realities.

We started asking questions amongst ourselves: Where is God in our toughest times? Does the state government truly represent God on earth? Why does the Creator allow privileged people to destroy His own image in the name of Christianity and Development? During the process, I realized that I have been reading the Bible using somebody else’s glasses.

The church has to be a safe place to share stories and be a place of comfort to be still and rest. As we reflect on the testimonies, those who tell their stories begin the process of recovering from wounds and trauma.

Financial Literacy for Women

 Culturally, West Papuans invest in relationships. The concept of saving is understood as an investment in relations, not in a bank account. And while the Indonesian central government has granted special autonomy to respond to West Papuans’ demand for self-determination, many government policies harm the quality of family life and they do not account for women’s lives. High illiteracy rates amongst women mean most women do not have access to a bank account. With no money saved, access to medical services becomes a struggle. 

Through the priority programmes, Yapelin, with the active involvement and support of women, created saving groups in Bokondini and Jayapura. The saving groups are chaired by women who have access to a bank. 

In coordination with Yayasan Bethany Indonesia (YBI) and Yayasan Suluh, a faith-based organization (FBO) based in Jayapura, we facilitated four literacy workshops. The literacy team facilitated the training of trainers in three different dioceses: Merauke, Sentani, and Benawa. We now have 30 facilitators in different congregations who run literacy programs.

Lack of financial support for our programs will not stop us. Being stigmatized as rebels will not stop us from standing up and speaking in church evaluation meetings and conferences. It is stressful but I am committed together with several women leaders to calling on the power-holders within to free the church.

The Gospel known as Good News should become news that liberates women from a very patriarchal circle of power, liberates women from social stigma and returns women to the original purpose of The Creator.

The Gospel must be a mirror to reflect who we are collectively. As Lisa Sharon Harper, in her book The Very Good Gospel said “The Gospel is not only about an individual’s reconciliation with God, self and communities. But also speaks on systemic justice, peace between people groups and freedom for the oppressed”. 

Rode Wanimbo is the chairperson of the Women’s Department of Evangelical Church of Indonesia (GIDI).
 

“Offerings for Black Life”

By Sokari Ekine (@blacklooks), New Orleans

Coming from a place of healing and self-care is a political act that guides us to be focused and to move as one. In New Orleans, we created and will be creating altars in honour of those murdered by police and white supremacists vigilantes!

< Anatomy of a Survivor's Story

My Queer Ramadan >

Exposición en el Jardín de los Placeres

Estas obras son un trabajo colaborativo de fotografías e ilustraciones realizadas por Siphumeze y Katia durante el confinamiento. Muestran narrativas negras queer de sexo y placer, bondage, sexo seguro, juguetes, salud mental y sexo, y mucho más. Fueron creadas para acompañar la antología Touch.

Visitar la exposición

¡Bienvenidxs a Crear | Résister | Transform: un festival para movimientos feministas!

Principios de participación para el Festival

AWID está comprometida con la creación de un espacio virtual que nos invite y desafíe a todxs a funcionar desde un lugar de valentía, curiosidad, generosidad y responsabilidad compartida.
 
Te invitamos a crear conjuntamente con nosotrxs espacios libres de acoso y violencia, donde todas las personas sean respetadas en su identidad y expresión de género, raza, capacidad, clase, religión, idioma, etnia, edad, ocupación, tipo de educación, sexualidad, tamaño corporal y apariencia física. Espacios donde reconozcamos las desigualdades que prevalecen en nuestro mundo, y nos esforcemos por transformarlas.

Queremos crear un espacio donde:

•  podamos estar “presentes”:

Esto significa escucharnos, comprendernos y vincularnos. Sentirnos cerca, a pesar de la virtualidad. Para eso, contaremos con interpretación y abriremos canales (como el chat y otras herramientas) para reaccionar y compartir. Para lograr escucharnos mejor, les invitamos a utilizar audífonos o auriculares durante la sesión. Si puedes hacerlo, te sugerimos cerrar tus correos electrónicos y cualquier otra posible distracción mientras estás en la conversación. 

• todas las formas de conocimiento son valoradas:

Celebremos los distintos saberes y  las múltiples formas en que estos se expresan. Nos acercamos al espacio con curiosidad y apertura para aprender de otrxs y permitiéndonos desaprender y reaprender a partir del intercambio, sentando las posibilidades para la construcción colectiva de conocimiento. 

• todxs nos sintamos bienvenidxs:

Estamos comprometidxs con un enfoque holístico de la accesibilidad, conscientes de las diferentes necesidades físicas, mentales, de idioma y de seguridad. Queremos un espacio que acoja a gente de contextos, creencias, capacidades y experiencias diversas. Seremos proactivxs, pero también te pedimos que nos comuniques tus necesidades, para que, dentro de nuestras posibilidades, nos ocupemos de satisfacerlas.

• todxs nos sintamos segurxs y respetadxs:

Asumimos compromisos individuales y colectivos de respetar la privacidad y contar con el consentimiento de otrxs para difundir imágenes o contenido generado durante la conversación. 

Crear un ambiente más seguro, respetuoso y disfrutable para las conversaciones es responsabilidad de todxs.

Cómo reportar

Si notas que alguien se está comportando de forma discriminatoria u ofensiva, por favor, contacta a la persona de referencia que se indicará al comienzo de la sesión.
 
Cualquier participante que se exprese con lenguaje opresivo o imágenes ofensivas será eliminadx de la videoconferencia y no será admitidx nuevamente. No interactuaremos con esa persona de ninguna manera.

Nicole Barakat

Nicole Barakat est une artiste queer femme de la région d’Asie du Sud-Ouest et d’Afrique du Nord, née et vivant à Gadigal (dite Sydney, en Australie). Elle emploie des processus intuitifs et d’écoute profonde visant à transformer les conditions de la vie quotidienne. Son travail fait appel à des approches non conventionnelles de la création artistique, créant des œuvres complexes qui incarnent l'amour et la patience et caractérisent les pratiques textiles traditionnelles.

Visiter l’exposition

À propos d’Upasana Agarwal

Please take a look at the existing propositions for inspiration before submitting your own idea. Someone might already be thinking along the same lines! Send your proposition to contribute@awid.org.

We will review and include new propositions on this webpage as they come.

لغات العمل في جمعية حقوق المرأة في التنمية هي الإنجليزية والفرنسية والإسبانية. ستتم إضافة اللغة التايلاندية كلغة محلية، بالإضافة إلى لغة الإشارة وإجراءات الاتصال الأخرى. يمكن إضافة لغات أخرى إذا سمح التمويل بذلك، لذا تحقق/ي مرة أخرى بانتظام للحصول على التحديثات. نحن نهتم بالعدالة اللغوية وسنحاول تضمين أكبر عدد ممكن من اللغات بقدر ما تسمح به مواردنا. نأمل في خلق فرص متعددة للكثيرين/ات منا للتواجد بلغاتنا والتواصل مع بعضنا البعض.

Chapter 5

Anti-rights actors adopt a double strategy. As well as launching outright attacks on the multilateral system, anti-rights actors also undermine human rights from within. Anti-rights actors engage with the aim of co-opting processes, entrenching regressive norms, and undermining accountability.

Anti-rights actors’ engagement in international human rights spaces has a principal purpose: to undermine the system and its ability to respect, protect and fulfill human rights for all people, and to hold member states accountable for violations. Some anti-rights tactics operate from outside the UN and include delegitimization and political pressure to defund the UN, or to withdraw from international human rights agreements.  In recent years, anti-rights actors have also gained increasing influence inside the UN. Their inside tactics include training of delegates, distortion of human rights frameworks, watering down human rights agreements, infiltrating NGO committees, applying for ECOSOC status under neutral names, infiltrating youth spaces, and lobbying to place anti-rights actors in key positions.

Table of Contents

• Institutionalization of Anti-rights Actors in UN Mechanisms
• Opting-out and Delegitimization
• Lowering HR Standards
• Co-optation - Building a Parallel HR Framework
• Exercise: Yes, they are strong, but so are we!
• Exercise: Holding Governments Accountable
   

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