Philippe Leroyer | Flickr (CC BY-NC-ND 2.0)

Women Human Rights Defenders

WHRDs are self-identified women and lesbian, bisexual, transgender, queer and intersex (LBTQI) people and others who defend rights and are subject to gender-specific risks and threats due to their human rights work and/or as a direct consequence of their gender identity or sexual orientation.

WHRDs are subject to systematic violence and discrimination due to their identities and unyielding struggles for rights, equality and justice.

The WHRD Program collaborates with international and regional partners as well as the AWID membership to raise awareness about these risks and threats, advocate for feminist and holistic measures of protection and safety, and actively promote a culture of self-care and collective well being in our movements.


Risks and threats targeting WHRDs  

WHRDs are exposed to the same types of risks that all other defenders who defend human rights, communities, and the environment face. However, they are also exposed to gender-based violence and gender-specific risks because they challenge existing gender norms within their communities and societies.

By defending rights, WHRDs are at risk of:

  • Physical assault and death
  • Intimidation and harassment, including in online spaces
  • Judicial harassment and criminalization
  • Burnout

A collaborative, holistic approach to safety

We work collaboratively with international and regional networks and our membership

  • to raise awareness about human rights abuses and violations against WHRDs and the systemic violence and discrimination they experience
  • to strengthen protection mechanisms and ensure more effective and timely responses to WHRDs at risk

We work to promote a holistic approach to protection which includes:

  • emphasizing the importance of self-care and collective well being, and recognizing that what care and wellbeing mean may differ across cultures
  • documenting the violations targeting WHRDs using a feminist intersectional perspective;
  • promoting the social recognition and celebration of the work and resilience of WHRDs ; and
  • building civic spaces that are conducive to dismantling structural inequalities without restrictions or obstacles

Our Actions

We aim to contribute to a safer world for WHRDs, their families and communities. We believe that action for rights and justice should not put WHRDs at risk; it should be appreciated and celebrated.

  • Promoting collaboration and coordination among human rights and women’s rights organizations at the international level to  strengthen  responses concerning safety and wellbeing of WHRDs.

  • Supporting regional networks of WHRDs and their organizations, such as the Mesoamerican Initiative for WHRDs and the WHRD Middle East and North Africa  Coalition, in promoting and strengthening collective action for protection - emphasizing the establishment of solidarity and protection networks, the promotion of self-care, and advocacy and mobilization for the safety of WHRDs;

  • Increasing the visibility and recognition of  WHRDs and their struggles, as well as the risks that they encounter by documenting the attacks that they face, and researching, producing, and disseminating information on their struggles, strategies, and challenges:

  • Mobilizing urgent responses of international solidarity for WHRDs at risk through our international and regional networks, and our active membership.

Related Content

Sylvia Robinson

« La vie... c’est vivre dans la joie, se lever avec un but, sentir son énergie créative, répondre à son appel. » – Sylvia Robinson

Sylvia Robinson, infatigable leader et organisatrice communautaire, fut la fondatrice et directrice générale de l’Emergence Community Arts Collective (ECAC) à Washington, D.C.

Cet espace de performances créatrices foisonnantes rassemblait des initiatives d’éducation, d’engagement citoyen, d’arts, de services sociaux et spirituels et de pratiques de développement durable. Sylvia considérait cet endroit comme une maison où « il existe un équilibre et une synergie avec les activités dont les gens ont besoin pour entretenir la vie ».

Elle comptait également parmi les membres fondateur·trice·s du Georgia Avenue Community Development Taskforce, dans le nord-ouest de la capitale, un groupe de quartier actif dans le domaine de la justice sociale et de l’organisation qui veillait à ce que la communauté ait son mot à dire dans le redéveloppement et l’embourgeoisement du secteur.

« Nous demandons des logements abordables. Nous demandons que les petits commerces qui sont ici depuis longtemps ne soient pas balayés par de nouvelles enseignes. Nous demandons des espaces verts et des lieux où les gens peuvent se rencontrer. Nous demandons à ce que le paysage urbain soit amélioré, avec des rues en meilleur état et des éclairages publics. » – Sylvia Robinson, à propos du travail de la Taskforce

Avant de devenir organisatrice, et après avoir obtenu son diplôme en informatique, Sylvia avait travaillé dans le domaine des systèmes de contrôle du trafic aérien pendant plus d’une décennie. Elle s’est ensuite orientée vers le conseil relatif à la consommation d’alcool et de drogue, s’impliquant davantage dans le travail communautaire.

« Cette implication dans la communauté, c’était ma vocation. » – Sylvia Robinson

Née à Washington D.C. le 14 août 1961, Sylvia est décédée le 18 septembre 2017 après avoir lutté contre le cancer.

« L’esprit et l’héritage de Sylvia continueront d’inspirer cette communauté pour de nombreuses années. » – ECAC

L’économie solidaire

Définition

L'économie solidaire (qui inclut l'économie coopérative et l’économie du don) est un cadre alternatif qui adopte différentes formes dans divers contextes et qui est ouvert au changement continuel.

Ce cadre est fondé sur les principes suivants :

  • la solidarité, l’entraide et la coopération
  • l'équité dans toutes les dimensions
  • le bien-être social
  • la durabilité
  • la démocratie sociale et économique
  • le pluralisme

Dans une économie solidaire, les producteurs mettent en place des processus économiques qui sont intimement liés à leurs réalités, à la préservation de l'environnement et à la coopération mutuelle.

Le contexte

Selon la géographe féministe Yvonne Underhill-Sem, l'économie du don est un système économique dans lequel les biens et les services circulent entre les personnes sans accord explicite de leur valeur, ou sans impliquer de réciprocité ultérieure.

Derrière le don il y a la relation humaine, la bienveillance et l'attention portée à la nurturance* de toute la société, non seulement limitée à soi-même et aux proches. Il s’agit ici de la notion du collectif.

Par exemple, dans la région du Pacifique, cette approche comprend la collecte, la préparation et le tissage de ressources terrestres et marines pour fabriquer des tapis, des ventilateurs, des guirlandes et des objets de cérémonie. Elle comprend également l'élevage du bétail et le stockage des récoltes saisonnières.

Perspective féministe

Pour les femmes, les incitations à s’engager dans des activités économiques sont diverses et multiples, allant de la réalisation d’aspirations de carrière afin de gagner de l'argent pour une vie confortable à long terme, à gagner de l'argent pour joindre les deux bouts, à rembourser une dette ou encore à échapper aux corvées de la vie courante.

Pour s’adapter aux divers environnements au sein desquels les femmes travaillent, le concept d'économie solidaire est en développement permanent et est continuellement discuté et débattu.


Pour en savoir plus sur cette proposition :

Glossaire :

Nurturance : Nourriture et soins émotionnels et physiques donnés à quelqu'un.

Snippet FEA Who takes care of them S4 (ES)

...¿QUIÉN LES CUIDA A ELLXS?

Snippet - WITM to claim - AR

لتجسيد قوتكم/ن كخبيرات عن وضع التمويل للحركات النسوية

Sarah Maldoror

“I’m no adherent to the concept of the ‘Third World’. I make films so that people - no matter what race or color they are - can understand them. For me there are only exploiters and the exploited, that’s all. To make a film means to take a position.” - Sarah Maldoror 

Sarah Maldoror, a French filmmaker of West Indies descent, was a pioneer of Pan-African cinema. At the core of her work, she placed political concerns along with her longstanding involvement in decolonization movements.

Her groundbreaking film and “revolutionary picture” Sambizanga (1972) follows Angolan militants’ anti-colonial liberation struggle, as well as captures a woman’s perspective in a historical moment she finds herself in. 

“For many African filmmakers, cinema is a revolutionary tool, a political education to raise consciousness. It is inscribed in the evolution of a Third Cinema striving to decolonize thought and advocate radical changes in society.” - Sarah Maldoror

Throughout her career, Sarah - together with a number of African and Caribbean artists - co-founded (1956) the first Black theatre troupe in France. She made around 40 films, comprising important documentaries that amplify the lives and work of black artists, including her friend and poet Aimé Césaire who wrote to her: 

“To Sarah Maldo
who, a camera in hand,
fights oppression, alienation
and flies in the face
of human bullshit.”

Sarah was also committed to giving African women more ownership of the filmmaking process. In an interview, she pointed out: 

"African women must be everywhere. They must be in the images, behind the camera, in the editing room and involved in every stage of the making of a film. They must be the ones to talk about their problems." 

Sarah left an incredibly powerful legacy to be carried forward. 

Born 19 July 1929, Sarah passed away on 13 April 2020 from complications of the coronavirus.


Watch Sambizanga and read a film review in a 1973 New York Times article
 

Feminist propositions: Glossary of terms

Capitalism:

An economic system in which production and consumption patterns are based on profit using privately owned capital goods and wage labour. The system builds on individual wealth and capital accumulation at the lowest cost to the investor, with little regard for the societal costs and exploitation of the workforce - both paid and unpaid.

Commodification of land:

The conversion of land and activities related to it (like agriculture) into commodities that can be bought or sold for profit.

International Financial Institutions (IFIs):

Institutions (like the World Bank, International Monetary Fund, or regional development banks) that provide loans to countries lacking sufficient money to cover funding shortfalls or to finance development projects. Historically, the lending policies of these institutions have been determined by economically powerful Western countries and private enterprises. Loans to low-income countries in particular typically include conditionalities that prompt economic reforms in these countries to support neo-liberalism.

Neoliberalism:

A set of economic and political theories in which market forces, rather than governments, determine key aspects of the economy with governments acting to support globalized markets and the interests of capital. Neo-liberal economic policies typically include promotion of free trade, privatisation, reduced government spending on social programs, subsidies and tax exemptions for business, deregulation of financial sector and foreign investments, low taxes on the wealthy and corporations, flexible labour and weak environmental protection.

Patriarchy:

Refers to systemic and institutionalized male domination embedded in and perpetuated by cultural, political, economic and social structures and ideologies. Hetero-patriarchy in addition, is a patriarchal system that is also based on the belief that heterosexuality is the only normal and acceptable sexual orientation.

Snippet FEA collaborator and allies Photo 2 (FR)

La photo montre huit femmes se tenant ensemble lors d'une manifestation. Beaucoup tiennent des banderoles tandis que Sopo tient le mégaphone près de la bouche d'une ouvrière aux cheveux roux courts, portant une écharpe blanche et un manteau noir, qui lit un manifeste.

Snippet - WITM Survey will remain open - RU

Опрос будет открыт до 31 июля 2024 года

Пройти опрос!

Пожалуйста выберите язык, на котором вы хотите отвечать на вопросы в правом верхнем углу страницы

Если вы хотите узнать больше, присоединяйтесь к нашей встрече участников исследования «Где деньги?», которая пройдет 27 мая, понедельник, в 9:00 UTC – с синхронным переводом на французский и английский языки. 14:00 UTC – с синхронным переводом на испанский и английский языки.

Становиться участником (in English).

María Digna Montero

María Digna Montero fue una garífuna (afrodescendiente e indígena) defensora de la tierra e integrante de la Organización Fraternal Negra Hondureña (OFRANEH), una organización de base que trabaja para proteger a las comunidades garífunas, sus derechos ancestrales, su cultura, sus recursos y su territorio.

María también enseñaba en la escuela local, e integraba el grupo de trabajo de Educación Bilingüe Intercultural de OFRANEH.

El 12 de octubre (Día de la Resistencia Indígena) de 2019, sujetos desconocidos le dispararon a María varias veces en el patio de su casa.

Fue una de las seis defensoras garífunas asesinadas entre septiembre y octubre de 2019 y, según OFRANEH, no hubo ninguna investigación de estos crímenes por parte de las autoridades. En un comunicado oficial, la organización también subrayó la conexión entre la violencia contra líderes garífunas y el incremento de las industrias extractivas que explotan los recursos naturales en sus comunidades, y definieron esta violencia como «parte de una estrategia de intimidación y de expulsión sistemática por parte del Estado de Honduras.»

«El recrudecimiento de la tensión y de los riesgos crecientes para la seguridad y derechos humanos de las lideresas en las comunidades y territorios ancestrales es producto del despojo, desplazamiento y criminalización hacia las comunidades, y de los mega proyectos extractivos que impulsa el Estado junto con las corporaciones nacionales e internacionales.» - Pronunciamiento de OFRANEH, 13 de octubre de 2019

Key opposition actors

We are witnessing an unprecedented level of engagement of anti-rights actors in international human rights spaces. To bolster their impact and amplify their voices, anti-rights actors increasingly engage in tactical alliance building across sectors, regional and national borders, and faiths.


This “unholy alliance” of traditionalist actors from Catholic, Evangelical, Mormon, Russian Orthodox and Muslim faith backgrounds have found common cause in a number of shared talking points and advocacy efforts attempting to push back against feminist and sexual rights gains at the international level.

Holy See

  • Key activities: As the government of the Roman Catholic Church, the “Holy See” uses its unique status as Permanent Observer state at the UN to lobby for conservative, patriarchal, and heteronormative notions of womanhood, gender identities and “the family”, and to propagate policies that are anti-abortion and -contraception  

  • Based in: Vatican City, Rome, Italy.

  • Religious affiliations: Catholic

  • Connections to other anti-rights actors: US Christian Right groups; interfaith orthodox alliances; Catholic CSOs

Organization of Islamic Cooperation (OIC)

  • Key activities: Self-described as the “collective voice of the Muslim world”, the OIC acts as a bloc of states in UN spaces. The OIC attempts to create loopholes in human rights protection through references to religion, culture, or national sovereignty; propagates the concept of the “traditional family”; and contributes to a parallel but restrictive human rights regime (e.g. the 1990 Cairo Declaration on Human Rights in Islam).

  • Based in: Jeddah, Saudi Arabia

  • Religious affiliations: Muslim

  • Connections to other anti-rights actors: Ultra conservative State missions to the UN, such as Russia

World Congress of Families

  • Key activities: International and regional conferences; research and knowledge-production and dissemination; lobbying at the United Nations “to defend life, faith and family”

  • Based in: Rockford, Illinois, U.S.

  • Religious affiliation: Predominantly Catholic and Christian Evangelical

  • Connections to other anti-rights actors: Sutherland Institute, a conservative think-tank; the Church of Latter-Day Saints; the Russian Orthodox Church’s Department of Family and Life; the anti-abortion Catholic Priests for Life; the Foundation for African Culture and Heritage; the Polish Federation of Pro-Life Movements; the European Federation of Catholic Family Associations; the UN NGO Committee on the Family; and the Political Network for Values; the Georgian Demographic Society; parliamentarians from Poland and Moldova, etc; FamilyPolicy; the Russian Institute for Strategic Studies; and HatzeOir; C-Fam; among others

Center for Family and Human Rights (C-Fam)

  • Key activities: Lobbying at the United Nations, particularly the Commission of the Status of Women to “defend life and family”; media and information-dissemination (Friday Fax newsletter); movement building; trainings for conservative activists

  • Based in: New York and Washington D.C., U.S.

  • Religious affiliations: Catholic

  • Connections to other anti-rights actors: International Youth Coalition; World Youth Alliance; Human Life International; the Holy See; coordinates the Civil Society for the Family; the Family Research Council (U.S.) and other Christian/Catholic anti-rights CSOs; United States CSW delegation

Family Watch International

  • Key activities: Lobbying in international human rights spaces for “the family” and anti-LGBTQ and anti-CSE policies; training of civil society and state delegates (for example, ‘The Resource Guide to UN Consensus Language on Family Issues’); information dissemination; knowledge production and analysis; online campaigns

  • Based in: Gilbert, Arizona, U.S.

  • Religious affiliations: Mormon

  • Connections to other anti-rights actors: leader of the UN Family Rights Caucus; C-Fam; Jews Offering New Alternatives to Homosexuality (JONAH); the National Association for Research and Therapy of Homosexuality (NARTH); World Congress of Families; CitizenGo; Magdalen Institute; Asociación La Familia Importa; Group of Friends of the Family (25 state bloc)

World Youth Alliance

  • Key activities: Advocacy in international policy spaces including the United Nations, the European Union, and the Organization of American States for “the family”, against sexual and reproductive rights; training youth members in the use of diplomacy and negotiation, international relations, grassroots activities and message development; internship program to encourage youth participation in its work; regular Emerging Leaders Conference; knowledge production and dissemination

  • Based in: New York City (U.S.) with regional chapter offices in Nairobi (Kenya), Quezon City (The Philippines), Brussels (Belgium), Mexico City (Mexico), and Beirut (Lebanon)

  • Religious affiliations: primarily Catholic but aims for interfaith membership

  • Connections to other anti-rights actors: C-Fam; Human Life International; the Holy See; Campaign Life coalition

Russian Orthodox Church

  • Key Activities: The Russian Orthodox Church (ROC), capitalizing on its close links to the Russian state, has operated as a “norm entrepreneur” in human rights debates.  Russia and the ROC have co-opted rights language to push for a focus on “morality” and “traditional values”  as supposed key sources of human rights.  Russia led a series of “traditional values” resolutions at the Human Rights Council and has been at the forefront of putting forward hostile amendments to progressive resolutions in areas including maternal mortality, protection of civil society space, and the right to peaceful protest.

  • Connections to other anti-rights actors: Organization of Islamic Cooperation; Eastern European and Caucasus Orthodox churches, e.g. Georgian Orthodox Church; U.S. Christian Right including U.S. Evangelicals; World Congress of Families; Group of Friends of the Family (state bloc)


Other Chapters

Read the full report

Snippet FEA Meet the Solidarity Network (EN)

SOLIDARITY NETWORK

Meet the Solidarity Network, a health and service union mostly led by women. Emerging as a response to increasing precarity, severe underpayment and hostile work environments faced by workers in Georgia, Solidarity Network fights for dignified compensation and work places.

Its goal? To create a national worker’s democratic movement. To do so, it has been branching out, organizing and teaming up with other local and regional unions and slowly creating a network of unions and empowering women workers to become union leaders.

Its political approach is a holistic one. For Solidarity Network, labor rights issues are directly connected to broader national political and economic agendas and reforms. That’s why they are pushing for tax justice, women and LGBTQIA+ rights, and fighting against the dismantling of the Georgian welfare state.

The Solidarity Network is also part of Transnational Social Strike (TSS), a political platform and infrastructure inspired by migrant, women and essential worker organizing that works to build connections between labor movements across borders and nurture global solidarity.

Snippet - WITM Acknowledgements - PT

Agradecimentos

A AWID agradece sinceramente às várias pessoas cujas ideias, análises e contribuições moldaram a pesquisa e a defesa do “Onde está o dinheiro” ao longo dos anos.

Em primeiro lugar, os nossos mais sinceros agradecimentos aos membres da AWID e às ativistas que participaram nas colaborações com o WITM e testaram este questionário connosco, ao partilhar tão generosamente o seu tempo, análise e espírito.

Agradecemos aos movimentos feministas, aos aliados e aos fundos feministas, incluindo, mas não se limitando ao Black Feminist Fund, Pacific Feminist Fund, ASTREA, FRIDA Young Feminist Fund, Purposeful, Kosovo Women's Network, Human Rights Funders Network, CEECCNA Feminist Fund e PROSPERA, pelas suas investigações rigorosas sobre o estado de financiamento, pela análise perspicaz e pela defesa contínua de mais recursos de melhor qualidade e poder para a organização feminista e de justiça de género em todos os contextos.

Junte-se à comunidade global de feministas que se manifestam sobre o estado de financiamento, e exigem mais recursos de melhor qualidade e poder para feministas globalmente.

Nilcéa Freire

Nilcéa Freire était une activiste, politicienne et universitaire brésilienne. Ardente défenseuse des droits des femmes et des minorités sous-représentées dans le pays, sa vie et son travail ont été marqués par une longue histoire de luttes et de victoires.

"Nous devons, tout en résistant, continuer à chercher à progresser, et ce que nous pouvons accomplir actuellement, je pense que nous le devons à la fantastique organisation des jeunes femmes blanches, et surtout des femmes noires, dans toutes les capitales d’États et les grandes villes brésiliennes.” - Nilcéa Freire

En 1999, elle est devenue la première femme à occuper le poste de doyenne de l'université d'État de Rio de Janeiro. Elle y a dirigé la mise en œuvre de la première politique d'action positive pour les étudiant·e·s des écoles publiques, demandant au sein d’une école publique que des places soient spécifiquement réservées aux étudiant·e·s noir·e·s à faible revenu. Ce système a été adopté dans des dizaines d'autres universités publiques. 

Quelques années plus tard, Nilcéa dirigea le Secrétariat spécial des politiques pour les femmes sous le gouvernement de l'ancien président Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva. C’est à ce titre qu’elle conduisit la première Conférence nationale des femmes. Plus de 12 000 femmes de tout le pays y participèrent et le résultat de ce travail collectif fut incorporé dans le Plan national des politiques pour les femmes. 

Son engagement envers les femmes, les Afro-Brésilien·ne·s et les populations autochtones se reflète aussi fortement dans son travail de défense de leurs droits, qu’elle a mené dans le cadre des initiatives du bureau de la Fondation Ford du Brésil, dont elle était la directrice régionale. 

L’activiste féministe Manoela Miklos a dit de Nilcéa qu'elle était "une femme sans égal·e".

Nilcéa s’est éteinte à Rio de Janeiro à l'âge de 66 ans, le 29 décembre 2019, des suites d’un cancer.


"Je n’ai pas de mots face à l’annonce de la mort de notre chère Nilcéa Freire. Il m’est trop triste de savoir qu’elle est partie si tôt. Elle s’est toujours rangée du côté de celleux qui ne tolèrent pas les injustices de ce monde. Elle était la ministre des femmes, sans cesse engagée dans la cause féministe. Elle nous manquera beaucoup!” - Jandira Feghali, Federal Deputy

Retrouvez sur YouTube la féministe brésilienne Nilcea Freire et pourquoi il importe de se montrer solidaires avec le Brésil