The Human Rights Council (HRC) is the key intergovernmental body within the United Nations system responsible for the promotion and protection of all human rights around the globe. It holds three regular sessions a year: in March, June and September. The Office of the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR) is the secretariat for the HRC.
Debating and passing resolutions on global human rights issues and human rights situations in particular countries
Examining complaints from victims of human rights violations or activist organizations on behalf of victims of human rights violations
Appointing independent experts (known as “Special Procedures”) to review human rights violations in specific countries and examine and further global human rights issues
Engaging in discussions with experts and governments on human rights issues
Assessing the human rights records of all UN Member States every four and a half years through the Universal Periodic Review
AWID works with feminist, progressive and human rights partners to share key knowledge, convene civil society dialogues and events, and influence negotiations and outcomes of the session.
Сделать видимой сложность обеспечения ресурсами различных феминистских организаций
Mona était économiste et consultante indépendante sur les questions de genre et de développement.
Elle a été professeure d'économie et directrice de l'Institut d'études féminines du monde arabe à l'Université libanaise américaine. Elle est décédée subitement le 6 janvier 2018.
Des amis et d'anciens collègues disent de Mona: « Pour lui rendre hommage, la meilleure chose à faire est de continuer à faire ce qu'elle a commencé: l'égalité de genre, à tout prix.
Anti-rights actors have had a substantive impact on our human rights framework and the progressive interpretation of human rights standards, especially rights related to gender and sexuality.
When it comes to the impact of conservative actors in international policy spaces, the overall picture today is of stasis and regressions.
We have witnessed the watering down of existing agreements and commitment; deadlock in negotiations; sustained undermining of UN agencies, treaty review bodies and Special Procedures; and success in pushing through regressive language in international human rights documents.
The CSW, held annually in March, has long been one of the most contested sites in the UN system. In March 2015, conservative efforts set the tone before events or negotiations even began; the outcome document of the Commission was a weak Declaration negotiated before any women’s rights activists even arrived on the ground.
At 2016’s CSW, the new Youth Caucus was infiltrated by large numbers of vocal anti-abortion and anti-SRHR actors, who shouted down progressive youth organizations. Again, intensive negotiations resulted in a lacklustre text, which included regressive language on ‘the family.’
Precisely when addressing women’s human rights is of urgent importance, the CSW has been rendered a depoliticized and weakened space. Using it to advance rights has become harder and harder since progressives’ energy is taken up trying to hold the ground against conservative backlash.
As the intergovernmental body responsible for the promotion and protection of human rights around the globe, the HRC is a key entry point for conservative actors. In recent years, this mechanism has been the scene for a number of damaging anti-human rights moves.
In conversation with other anti-rights actors, one strategy of conservative states, and blocs of states, is to aggressively negotiate out positive language and to introduce hostile amendments to resolutions, most often resolutions focusing on rights related to gender and sexuality.
To take one example, during the June 2016 session of the HRC, opposition was mounted towards a resolution on discrimination against women by the member states of the Organization of Islamic Cooperation (OIC) and allies. During contentious negotiations, multiple provisions were removed, including women’s and girls’ right to have control over their sexuality, sexual and reproductive health, and reproductive rights; and the need to repeal laws which perpetuate the patriarchal oppression of women and girls in families, and those criminalizing adultery or pardoning marital rape.
The HRC has also been the site of pernicious conservative initiatives to co-opt human rights norms and enact conservative “human rights” language, such as that of the Russia-led “traditional values” resolutions, and more recently the “Protection of the Family” agenda.
In 2015, moving their sights to another front, a number of religious right organizations began to target the Human Rights Committee, the treaty monitoring body for the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), a pivotal human rights instrument.
Anti-human rights groups mobilized in hopes of cementing their anti-abortion rhetoric into the treaty.
When the Committee announced it was drafting a new authoritative interpretation of the right to life, over 30 conservative non-state actors sent in written submissions, advocating their misleading discourse on ‘right to life’ - that life begins at conception and that abortion is a violation of the right - be incorporated in the Committee’s interpretation of article 6.
Conservative groups targeting the Human Rights Committee was a shift considering that historically anti-human rights actors have repeatedly attempted to undermine and invalidate the essential work of the treaty monitoring bodies, including the Human Rights Committee.
Anti-human rights actors were involved in lobbying towards the development of the new Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) in 2015, focusing again on rights relating to gender and sexuality. These efforts had limited traction in their attempts to embed regressive language in Agenda 2030.
However, after successfully pushing back against progressive language in the final text, conservative actors then pivoted to another strategy. In an attempt to evade state accountability and undermine the universality of rights, several states have repeatedly made reservations to the Goals.
On behalf of the African Group, Senegal claimed that African states would only “implement the goals in line with the cultural and religious values of its countries.”
The Holy See also made a number of reservations, stating it was “confident that the related pledge ‘no one will be left behind’ would be read” as meaning “the right to life of the person, from conception until natural death.”
Saudi Arabia went one step further, declaring that the country would not follow any international rules relating to the SDGs that reference sexual orientation or gender identity, describing them as running “counter to Islamic law.”
Anti-rights actors have made increasing headway at the UN General Assembly (GA). Most recently, during the 71st session in 2016, the GA was the scene of feverish anti-rights organizing in opposition to the new mandate created by the Human Rights Council resolution on sexual orientation and gender identity in June 2016: the Independent Expert on SOGI. Four separate attempts were made to undercut the mandate in GA spaces.
One approach was to introduce a hostile resolution at the Third Committee[1], led by the African Group, which in essence aimed to indefinitely defer the new mandate. While this approach was not successful, such an attempt in the GA to retroactively block the creation of a mandate brought forward by the Human Rights Council represented a new and troubling tactic - anti-right actors are now working to directly undermine the HRC’s authority respective to the General Assembly.
Another approach targeted the Fifth Committee (responsible for administration and budgetary matters) as an entry point to attack the mandate. In an unprecedented move a number of States attempted (again, unsuccessfully) to block the funding of UN human rights experts, including the new IE on SOGI[2],.
While these multiple efforts were unsuccessful in blocking the creation and continuation of the new mandate, the significant support they received, the novel strategizing employed, and the strong alliances built along regional lines through negotiations point to difficulties ahead.
[1] The Third Committee of the GA deals with agenda items relating to a range of social, humanitarian affairs, and human rights issues. Each year it discusses and issues resolutions on issues including the advancement of women, the protection of children, family, and youth.
[2] While UN Special Procedures experts (i.e. Special Rapporteurs, Working Group members and Independent Experts) work pro bono, some funds are generally allocated to facilitate country visits on the invitation of the national government, and support staff.
AWID comenzó a preparar este informe anual en el momento en que la pandemia global empezaba a desintegrar las formas en que nos reunimos, nos organizamos y vivimos nuestras vidas. Es imposible reseñar lo que hemos hecho sin que el COVID-19 afecte nuestra evaluación.
Descargar el informe anual 2019 completo (PDF)
Es una afirmación, urgentemente necesaria, de que existen otros modos, más justos, de organizar nuestras vidas. Durante 2019, cientos de grupos compartieron con nosotrxs sus experiencias y propuestas de realidades feministas, que van desde las redes radicales de apoyo comunitario que facilitan el aborto autogestionado en América Latina y las prácticas de economías comunitarias en Indonesia y de sistemas alimentarios comunitarios en India y EEUU, hasta la reconcepción y renovación de las prácticas no perjudiciales para ritos de iniciación en Sierra Leona. Estas son las experiencias que trazarán un camino hacia una «nueva normalidad».
Una parte clave de nuestro trabajo de 2019 fue alentar estas exploraciones a través de una guía que AWID lanzó para apoyar a aquellos grupos interesados en descubrir las historias y las aspiraciones que son los componentes esenciales de las proposiciones feministas.
Mientras nos focalizamos en nuestras propuestas para un mundo diferente, también reconocemos el complejo contexto que nos rodea. A través de alianzas con el Observatorio sobre la Universalidad de los Derechos, las Feministas por un Tratado Vinculante, el Consorcio Count Me In! y otras organizaciones, AWID ha continuado resistiendo contra el poder corporativo irrestricto y contra las agendas fascistas y fundamentalistas que socavan los derechos de las mujeres y la justicia de género. En vista de las escasas posibilidades de lograr un cambio transformador a través de procesos multilaterales y de la limitada receptividad de la mayoría de los Estados, estamos redoblando nuestros esfuerzos para garantizar que los movimientos feministas, en toda su diversidad, sean financiados de forma proporcional al papel crítico que desempeñan al apoyar a sus comunidades, reclamar derechos, y responder a las crisis. En 2019, introdujimos principios y enfoques feministas para fondos innovadores como la Iniciativa Spotlight y el Fondo Igualdad, y logramos obtener recursos a través de subvenciones de fondos semilla para realidades feministas provenientes de donantes feministas.
Si miramos hacia adelante, resulta claro que el contexto requiere una transformación de nuestras estrategias de organización:
AWID se está embarcando ahora en un nuevo modelo de membresía que reduce las barreras para el acceso y pone el énfasis en las oportunidades para la participación y la conexión entre afiliadxs. Seguiremos experimentando con distintas herramientas y procesos virtuales para construir comunidad. La interacción entre movimientos continuará siendo central para nuestro trabajo. Las acciones de AWID en solidaridad con los movimientos y las identidades que sufren opresión (incluso y especialmente cuando estas quedan marginalizadas dentro de los movimientos feministas) son importantes para impulsar el cambio y brindar apoyo a los movimientos amplios e inclusivos para todas las personas.
Somos resilientes, nos adaptamos, y nos hacemos presentes para lxs demás. Y tenemos que seguir haciéndolo mejor. Gracias a todxs ustedes, que son parte del viaje junto con nosotrxs.
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Olivia was the spiritual leader of the Shipibo Konibo indigenous peoples.
A wise Indigenous woman and grandmother, she was known for cultivating traditional medicine and the sacred songs of her people (Íkaros). Olivia Arevalo was an active defender of the cultural and environmental rights of her people. Olivia’s murder occurred in a context of territorial conflict between the Shipibo community and companies that desire to take over their land to cultivate palm oil.
Members of her community have said: “Her death is an aggression against the entire Shipibo community. She was the living memory of her people”.
Compilación de noticias sobre la organización y/o el trabajo de AWID
Notas de prensa, dosieres y kits
Desde el auge de la derecha en muchos países y la oleada de recortes al financiamiento que afectan seriamente a la sociedad civil de la mayoría global, hasta el genocidio en curso en Gaza, la intensificación de los violentos conflictos en Sudán y la crisis climática en muchas áreas de nuestro planeta, estamos frente a las fuerzas reales del fascismo y a un orden mundial de impunidad.
Descargar el informe anual 2024
De cara al futuro, nos basamos en los poderosos llamados a la acción realizados por les feministas en el Foro de AWID. Juntes podemos construir un mundo en el que la justicia, la liberación y los cuidados no sean aspiraciones, sino realidades.
De la India, Janette era enérgica, extraordinaria, compasiva y amorosa.
Su intolerancia de la injusticia y su firme compromiso de defender los derechos de todas las personas la llevaron a trabajar en TARSHI (una ONG que trabaja en temas de la sexualidad y la salud y derechos sexuales y reproductivos) durante más de 15 años. Janette dirigió con destreza las finanzas, los recursos humanos y los aspectos operativos del trabajo de TARSHI, atravesando hábilmente la laberíntica burocracia a la que están sometidas las ONG indias.
Lxs integrantes de su equipo recuerdan que «Ella se quedaba vigilando, de manera que pudiéramos seguir el rumbo en aguas abiertas. Mujer de muchos talentos, Janette no sólo nos ayudó a conseguir nuestra propia oficina sino que también la diseñó para una utilización óptima». Amaba viajar y a los animales, y estaba interesada en la terapia asistida por animales.
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Inna is a feminist queer activist and sociologist with many years of deep engagement in feminist and LGBTQI+ struggles, political education and organizing by and for migrant women, and Palestine liberation and solidarity. She joined AWID in 2016 and served in different roles, most recently as Director of Programs. She is based in Berlin, Germany, grew up in Haifa, Palestine/Israel, was born in St. Petersburg, Russia, and carries these political geographies and resistance to colonial past and present into her feminism and transnational solidarity.
Inna is the author of “Women's Economic Empowerment: Feminism, Neoliberalism, and the State” (Palgrave Macmillan, 2022), based on the dissertation which earned her a doctoral degree from the Humboldt University of Berlin. As an academic, she taught courses on globalization, knowledge production, identity and belonging. Inna holds an MA in Cultural Studies from the Hebrew University of Jerusalem. She is a Board Member of the Jewish Voice for a Just Peace in the Middle East (Germany), and previously of +972 Advancement of Citizen Journalism. Previously Inna worked with the Coalition of Women for Peace and she is passionate about mobilizing resources for grassroots activism.
Les presentamos una inspiradora selección de historias e imágenes poderosas de transformación y resistencia creadas por activistas, escritorxs y artistas feministas de todo el mundo.
Não, apreciamos o seu trabalho, mas, de momento, não solicitamos respostas de indivídues.