The Human Rights Council (HRC) is the key intergovernmental body within the United Nations system responsible for the promotion and protection of all human rights around the globe. It holds three regular sessions a year: in March, June and September. The Office of the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR) is the secretariat for the HRC.
The HRC works by:
Debating and passing resolutions on global human rights issues and human rights situations in particular countries
Examining complaints from victims of human rights violations or activist organizations on behalf of victims of human rights violations
Appointing independent experts (known as “Special Procedures”) to review human rights violations in specific countries and examine and further global human rights issues
Engaging in discussions with experts and governments on human rights issues
Assessing the human rights records of all UN Member States every four and a half years through the Universal Periodic Review
AWID works with feminist, progressive and human rights partners to share key knowledge, convene civil society dialogues and events, and influence negotiations and outcomes of the session.
With our partners, our work will:
◾️ Monitor, track and analyze anti-rights actors, discourses and strategies and their impact on resolutions
Rosane Santiago Silveira, que l’on appelait affectueusement Rô Conceição, était une activiste brésilienne pour l’environnement et les droits humains qui se battait inlassablement pour protéger l’environnement, là où il était le plus menacé.
Il pouvait entre autres s’agir de le défendre sur l’île de Barra Valha, mise en danger par une exploitation pétrolière, ou de le protéger avec des campagnes contre l’accaparement des terres et l’expansion de plantations d’eucalyptus dans l’État de Bahia, où Rosane était membre du conseil de la réserve d’extractivistes de Cassurubá.
« La réserve d’extractivistes est une zone protégée où les familles résidentes vivent des produits naturels extraits de la forêt. Ces activités contribuent à protéger l’intégrité de la forêt. » - Global Justice Ecology Project (source initiale : Rede Brasil Atual)
Elle participait à des activités syndicales et des mouvements culturels et de défense des droits humains. Rosane consacrait une grande partie de sa vie à des causes qui lui étaient chères, mais qui concernaient également la terre, les forêts, les rivières et les communautés dont les droits et vies sont constamment en danger.
Elle a été torturée et assassinée le 29 janvier 2019 à Nova Viçosa, une ville du sud de Bahia.
« Malheureusement, un sentiment d’insécurité totale règne désormais, parce que l’État ne juge pas ces crimes. Nous étions avec elle à Noël, et tout le monde s’est rendu compte qu’elle était inquiète. Nous savons maintenant qu’elle avait reçu trois menaces de mort », Tuian, le fils de Rosane dans un entretien avec Rádio Brasil Atual. (source initiale : Rede Brasil Atual)
Les tendances antidroits au sein des systèmes régionaux des droits humains
Chapter 6
À la Commission africaine et au Système interaméricain, les antidroits promeuvent les notions essentialistes de culture et de genre pour miner les avancées en matière de droits et décrédibiliser la redevabilité. Les antidroits gagnent en influence dans les systèmes de protection des droits humains régionaux et internationaux.
La Commission africaine des droits de l’Homme et des peuples commence à présenter les droits des femmes et droits sexuels comme mettant en danger sa capacité à adresser les « droits réels » et contraires aux « valeurs africaines », un précédent inquiétant à l’égard des droits. Le retrait de son statut d’observatrice à la Coalition des lesbiennes africaines est un exemple de cette tendance, et traduit la répression de l’engagement féministe panafricaniste.
Au sein de l’Organisation des États américains (OEA) et du Système interaméricain de protection des droits humains, les stratégies antidroits incluent l’ONGisation de groupes religieux, l’adoption d’un langage séculier et la prise de contrôle de cadres discriminatoires. L’influence antidroits a pris plusieurs formes, et notamment l’intimidation d’activistes trans et l’entrave à l’introduction d’un langage progressif dans les résolutions.
Sommaire
Réduire les féministes au silence au sein du Système africain de protection des droits humains
Les groupes antidroits en Amérique latine : l’Assemblée générale de l’Organisation des États américains (OEA) et le Système interaméricain de protection des droits humains
AWID presenta este Manual WITM para apoyar a personas y organizaciones que quieran investigar por su cuenta las tendencias en el financiamiento para una región, temática o población en particular, adaptando las metodologías de investigación de AWID.
El Manual WITM de AWID es producto de diez años de experiencia. Las investigaciones de WITM y este Manual son una demostración política y práctica de los recursos y pasos necesarios para realizar investigaciones en acción de buena calidad.
El equipo WITM también ofrece apoyo técnico y político antes y durante el proceso de investigación. Te invitamos a leer el Manual y a ponerte en contacto con nosotras en fundher@awid.org si necesitas más información.
Transnational Embodiments - Editor's Note
Lost For Words
Chinelo Onwualu
Ghiwa Sayegh
When we are desperate for change, as we are both in illness and insurrection, our language drains of complexity, becomes honed to its barest essentials... As illness and revolution persist, though, the language made in them and about them deepens, lets in more nuance, absorbed in the acutely human experience of encountering one’s limits at the site of the world’s end. Johanna Hedva
When we began scheming for such an issue with Nana Darkoa, ahead of AWID’s Crear | Résister | Transform: a festival for feminist movements!, we departed from a question that is more of an observation of the state of the world – a desire to shift ground: why do our sexualities and pleasures continue to be tamed and criminalized even as we are told, over and over again, that they bring neither value nor progress? We came to the conclusion that when they are embodied, something about our sexualities works against a world order that continues to manifest itself in border controls, vaccine apartheids, settler colonialism, ethnic cleansing, and rampant capitalism. Could we speak, then, of the disruptive potential of our sexualities? Could we still do that when, in order to be resourced, our movements are co-opted and institutionalized.
When our embodied labor becomes profit in the hands of the systems we seek to dismantle, it is no wonder that our sexualities and pleasures are once again relegated to the sidelines – especially when they are not profitable enough. In many instances during the production of this issue, we asked ourselves what would happen if we refused to accommodate the essential services of capitalism. But can we dare ask that question when we are exhausted by the world? Perhaps our sexualities are so easily dismissed because they are not seen as forms of care. Perhaps what we need is to reimagine pleasure as a form of radical care – one that is also anti-capitalist and anti-institutional.
As we enter our second full year of a global pandemic, our approach to transnational embodiments has had to focus on a single political realization: that taking care is a form of embodiment. And because right now so much of our work is being done without consideration for the borders between and within ourselves, we are all Transnationally Embodied – and we are all failing. We are failing to take care of ourselves and more critically, to take care of each other.
This failure is not of our own making.
Many of our parents thought of labor as transactional, something to be given in exchange for compensation and a guarantee of care. And while that exchange was not always honored, our parents did not expect that their work would provide them fulfillment. They had their leisure, their hobbies, and their communities for that. Today, we their children, who have been conditioned to think of our labor as intertwined with our passion, have no such expectations. We think of work and leisure as one and the same. For too many of us, work has come to embody our whole selves.
However, heteropatriarchal capitalism doesn’t value us, let alone our labor or our sexualities. This is a system that will only demand more and more until you die. And when you die, it will replace you with somebody else. Expectations to be online round the clock mean we simply can’t get away from work, even when we want to. This commercialization of labor, divorcing it from the person, has infiltrated every aspect of our lives and is being perpetuated even in the most feminist, the most radical and revolutionary circles.
Capitalist expectations have always been particularly pernicious to bodies who don’t fit its ideal. And those seeking to consolidate their powers have used the pandemic as an opportunity to target women, sexual minorities, and any others that they see as less than.
This special issue exists because of, and certainly in spite of this.
Almost every contributor and staff member was pushing themselves past their capacity. Every single piece was produced from a place of passion, but also incredible burnout. In a very real way, this issue is an embodiment of transnational labor – and in the digital world we live in, all labor has become transnational labor. As we have to contend with new borders that do not break an old order but reify it, we experienced firsthand, alongside our contributors, how capitalism drains our limits – how it becomes difficult to construct cohesive arguments, especially when these come with a deadline. We collectively became lost for words – because we are lost for worlds.
Feeling lost and alone in the world of heteropatriarchal capitalism is exactly why we need to re-evaluate and rethink our systems of care. In many ways, we turned this issue into a mission of finding pleasure in care. Because it has become more difficult to construct cohesive arguments, visual and creative mediums have come to the forefront. Many who used to write have turned to these mediums as ways to produce knowledge and cut through the mental fog that’s enveloped us all. We brought into the issue other voices, in addition to many whom you heard at the festival, as a way of opening up new conversations, and extending our horizons.
As we are robbed of our words, it is our political duty to continue to find ways to maintain and care for ourselves and each other. So much of our current realities are trying to erase and displace us, while still exploiting our labor. Our embodiment, therefore, becomes a form of resistance; it is the beginning of us finding our way out and into ourselves.
Snippet FEA No feminist economies without feminist unions (FR)
Pas d’économies féministes sans syndicats féministes!
Par le biais de l'organisation syndicale, Sopo, Sabrina et Linda se battent non seulement pour les droits des femmes, des travailleur·euses essentiel·les, des travailleur·euses migrant·e·s et des travailleur·euses du sexe, mais pour les droits de tous·tes les travailleur·euses .
La lutte pour mettre fin à l'exploitation des travailleur·euses est une lutte féministe. C’est pourquoi il n’y a pas d’économies féministes sans syndicats féministes.