Confronting Extractivism & Corporate Power
Women human rights defenders (WHRDs) worldwide defend their lands, livelihoods and communities from extractive industries and corporate power. They stand against powerful economic and political interests driving land theft, displacement of communities, loss of livelihoods, and environmental degradation.
Why resist extractive industries?
Extractivism is an economic and political model of development that commodifies nature and prioritizes profit over human rights and the environment. Rooted in colonial history, it reinforces social and economic inequalities locally and globally. Often, Black, rural and Indigenous women are the most affected by extractivism, and are largely excluded from decision-making. Defying these patriarchal and neo-colonial forces, women rise in defense of rights, lands, people and nature.
Critical risks and gender-specific violence
WHRDs confronting extractive industries experience a range of risks, threats and violations, including criminalization, stigmatization, violence and intimidation. Their stories reveal a strong aspect of gendered and sexualized violence. Perpetrators include state and local authorities, corporations, police, military, paramilitary and private security forces, and at times their own communities.
Acting together
AWID and the Women Human Rights Defenders International Coalition (WHRD-IC) are pleased to announce “Women Human Rights Defenders Confronting Extractivism and Corporate Power”; a cross-regional research project documenting the lived experiences of WHRDs from Asia, Africa and Latin America.
We encourage activists, members of social movements, organized civil society, donors and policy makers to read and use these products for advocacy, education and inspiration.
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"Women Human Rights Defenders confronting extractive industries: an overview of critical risks and Human Rights obligations" is a policy report with a gender perspective. It analyses forms of violations and types of perpetrators, quotes relevant human rights obligations and includes policy recommendations to states, corporations, civil society and donors.
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"Weaving resistance through action: Strategies of Women Human Rights Defenders confronting extractive industries" is a practical guide outlining creative and deliberate forms of action, successful tactics and inspiring stories of resistance.
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The video “Defending people and planet: Women confronting extractive industries” puts courageous WHRDs from Africa, Asia, and Latin America in the spotlight. They share their struggles for land and life, and speak to the risks and challenges they face in their activism.
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Challenging corporate power: Struggles for women’s rights, economic and gender justice is a research paper outlining the impacts of corporate power and offering insights into strategies of resistance.
Share your experience and questions!
◾️ How can these resources support your activism and advocacy?
◾️ What additional information or knowledge do you need to make the best use of these resources?
Thank you!
AWID acknowledges with gratitude the invaluable input of every Woman Human Rights Defender who participated in this project. This project was made possible thanks to your willingness to generously and openly share your experiences and learnings. Your courage, creativity and resilience is an inspiration for us all. Thank you!
Related Content
Questions (Forum page)
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Vous avez des questions concernant le Forum de l’AWID ou les activités connexes ? Nous avons des réponses !
Snippet - Intro CSW69_EN
#FreezeFascisms
In the 30 years since the adoption of the Beijing Declaration & Platform for Action, a rising tide of fascisms is exerting significant power and influence within multilateral spaces, backpedalling gender justice gains and human rights protections globally.
Around CSW69, we're co-organizing horizontal, brave spaces on-ground and online, to share strategies and build feminist power beyond Beijing+30. Our collective presence disrupts institutional practices of exclusion in such spaces while supporting movements to organize around feminist alternatives to systems of oppression.
Join the conversations from March 10-21, 2025, as we collectively transform CSW69 into spaces for and about resistance and solidarity.
Yamile Guerra
Yamile Guerra fue una conocida abogada, líder comunitaria y activista política de la región colombiana de Santander.
Trabajó activamente para resolver las disputas entre comunidades locales y empresas promotoras, y abogó contra la apropiación ilegal de las tierras. Yamile ocupó varios cargos políticos, entre ellos la Secretaría General del Gobierno de Santander en Bogotá, y se presentó también a la Alcaldía de Bucaramanga. En los últimos años de su vida, Yamile se volvió cada vez más activa en las causas medioambientales contra los desarrollos urbanos, particularmente, en la defensa de los humedales biodiversos de Santurbán contra los desarrollos urbanos, una región que abastece de agua dulce a casi 2 millones de personas .
Según su familia y amigxs, Yamile recibía amenazas de muerte a diario y había pedido protección a las autoridades.
"Ella era muy consciente de este problema [litigio de tierras] y manifestó repetidamente que se sentía insegura". - Alixon Navarro Muñoz, periodista y amigo de la familia Guerra.
El 20 de julio de 2019, Yamile fue asesinada a tiros por dos hombres en Floridablanca, Santander. Acababa de terminar de discutir con ellos por una disputa de tierras. Un sospechoso fue arrestado más tarde por su asesinato y admitió haber recibido un pago por llevar a cabo su asesinato. Según varios informes, o Yamile fue la tercera integrante de su familia en ser asesinada a causa de las disputas por tierras. El padre de Yamile, Hernando Guerra, había sido asesinado también varios años antes.
El asesinato de Yamile forma parte de una ola de violencia y asesinatos sistemáticos contra cientos de activistas sociales y defensorxs de los derechos humanos en Colombia. Según el Instituto de Estudios para el Desarrollo y la Paz (INDEPAZ), en el momento de la muerte de Yamile, más de 700 líderes comunitarios y activistas de derechos humanos habían sido asesinadxs desde que el país firmó un acuerdo de paz en agosto de 2016. La mayoría de ellxs fueron asesinadxs por enfrentar el tráfico ilegal de drogas y las operaciones mineras. Las personas indígenas, afrocolombianas y las mujeres defensoras de derechos humanos son lxs activistas que corren mayor riesgo.
Menos de una semana después de la muerte de Yamile, miles de colombianxs marcharon por pueblos y ciudades sosteniendo fotos en blanco y negro de activistas que habían sido asesinadxs, en las pancartas se podía leer: "Sin líderes no puede haber paz" y "No más derramamientos de sangre".
Yamile Guerra tenía solo 42 años en el momento de su asesinato.
What will be different about this Forum?
We have always worked towards ensuring that our Forums are co-developed with partners, movements and our priority constituencies.
For our upcoming Forum, we aim to deepen and strengthen that spirit and practice of co-creation and collaboration. We also recognize the need to improve the balance between the inclusion of many voices and experiences with room for participants and staff to breathe, take pause and enjoy some downtime.
This Forum will be different in the following ways:
- We will have far less organized Forum activities because we want people to have time to engage, experience, process, talk to each other, etc. This is key to communicate: you can come to the Forum, be very engaged and active and not facilitate any organized activity (or “session”).
- We will have Open Spaces - at least one whole afternoon without any organized activities - but also physical spaces available throughout the Forum for people to self-organize meetings, etc.
- We have a Content and Methodology Committee made up of feminists from different regions with expertise on participatory methodologies to support us and all those leading activities at the Forum to use creative and engaging formats for the Forum activities.
Snippet FEA No feminist economies without feminist unions (EN)
No feminist economies without feminist unions!
Through labor and union organizing, Sopo, Sabrina and Linda are not only fighting for the rights of essential workers, women workers, migrant workers and sex workers, but the rights of all workers.
The fight to end workers’ exploitation is a feminist struggle, and shows us that there are no feminist economies without feminist unions.
Promouvoir les programmes féministes : principales avancées en matière de genre et de sexualité
Chapitre 1
Alors que les fondamentalismes, les fascismes et autres systèmes d’oppression se métamorphosent et trouvent de nouvelles tactiques et stratégies pour consolider leur pouvoir et influence, les mouvements féministes persévèrent et célèbrent leurs victoires nationales, régionales et internationales.

Un groupe de femmes reconstitue la marche des femmes de 1956 à Pretoria pour protester contre les lois sur les laissez-passer.
La reconnaissance en 2019 par le Conseil des droits de l’Homme du droit à l’intégrité et à l’autonomie corporelles, par exemple, a marqué une étape cruciale. Des résolutions du Conseil sur la discrimination envers les femmes et les filles admettent cependant un recul lié à des groupes de pression rétrogrades, des conceptions idéologiques ou un détournement de la culture ou la religion pour s’opposer à l’égalité de leurs droits. Des avancées féministes sont aussi notées dans le travail des Procédures spéciales, qui soulignent notamment l’obligation des États de contrer les doctrines de l’idéologie du genre, rappellent à l’ordre les antidroits qui détournent des références à la « culture », et signalent que les convictions religieuses ne peuvent pas servir à justifier la violence ou la discrimination.
Sommaire
- Niveau national
- Sphères mondiales
- Exercice : Cartographions et célébrons nos victoires!
FRMag - The Triple
The Triple Cripples: Let’s talk about sex, baby!
by Nandini Tanya LallmonOlajumoke ‘Jay’ Abdullahi and Kym Oliver are revolutionary feminists in more ways than one. (...)
artwork: “Bloomed” by Titash Sen >
Ana Maria Marcela Yarce Viveros
Snippet - CSW69 - Feminist Solidarity Space - ES
Espacio de solidaridad feminista
✉️ Requiere inscripción previa para grandes grupos. Entrada libre para grupos reducidos. Reserven aquí
📅Martes 11 de marzo de 2025
🕒 de 12:00 a 02:00 p.m. y de 04:00 a 06:00 p.m., EST
🏢 Chef's Kitchen Loft with Terrace, 216 East 45th St 13th Floor New York
Organiza: AWID
Binta Sarr
Binta Sarr était une activiste pour la justice sociale, économique, culturelle et politique, en plus d’avoir occupé le poste d’ingénieure hydraulique au Sénégal. Après 13 années de service, celle-ci a choisi de quitter le fonctionnariat pour travailler auprès de femmes rurales et marginalisées.
Cet engagement a donné lieu à la création de l’Association pour la promotion des femmes sénégalaises (APROFES), un mouvement de base auquel est venu se greffer une organisation fondée par Binta en 1987. L’une de ses approches était la formation au leadership, non seulement dans le cadre d’activités économiques mais également en lien avec les droits des femmes et leur accès à des fonctions décisionnelles.
“« Les populations à la base doivent s’organiser, se mobiliser, assumer le contrôle citoyen et exiger une gouvernance démocratique dans tous les secteurs de l’espace public. La priorité des mouvements sociaux doit aller au-delà de la lutte contre la pauvreté et être axée sur des programmes de développement articulés et cohérents en adéquation avec les principes des droits humains, tout en prenant en compte leurs besoins et leurs préoccupations tant au niveau national, sous régional que dans une perspective d’intégration africaine et mondiale. » – Binta Sarr
Ancrée dans la conviction de Binta, à savoir que les changements essentiels dans le statut des femmes nécessitent la transformation des attitudes masculines, APROFES a adopté une approche interdisciplinaire et s’est appuyée sur la radio, les séminaires et le théâtre populaire, offert une éducation publique innovante et apporté un soutien culturel aux actions de sensibilisation. Sa troupe de théâtre populaire a créé des pièces sur le thème des castes dans la société sénégalaise, de l’alcoolisme et de la violence conjugale. Binta et son équipe ont également pris en compte l’interconnexion essentielle entre la communauté et le monde élargi.
« Pour APROFES, il s’agit d’étudier et de prendre en compte les interactions entre le micro et le macro, le local et le mondial, ainsi que les différentes facettes du développement. De l’esclavage à la colonisation, le néo-colonialisme et la marchandisation du développement humain, qui représentent la majeure partie des ressources d’Afrique et du Tiers-Monde (pétrole, or, minéraux et autres ressources naturelles), demeurent sous le contrôle des cartels financiers et autres multinationales qui dominent ce monde mondialisé. » – Binta Sarr
Binta était également l’une des membres fondatrices de la section féminine de l’Association culturelle et sportive Magg Daan, et a reçu des mentions élogieuses de la part du gouverneur régional et du ministre de l’Hydrologie pour sa « dévotion aux populations rurales ».
Née en 1954 dans la petite ville de Guiguineo, Binta est décédée en septembre 2019.
Hommages:
« La perte est incommensurable, la douleur est lourde et profonde mais nous allons résister pour ne pas pleurer Binta; nous allons garder l’image de son large sourire en toutes circonstances, pour résister et nous inspirer d’elle, maintenir, consolider et développer son œuvre... » – Page Facebook de l’APROFES, 24 septembre 2019
« Adieu, Binta! Nul doute que ton immense héritage sera préservé. » – Elimane FALL, président de l’ACS Magg-Daan
How can I fund my participation in the AWID Forum? Many activists will not be able to afford the cost of the Forum – is AWID doing anything to provide assistance?
Please visit the "Funding ideas" page to get some ideas and inspiration for how you can fund your participation at the next Forum, including the limited support AWID will be able to provide.
Snippet FEA We are living in a world left (ES)
Vivimos en un mundo donde la destrucción de la naturaleza alimenta nuestra economía global actual.
Illumination by the Light of the Full Moon: An African BDSM experience
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Akosua Hanson is an artistic activist, based in Accra, Ghana. Her work spans radio, television, print media, theatre, film, comic art exhibitions, art installations, and graphic novels. Akosua’s activism has been centred around pan-Africanism and feminism, with an interest in the intersection of art, pop culture, and activism. She has a Masters in Philosophy in African Studies with a focus on Gender and African Philosophical Thought. Akosua Hanson is the creator of Moongirls, a graphic novel series that follows the adventures of four superheroes fighting for an Africa free from corruption, neocolonialism, religious fundamentalism, rape culture, homophobia and more. She works as a radio host at Y 107.9 FM, Ghana. |
Ever experienced moments of deep clarity during or after sex?
In these panels, the Moongirl Wadjet is engaged in BDSM lovemaking with a two-gender daemon. Of the four Moongirls, Wadjet is the healer and philosopher, the conduit of the Oracle. She does this to launch a scientific and spiritual process – an experiment she calls “Illumination by the Light of the Full Moon” – through which she traces a vibrational time arc between her memories, sensations, emotions, visions, and imagination. It is a form of vibrational time travel in order to discover what she terms as “truth-revelations.”
During the experience, some of Wadjet’s hazy visions include: an approaching apocalypse brought about by humans’ environmental destruction in service to a voracious capitalism; a childhood memory of being hospitalized after a mental health diagnosis; and a vision of a Moongirls’ origin story of the Biblical figure of Noah as an ancient black Moongirl warning of the dangers of environmental pollution.
More than a fun kink to explore for the sensations, BDSM can be a way of addressing emotional pain and trauma. It has been a medium of sexual healing for me, providing a radical form of liberation. There is a purge that happens when physical pain is inflicted on the body. Inflicted with consent, it draws out emotional pain – almost like a “calling forth.” The whip on my body allows me to release suppressed emotions: anxiety, depression, my sense of defenselessness to the stresses that overwhelm me sometimes.
When engaging in BDSM as an avenue for healing, lovers must learn to be very aware of and responsible for each other. Because even though consent may have been initially given, we must be attentive to any changes that might occur in the process, especially as feelings intensify. I approach BDSM with the understanding that in order to surrender pain, love and empathy have to be the basis of the process and by that, I create space or open up for love.

The engagement with aftercare after the infliction of pain is a completion of the process. This can be done in very simple ways such as cuddling, checking if they need water, watching a movie together, sharing a hug or just sharing a joint. It can be whatever your chosen love language is. This holding space, with the understanding that wounds have been opened, is necessary to complete the process of healing. It is the biggest lesson in practising empathy and learning to really hold your partner, due to the delicacy in blurring the lines between pain and pleasure. In this way, BDSM is a form of care work for me.
After BDSM sex, I feel a clarity and calm that puts me in a great creative space and spiritually empowers me. It is an almost magical experience watching the pain transform into something else in real time. Similarly, this personally liberating experience of BDSM allows Wadjet to access the foreknowledge, wisdom, and clarity to aid in her moongirl duties in fighting African patriarchy.
Moongirls was birthed during my tenure as the director for Drama Queens, a young artistic activist organization based in Ghana. Since our inception in 2016, we’ve employed different artistic media as part of their feminist, pan-Africanist, and environmentalist activism. We used poetry, short stories, theatre, film, and music to address issues such as corruption, patriarchy, environmental degradation, and homophobia.
Our inaugural theatre production, “The Seamstress of St. Francis Street” and “Until Someone Wakes Up” addressed the problem of rape culture in our communities. Another one, “Just Like Us,” was arguably one of the first Ghanaian theatre productions to directly address the country’s deep-seated issue of homophobia. Queer Universities Ghana, our queer film workshop for African filmmakers, has trained filmmakers from Ghana, Nigeria, South Africa, and Uganda. Films birthed during the workshop, like “Baby Girl: An Intersex Story” by Selassie Djamey, have gone on to be screened at film festivals. Therefore, moving to the medium of graphic novels was a natural progression.
About seven years ago, I’d started a novel that I never completed about the lives of four women. In 2018, the Open Society Initiative for West Africa (OSIWA) opened up a grant opportunity that launched the production of the project and my uncompleted novel was turned into Moongirls.
There have been two seasons of Moongirls made up of six chapters each. Contributing writers and editors for the first season were Suhaida Dramani, Tsiddi Can-Tamakloe, George Hanson, and Wanlov the Kubolor. Writers for the second season were Yaba Armah, Nadia Ahidjo, and myself. Character illustrations and conceptualizations were by Ghanaian artist Kissiwa. And AnimaxFYB Studio, a premium animation, design, and visual effects studio, does the illustrations.
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Writing Moongirls between 2018 and 2022 has been a labour of love for me, even, a labour for liberation. I aim to be very explorative in form and style: I’ve dabbled in converting other forms of writing, such as short stories and poetry, to graphic novel format. By merging illustration and text, as graphic novels do, Moongirls aims to tackle the big issues and to honor real life activists. My decision to centre queer women superheroes – which is rare to see in this canon – came to mean so much more when a dangerous backdrop started developing in Ghana in 2021.
Last year saw a marked hike in violence for the Ghanaian LGBT+ community that was sparked by the shutdown of an LGBT+ community centre. This was followed by arbitrary arrests and imprisonment of people suspected to be on the queer spectrum, as well as of those accused of pushing an “LGBT agenda.” Crowning this was the introduction in Ghanaian Parliament of an anti-LGBT bill named “Proper Human Sexual Rights and Ghanaian Family Values.” This bill is arguably the most draconian anti-LGBT bill ever drafted in the region, following previous attempts in countries like Nigeria, Uganda and Kenya.
I remember quite vividly the first time I read the draft of this bill.
It was a Friday night, typically a night I take off to rest or party after a long work week. By sheer luck, the draft was leaked and shared with me on a WhatsApp group. As I read it, a deep sense of fear and alarm made burnt toast of my Friday night chill. This bill proposed to slap any LGBT+ advocacy with five to ten years of imprisonment, and to fine and imprison people who identify as LGBT+ unless they “recanted” and accepted conversion therapy. In the draft bill, even asexual people were criminalized. The bill went for all fundamental freedoms: freedoms of thought, of being, and the freedom to hold one’s personal truth and choose to live your life by that truth. The bill even went for social media and art. If it passed, Moongirls would be banned literature. What the bill proposed to do was so evil and far-reaching, I was stunned into a depression at the depth of hate from which it had been crafted.
Scrolling through my Twitter timeline that night, the terror I felt inside me was mirrored. The timeline was a livestream of emotions as people reacted in real time to what they were reading: disbelief to terror to a deep disappointment and sorrow when we realized how far the bill wanted to go. Some tweeted their readiness to fold up and leave the country. Then, in the way Ghanaians do, sorrow and fear is alchemized to humour. From humour came the zest to upscale the fight.
So, the work still continues. I created Moongirls to provide an alternative form of education, to provide knowledge where it has been suppressed by violent patriarchy, and to create visibility where the LGBT+ community has been erased. It is also important that African BDSM is given this platform of representation when so much of BDSM representation is white. Sexual pleasure, through BDSM or otherwise, as well as non-heterosexual love, transcend race and continent because sexual pleasure and its diversity of experience are as old as time.
FRMag - Roots of Love and Resilience
Kunyit asam: Las raíces del amor y la resiliencia
por Prinka Saraswati
El ciclo menstrual habitualmente abarca entre 27 y 30 días. En ese lapso, el período en sí dura de 5 a 7 días. La fatiga, los cambios de humor y los espasmos son el resultado de la inflamación durante la menstruación.
< arte: «Movimiento feminista», Karina Tungari
Ummaya Gabbara
Snippet - Resources to rally - ES
Recursos para movilizarnos durante la CSW69
Maritza Quiroz Leiva
Maritza Quiroz Leiva was an Afro Colombian social activist, a community leader and women human rights defender. Among the 7.7 million Colombians internally displaced by 50 years of armed conflict, Maritza dedicated her advocacy work to supporting the rights of others, particularly in the Afro Colombian community who suffered similar violations and displacement.
Maritza was the deputy leader of the Santa Marta Victim's Committee, and an important voice for those seeking justice in her community, demanding reparations for the torture, kidnapping, displacement, and sexual violence that victims experienced during the armed conflict. She was also active in movement for land redistribution and land justice in the country.
On 5 January 2019, Maritza was killed by two armed individuals who broke into her home. She was 60 years old.
Maritza joined five other Colombian social activists and leaders who had been murdered just in the first week of 2019. A total of 107 human rights defenders were killed that year in the country.
Will there be pre-Forum convenings this time around?
We have been contacted by global and regional partners about some ideas for pre-Forum convenings and we will share more information about these ideas soon.
If you plan to organize a meeting before the Forum please let us know!
Many beautiful things emerged from the 2016 Black Feminisms Forum (BFF) that was organized by an Advisory Group and funded by AWID. Some of the independent organizing that arose from the BFF include Black feminist organizing in Brazil. While we won’t have another BFF this year, we remain committed to sharing some key learnings with anyone interested in continuing work around Black feminist organizing.
