Philippe Leroyer | Flickr (CC BY-NC-ND 2.0)

Special Focus

AWID is an international, feminist, membership organisation committed to achieving gender equality, sustainable development and women’s human rights

Women Human Rights Defenders

WHRDs are self-identified women and lesbian, bisexual, transgender, queer and intersex (LBTQI) people and others who defend rights and are subject to gender-specific risks and threats due to their human rights work and/or as a direct consequence of their gender identity or sexual orientation.

WHRDs are subject to systematic violence and discrimination due to their identities and unyielding struggles for rights, equality and justice.

The WHRD Program collaborates with international and regional partners as well as the AWID membership to raise awareness about these risks and threats, advocate for feminist and holistic measures of protection and safety, and actively promote a culture of self-care and collective well being in our movements.


Risks and threats targeting WHRDs  

WHRDs are exposed to the same types of risks that all other defenders who defend human rights, communities, and the environment face. However, they are also exposed to gender-based violence and gender-specific risks because they challenge existing gender norms within their communities and societies.

By defending rights, WHRDs are at risk of:

  • Physical assault and death
  • Intimidation and harassment, including in online spaces
  • Judicial harassment and criminalization
  • Burnout

A collaborative, holistic approach to safety

We work collaboratively with international and regional networks and our membership

  • to raise awareness about human rights abuses and violations against WHRDs and the systemic violence and discrimination they experience
  • to strengthen protection mechanisms and ensure more effective and timely responses to WHRDs at risk

We work to promote a holistic approach to protection which includes:

  • emphasizing the importance of self-care and collective well being, and recognizing that what care and wellbeing mean may differ across cultures
  • documenting the violations targeting WHRDs using a feminist intersectional perspective;
  • promoting the social recognition and celebration of the work and resilience of WHRDs ; and
  • building civic spaces that are conducive to dismantling structural inequalities without restrictions or obstacles

Our Actions

We aim to contribute to a safer world for WHRDs, their families and communities. We believe that action for rights and justice should not put WHRDs at risk; it should be appreciated and celebrated.

  • Promoting collaboration and coordination among human rights and women’s rights organizations at the international level to  strengthen  responses concerning safety and wellbeing of WHRDs.

  • Supporting regional networks of WHRDs and their organizations, such as the Mesoamerican Initiative for WHRDs and the WHRD Middle East and North Africa  Coalition, in promoting and strengthening collective action for protection - emphasizing the establishment of solidarity and protection networks, the promotion of self-care, and advocacy and mobilization for the safety of WHRDs;

  • Increasing the visibility and recognition of  WHRDs and their struggles, as well as the risks that they encounter by documenting the attacks that they face, and researching, producing, and disseminating information on their struggles, strategies, and challenges:

  • Mobilizing urgent responses of international solidarity for WHRDs at risk through our international and regional networks, and our active membership.

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Juli Dugdale

Juli Dugdale fue una feminista australiana que practicaba un liderazgo intergeneracional arraigado en los principios del feminismo, la inclusión y la igualdad. Fue líder, colega y mentora para muchas mujeres, especialmente, para las mujeres jóvenes de todo el mundo.

Juli fue una integrante comprometida del equipo del movimiento Young Women's Christian Association [Asociación Cristiana de Mujeres Jóvenes] (YWCA, por su siglas en inglés), una voluntaria y una ferviente defensora del liderazgo de las mujeres jóvenes por más de 30 años.

Se convirtió en un vínculo fuerte entre el movimiento australiano y la Oficina de la YWCA Mundial. Su confianza en la capacidad de liderazgo de las mujeres jóvenes llevó a establecer una asociación de varios años con el Departamento de Asuntos Exteriores y Comercio de Australia y a la creación del manual Rise Up (Rebélate), una guía global para el liderazgo transformador de las mujeres jóvenes, lanzada en 2018.

Juli falleció en Ginebra el 12 de agosto de 2019.


Tributos:

"Para quienes llegaron a trabajar con Juli, fue un privilegio.  Quienes no lo hicieron,  pueden tener la certeza de que su legado continúa en el trabajo que hacemos cada día y en la misión del movimiento de la YWCA". - YWCA Australia

"Juli Dugdale siempre ocupará un lugar profundo en el corazón de muchas personas en el movimiento de la YWCA, especialmente aquí, en Aotearoa, y a través del Pacífico. Juli tenía una relación especial con el Pacífico y fue un apoyo increíble para las mujeres jóvenes de allí. Ella era humilde, amable, cariñosa, dedicada, apasionada y tenía un corazón generoso. Ella encarnó la visión de la YWCA de "liderazgo transformador" con una extraordinaria visión y previsión de futuro, y ayudó a empoderar a generaciones de mujeres jóvenes líderes de todo el mundo". - YWCA Nueva Zelanda

Annual Report 2012

Our 2012 Annual Report provides key highlights of our work during the year to boldly, creatively and effectively contribute to the advancement of women’s rights and gender equality worldwide.

Enjoy viewing videos, photos, and stories about our contributions.

Visit our 2012 Annual Report site

 

Snippet FEA Story 1 Maps Economies of Care (ES)

Los mapas de Brasil en blanco, España en amarillo mostaza y Colombia en rosa sobre un fondo color vino o burdeos.

Key opposition discourses

Ultra conservative actors have developed a number of discourses at the international human rights level that call on arguments manipulating religion, culture, tradition, and national sovereignty in order to undermine rights related to gender and sexuality.

Anti-rights actors have increasingly moved away from explicitly religious language. Increasingly, we see regressive actors - who may previously have derided human rights concepts - instead manipulating and co-opting these very concepts to further their objectives.


Protection of the family

This emerging and successful discourse appears innocuous, but it functions as a useful umbrella theme to house multiple patriarchal and anti-rights positions. The ‘protection of the family’ theme is thus a key example of regressive actors’ move towards holistic and integrated advocacy.

The language of ‘protection of the family’ works to shift the subject of human rights from the individual and onto already powerful institutions.

It also affirms a unitary, hierarchical, and patriarchal conception of the family that discriminates against family forms outside of these rigid boundaries. It also attempts to change the focus from recognition and protection of the rights of vulnerable family members to non-discrimination, autonomy, and freedom from violence in the context of family relations.

The Right to Life

The Holy See and a number of Christian Right groups seek to appropriate the right to life in service of an anti-abortion mission.  Infusing human rights language with conservative religious doctrine, they argue that the right to life, as set out in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, applies at the moment of conception.

The discourse has no support in any universal human rights instrument. Yet this is an appealing tactic for anti-rights actors, because the right to life cannot be violated under any circumstances and is a binding legal standard.

Sexual rights

Anti-rights actors use a number of rhetorical devices in their campaign to undermine sexual rights: they argue that sexual rights do not exist or are ‘new rights,’ that they cause harm to children and society, and/or that these rights stand in opposition to culture, tradition or national laws.

Conservative actors engaged in advocacy at the UN attack the right to comprehensive sexuality education from several directions. They claim that CSE violates ‘parental rights’, harms children, and that it is not education but ideological indoctrination. They also claim that comprehensive sexuality education is pushed on children, parents, and the United Nations by powerful lobbyists seeking to profit from services they provide to children and youth.

Attempts to invalidate rights related to sexual orientation and gender identity have proliferated. Ultra conservative actors argue that application of long-standing human rights principles and law on this issue constitutes the creation of ‘new rights’; and that the meaning of rights should vary radically because they should be interpreted through the lens of ‘culture’ or ‘national particularities.’

Reproductive Rights

Christian Right organizations have been mobilizing against reproductive rights alongside the Holy See and other anti-rights allies for several years. They often argue that reproductive rights are at heart a form of Western-imposed population control over countries in the global South. Ironically, this claim often originates from U.S. and Western Europe-affiliated actors, many of whom actively work to export their fundamentalist discourses and policies.

Regressive actors also cite to ‘scientific’ arguments from ultra-conservative think tanks, and from sources that rely on unsound research methodologies, to suggest that abortion causes an array of psychological, sexual, physical, and relational side effects.

Protection of children and parental rights

Just as anti-rights actors aim to construct a new category of ‘protection of the family,’ they are attempting to construct a new category of ‘parental rights,’ which has no support in existing human rights standards.

This discourse paradoxically endeavours to use the rights protections with which children are endowed, as articulated in the Convention on the Rights of the Child, to support the rights of parents to control their children and limit their rights.

Violence against women

Increasingly, anti-rights actors are attempting to infiltrate and subvert standards and discourses developed by women human rights defenders, such as violence against women (VAW).

At the Commission on the Status of Women and other spaces, one rhetorical move is to treat VAW as a concept in which to embed anti-reproductive rights and patriarchal arguments. Ultra conservative actors, for example, have argued that non-heteronormative or traditional intimate partner relationships are a risk factor for violence, and emphasize that fathers are necessary to protect families from violence.

Gender and ‘gender ideology’

The Holy See has set off a sustained critique of gender, ‘gender ideology’, ‘gender radicals,’ and gender theory, and anti-rights actors often read the term as code for LGBTQ rights. Gender is used by the religious right as a cross-cutting concept that links together many of their discourses. Increasingly, the hysteria on this subject fixates on gender identity and trans rights.

Complementarity and human dignity

Complementarity of the sexes is a discourse employed by a number of ultra-conservative actors today. Its rhetoric is structured around an assumption of difference: men and women are meant to have differing but complementary roles in marriage and family life, and with respect to their engagement in the community and political and economic life.

Reference to ‘natural’ roles is meant to fundamentally reject universal human rights to equality and non-discrimination.

It is also used to justify State and non-State violations of these rights, and non-compliance with respect to State obligations to eliminate prejudices and practices based on stereotyped roles for men or women.

National sovereignty and anti-imperialism

This discourse suggests that national governments are being unjustly targeted by UN bodies, or by other States acting through the UN. This is an attempt to shift the subject of human rights from the individual or marginalized community suffering a rights violation to a powerful and/or regressive institution - i.e. the state, in order to justify national exceptions from universal rights or to support state impunity. 

Religious freedom

Anti-rights actors have taken up the discourse of freedom of religion in order to justify violations of human rights. Yet, ultra-conservative actors refer to religious freedom in a way that directly contradicts the purpose of this human right and fundamentally conflicts with the principle of the universality of rights. The inference is that religious liberty is threatened and undermined by the protection of human rights, particularly those related to gender and sexuality.

The central move is to suggest that the right to freedom of religion is intended to protect a religion rather than those who are free to hold or not hold different religious beliefs.

Yet under international human rights law, the right protects believers rather than beliefs, and the right to freedom of religion, thought and conscience includes the right not to profess any religion or belief or to change one’s religion or belief.

Cultural rights and traditional values

The deployment of references to culture and tradition to undermine human rights, including the right to equality, is a common tactic amongst anti-rights actors. Culture is presented as monolithic, static, and immutable, and it is is often presented in opposition to ‘Western norms.’

Allusions to culture by anti-rights actors in international policy debates aim to undermine the universality of rights, arguing for cultural relativism that trumps or limits rights claims. Regressive actors’ use of cultural rights is founded on a purposeful misrepresentation of the human right. States must ensure that traditional or cultural attitudes are not used to justify violations of equality, and human rights law calls for equal access, participation and contribution in all aspects of cultural life for all, including women, religious, and racial minorities, and those with non-conforming genders and sexualities.

Subverting ‘universal’

Anti-rights actors in international policy spaces increasingly manipulate references to universal or fundamental human rights to reverse the meaning of the universality of rights.

Rather than using the term universal to describe the full set of indivisible and interrelated human rights, ultra conservative actors employ this term to instead delineate and describe a subset of human rights as ‘truly fundamental.’ Other rights would thus be subject to State discretion, ‘new’ rights or optional. This discourse is especially powerful as their category of the truly universal remains unarticulated and hence open to shifting interpretation.


Other Chapters

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Sarah Maldoror

“Je n’adhère pas au concept de ‘tiers-monde’. Je fais des films pour que les gens puissent les comprendre indépendamment de leur race ou de leur couleur. Pour moi, il n’y a que des exploiteurs et des exploités, c’est tout. Faire un film, c’est prendre position.” - Sarah Maldoror 

Sarah Maldoror, cinéaste française d’origine antillaise, fut une pionnière du cinéma panafricain. Elle plaça ses préoccupations politiques et son engagement de longue date dans les mouvements de décolonisation au coeur de son oeuvre.

Son film révolutionnaire Sambizanga (1972), avec son “image révolutionnaire”, retrace la lutte de libération anticoloniale des activistes angolais et retranscrit le point de vue d’une femme qui se trouve dans ce moment historique.   

“Pour beaucoup de cinéastes africains, le cinéma est un outil de la révolution, une éducation politique pour transformer les consciences. Il s’inscrivait dans l’émergence d’un cinéma du Tiers-Monde cherchant à décoloniser la pensée pour favoriser des changements radicaux dans la société.” - Sarah Maldoror

Au cours de sa carrière, Sarah a fondé, aux côtés d’un certain nombre d’artistes africain·e·s et caribéen·ne·s, la première compagnie de théâtre noire en France (1956). Elle a réalisé une quarantaine de films, y compris d’importants documentaires qui mettent en valeur les vies et l’oeuvre d’artistes noir·e·s, notamment celles de son ami et poète Aimé Césaire qui lui écrivit ceci: 

“À Sarah Maldoror qui, caméra au poing, 
combat l’oppression, l’aliénation 
et défie la connerie humaine”. 

Sarah a également voulu permettre aux femmes africaines de s'approprier davantage le processus de réalisation des films. Dans une interview, elle faisait remarquer : 

"La femme africaine doit être partout. Elle doit être à l'image, derrière la caméra, au montage, à toutes les étapes de la fabrication d'un film. C'est elle qui doit parler de ses problèmes…”  

Sarah a laissé un héritage incroyablement puissant qui doit être transmis. 

Née le 19 juillet 1929, Sarah est décédée le 13 avril 2020 des suites de complications liées au coronavirus.


Regardez Sambizanga et lisez la critique de film parue dans le New York Times en 1973 (seulement en anglais)

AWID en 2016: Co-creando nuestros futuros feministas

En 2016 convocamos el 13º Foro Internacional de AWID en Bahía, Brasil, al que asistieron 1800 participantes de 120 países y territorios de todo el mundo. El Foro fue un espacio muy necesario para la construcción de estrategias y alianzas con feministas y otros movimientos de justicia.

Sabemos que los movimientos por lo derechos de las mujeres y feministas son actores clave en la creación de un cambio transformador sostenible. En nuestros movimientos, la organización, resistencia y respuesta al contexto desafiante se está agudizando, y en nuestro mundo cada vez más conectado, el potencial para la acción colectiva a través de diversos movimientos ha crecido dramáticamente. Este es el trabajo crucial que AWID busca amplificar y apoyar. Nos proponemos informar y equipar a organizaciones y movimientos por los derechos de las mujeres para responder a las oportunidades y contrarrestar las amenazas. Apoyamos una mayor visibilidad y comprensión de las iniciativas por los derechos de las mujeres y las amenazas que enfrentan, y también trabajamos para influenciar a lxs actores e instituciones que dan forma a los derechos humanos y a los resultados de desarrollo.


Lo que logramos en 2016

Mayor solidaridad y acción conjunta en diversos movimientos

El innovador 13º Foro Internacional de AWID se realizó del 8 al 11 de septiembre de 2016 en Bahía, Brasil, con el tema: «Futuros Feministas: Construyendo poder colectivo por los derechos y la justicia». Si bien gran parte de la energía de AWID en 2016 se dedicó al proceso del Foro, también se valió del pensamiento y la energía de casi 500 aliadxs, presentadorxs, panelistas, moderadorxs, artivistas, escritorxs, facilitadorxs, innovadorxs de TI y artistas de performance, muchxs de ellxs líderes en su campo. También, en reconocimiento a la historia y la lucha de Bahía, albergamos al Foro de Feminismos Negros (BFF, por su sigla en inglés), de dos días, organizado por un grupo de trabajo conformado por feministas negrxs de todo el mundo.

El fortalecimiento del conocimiento de temas y estrategias

  • SOBRE DESAFIAR AL PODER CORPORATIVO. Produjimos Desafiar al poder corporativo: las luchas por los derechos de las mujeres, la justicia económica y de género junto con el Solidarity Center, revelando la escala y el alcance del poder corporativo y describiendo cómo las corporaciones en connivencia con élites y otros actores poderosos están teniendo impacto en las vidas de las mujeres y los pueblos oprimidos. El informe ofrece ideas sobre estrategias de resistencia, destacando cinco luchas que utilizaron la colaboración entre movimientos para desafiar al poder corporativo.

  • SOBRE ECONOMÍAS FEMINISTAS. Produjimos Propuestas feministas para una economía justa juntamente al Centro para el Liderazgo Mundial de las Mujeres (CWGL, por su sigla en inglés) y la Red de Mujeres Africanas para el Desarrollo y la Comunicación FEMNET. Propuestas Feministas es una plataforma en internet que propone una agenda feminista para el desarrollo y la justicia
    económica y de género.

  • SOBRE DESAFIAR A LOS FUNDAMENTALISMOS. El diablo se esconde en los detalles: En el nexo entre el desarrollo, los derechos de las mujeres y los fundamentalismos religiosos detalla cómo los fundamentalismos religiosos limitan el desarrollo y los derechos de las mujeres en particular y proporciona recomendaciones a lxs actores del desarrollo para fortalecer los derechos de las mujeres.

  • SOBRE ACTIVISMO JOVEN FEMINISTA. Junto a FRIDA lanzamos Valientes, creativxs, resilientes: La situación a nivel global de la organización de jóvenes feministas en el Espacio de Activismo Joven Feminista durante el Foro de AWID. Este proyecto de descripción del estado del activismo feminista joven se basa en los datos recopilados de 1360 solicitudes de subvenciones recibidas por FRIDA entre los años de 2012 y 2014 y una encuesta global, que contó con 694 respuestas de 118 países diferentes.

La incidencia colectiva

AWID, en asociación con otras organizaciones feministas y por los derechos de las mujeres, se involucró en la incidencia y el diálogo para explorar mejores soluciones para las agendas de derechos de las mujeres, como nuestro trabajo con el consorsio Count Me In! 

El aumento de la visibilidad de los movimientos

Las experiencias de mujeres con discapacidad, mujeres negras y afrodescendientes, trabajadorxs sexuales, mujeres indígenas, personas trans y personas intersexuales, trabajadorxs domesticxs
y cómo sus vidas se ven afectadas por múltiples opresiones y violencias estuvieron en el centro del proceso del Foro.

Durante los 16 Días de activismo, y gracias a las contribuciones de nuestrxs increíbles afiliadxs, lanzamos el Tributo a lxs defensorxs de derechos humanos 2016 para celebrar la vida de lxs defensorxs que ya no están con nosotrxs.

Nuestra colaboración con The Guardian y Mama Cash: la sección de enfoque en derechos de las mujeres e igualdad de género del portal de desarrollo global de The Guardian ha resultado en una mayor atención a los grupos y temas
que no suelen recibir la cobertura adecuada de los medios de comunicación dominantes.


Nuestrxs afiliadxs

 

Snippet - That Feminist Fire Logo (FR)

Texte blanc qui dit le titre de notre podcast en français : Notre flamme féministe

When development initiatives, religious fundamentalisms and the state of women’s rights collide

Nuestro nuevo documento de investigación El diablo se esconde en los detalles aborda la falta de conocimientos sobre los fundamentalismos religiosos en el sector del desarrollo, y se propone comprender mejor de qué manera estos fundamentalismos inhiben el desarrollo y, en particular, los derechos de las mujeres. Propone recomendaciones para que quienes trabajan en temas de desarrollo desafíen la labor de los fundamentalismos y eviten fortalecerlos inadvertidamente. [CTA download link: Leer el documento completo]

 

Seven pointers to consider

 

Graphic1 1. Control of women’s bodies, sexuality, and choice are “warning signs” of rising fundamentalisms.
2. Neoliberal economic policies have a particularly negative impact on women, and fuel the growth of religious fundamentalisms. Graphic2
Graphic3 3. Choosing religious organizations as default for partnerships builds their legitimacy and access to resources, and supports their ideology, including gender ideology.
4.Everyone has multiple identities and should be defined by more than just their religion. Foregrounding religious identities tends to reinforce the power of religious fundamentalists. Graphic4
Graphic5 5. Religion, culture, and tradition are constantly changing, being reinterpreted and challenged. What is dominant is always a question of power.
6. Racism, exclusion, and marginalization all add to the appeal of fundamentalists’ offer of a sense of belonging and a “cause”. Graphic6
Graphic7 7. There is strong evidence that the single most important factor in promoting women’s rights and gender equality is an autonomous women’s movement.

 

Auge global de los fundamentalismos religiosos.

El Diablo se esconde en los detalles proporciona detalles de las graves violaciones a los derechos humanos y, en particular, de las violaciones a los derechos de las mujeres, causados por los fundamentalismos auspiciados por los Estados, así como por actores fundamentalistas no estatales como milicias, organizaciones comunitarias confesionales e individuos. La profundización fundamentalista de normas sociales atávicas y patriarcales está provocando el aumento de la violencia contra las mujeres, las niñas y las defensoras de derechos humanos (WHRDs). El informe propuesta estas ideas clave para abordar el problema:

  • [icon] Fundamentalismos religiosos están ganando terreno en el seno de las comunidades
  • [icon] Sistemas políticos
  • [icon] Escenarios internacionales, con efectos devastadores para la gente común y para las mujeres en particular.

 

Los agentes de desarrollo deben actuar urgentemente.

Quienes trabajan en el desarrollo están de capacidad de asumir una posición más firme. Su capacidad colectiva para reconocer y enfrentar conjuntamente a los fundamentalismos religiosos resulta crucial para promover la justicia social, económica y de género y los derechos humanos de todas las personas en el marco del desarrollo sostenible.   Resulta fundamental promover que el poder y los privilegios se entiendan desde la óptica del feminismo interseccional y aplicar esta comprensión a los interrogantes sobre religión y cultura. Las organizaciones de mujeres ya poseen conocimientos y estrategias para oponerse a los fundamentalismos. Quienes trabajan en el desarrollo deberían apoyarse en estos e invertir en coaliciones enfocadas en múltiples temáticas. Lo anterior, les ayudará a alcanzar nuevos horizontes.

FRMag - Ashawo Work na Work

« Ashawo Work na Work » : Comment les jeunes féministes ghanéennes transforment des horizons féministes en réalité

par Fatima B. Derby

En 2017, la campagne #ManifestezVotreSolidarité a mis en évidence la manière dont les jeunes féministes pouvaient construire un avenir féministe en étant là les unes pour les autres, en participant à des conversations transrégionales, en marchant en solidarité avec d'autres activistes et en collaborant entre les mouvements. (...)

Lire

< illustration : « Laisse-les pousser », par Gucora Andu

Snippet - Rights and Resources - EN

Rights and Resources:
Getting Ready for the Next 30 Years

✉️ In-person registration is now closed. Sign up for the livestream here

📅 Wednesday, March 12, 2025
🕒 12.00-1.30pm EST

🏢 UNDP, 304 E 45th St. Doha Room, 11th Floor (FF Building)

Organizers: UNDP, Femena, SRI and AWID

Gloria Chicaiza

Gloria Chicaiza, an Ecuadorian social and environmental activist, was a fervent defender of land and water. She defied the status quo, fighting against a model of development based on extraction and worked tirelessly for ecological justice and the rights of communities affected by mining.  

In diverse areas of Ecuador, Gloria was part of resistance actions in favour of protecting the ecosystem. With passion and dedication, Gloria supported the indigenous and environmental movement, its communities and organizations who oppose mining projects and protect their territories and collective life projects. She spoke out, in local and international foras, against the criminalization of dissent and resistance, the pressure and violence being enacted against community activists, in particular, women human rights defenders and in support of community led efforts for food sovereignty and sustainability

She was the Mining Justice Coordinator at Acción Ecológica, member of the Latin American Network of Women Defenders of the Social and Environmental Rights and a Board member at the Observatory of Mining Conflicts of Latin America.

In October 2010, Gloria was accused by the mining company Curimining / Salazar Resources S.A. (with Headquarters in Vancouver, Canada) of sponsoring an act of terrorism, sabotage and illegal association to commit a crime. Acción Ecológica believed this to be “in retaliation for her work of denouncing the impacts of mining activities in the country.”

In 2014, Gloria supported the coordination of a delegation to the UN COP 20 Dialogue on Climate Change. The group consisted of 25 Indigenous women from Latin America.

Gloria passed away due to complications from a lung transplant on December 28, 2019. She is remembered for her resistance and tireless work. 

"The fastest way to achieve sustainability is still resistance." -  Gloria Chicaiza (2010 interview)



Tributes:

“Para GLORIA. GLORIA Agua. GLORIA Tierra. GLORIA Madre. GLORIA Revolución. GLORIA Hermana. GLORIA Cielo. GLORIAmiga. GLORIAstral. Thank you for weaving us together.” -Liliana Gutierrez

“Thank you Glorita, for sustaining hope, for keeping the fabric strong, for connecting the community, for the united hands, for solidarity, thank you Glorita for standing with us in the most difficult moments. Thank you for teaching us that throughout life, nobody gets tired.” (Chakana News)

“Gloria Chicaiza cherished and flourished in being one of many. And as humble as she was, she had an uncanny ability to lead and maintain a steady and thunderous beat, a life-affirming pulse that guided, mobilized, and inspired communities and networks in the protection of Mother Earth. She denounced all forms of violence against cuerpos-territorios. She endorsed el buen vivir.” - Gabriela Jiménez, Latin America Partnerships Coordinator, KAIROS

“Thank you Gloria Chicaiza from infinity we are sure that you will continue to support our struggle. You who continued to struggle with us despite your failing health. You will live on in the forests and the water that you defended with such courage. You will live on in our hearts.”- The community of Intag in Ecuador

Read more Tributes to Gloria
 

2021: El poder feminista en acción

En 2021, AWID, junto con muchas otras organizaciones, comenzábamos a asumir las consecuencias de la pandemia global, todavía en curso, para nuestro modo de trabajo y nuestro rol en este momento tan particular. Fue un año que nos enseñó tres lecciones cruciales sobre cómo transitar este momento como organización global de apoyo a los movimientos feministas.

Descargar el informe anual 2021


Gracias al diálogo e intercambios fundamentales para su trabajo, AWID conectó a miles de feministas de todo el mundo.

Lo que nos queda claro de nuestra experiencia en 2021 es el rol preponderante -y de alguna forma singular- que AWID desempeña en la construcción y el sostenimiento de una comunidad feminista global transversal a diversas identidades y temas.

Descargar el informe anual 2021

Snippet Forum Stories Story 1 (EN)

Case study 1 - Three Boats, a Horse and a Taxi: Pacific Feminists at the AWID Forums

This story is about how an increasingly diverse group of feminists from the Pacific organized through the years to attend the AWID Forums and how that process changed them personally, as organizations, and as a movement through what they learned, discovered and experienced. It illustrates the importance of the Forums as a space through which a region that tends to be marginalized or ignored at the global level can build a strong presence in the feminist movement that is then replicated at other international women’s rights spaces.