Adolfo Lujan | Flickr (CC BY-NC-ND 2.0)
Mass demonstration in Madrid on International Women's Day
Multitudinaria manifestación en Madrid en el día internacional de la mujer

Priority Areas

Supporting feminist, women’s rights and gender justice movements to thrive, to be a driving force in challenging systems of oppression, and to co-create feminist realities.

Advancing Universal Rights and Justice

Uprooting Fascisms and Fundamentalisms

Across the globe, feminist, women’s rights and gender justice defenders are challenging the agendas of fascist and fundamentalist actors. These oppressive forces target women, persons who are non-conforming in their gender identity, expression and/or sexual orientation, and other oppressed communities.


Discriminatory ideologies are undermining and co-opting our human rights systems and standards,  with the aim of making rights the preserve of only certain groups. In the face of this, the Advancing Universal Rights and Justice (AURJ) initiative promotes the universality of rights - the foundational principle that human rights belong to everyone, no matter who they are, without exception.

We create space for feminist, women’s rights and gender justice movements and allies to recognize, strategize and take collective action to counter the influence and impact of anti-rights actors. We also seek to advance women’s rights and feminist frameworks, norms and proposals, and to protect and promote the universality of rights.


Our actions

Through this initiative, we:

  • Build knowledge: We support feminist, women’s rights and gender justice movements by disseminating and popularizing knowledge and key messages about anti-rights actors, their strategies, and impact in the international human rights systems through AWID’s leadership role in the collaborative platform, the Observatory on the Universality of Rights (OURs)*.
  • Advance feminist agendas: We ally ourselves with partners in international human rights spaces including, the Human Rights Council, the Commission on Population and Development, the Commission on the Status of Women and the UN General Assembly.
  • Create and amplify alternatives: We engage with our members to ensure that international commitments, resolutions and norms reflect and are fed back into organizing in other spaces locally, nationally and regionally.
  • Mobilize solidarity action: We take action alongside women human rights defenders (WHRDs) including trans and intersex defenders and young feminists, working to challenge fundamentalisms and fascisms and call attention to situations of risk.  

 

Related Content

Snippet - CSW69 - Feminist Solidarity Space - EN

Feminist Solidarity Space

✉️ By registration for larger groups. Drop-ins for smaller groups. Register here

📅 Tuesday, March 11, 2025
🕒 12.00-2.00pm and 4.00-6.00pm EST

🏢 Chef's Kitchen Loft with Terrace, 216 East 45th St 13th Floor New York

Organizer: AWID

Snippet - CSW69 - Challenging the Status Quo - EN

Challenging the Status Quo

A Critical Dialogue on Gender Equality and Human Rights

✉️ Online registration available. Register here

📅 Friday, March 21, 2025
🕒 2.30pm EST

🏢 Church Center of the United Nations, 11th Floor. 777 United Nations Plaza, New York, NY 10017

🎙️AWID speaker: Anissa Daboussi, Manager, Advancing Universal Rights and Justice team

Organizer: IWRAW AP, OURs, AWID, SRI

Snippet - WCFM type of funding- EN

Type of funding:

Be it core funding, programmes & projects or rapid response/ emergency grants.

Remembering: A Tribute to WHRDs no longer with us

AWID honors feminists and Women Human Rights Defenders (WHRDs) who have died and whose contributions to the advancement of human rights are very much missed.


Celebrating Activists and WHRDs

AWID’s WHRD Tribute is a photo exhibition featuring feminist, women’s rights and social justice activists from around the world who are no longer with us. 

The Tribute was first launched in 2012, at AWID’s 12th International Forum, in Turkey. It took shape with a physical exhibit of portraits and biographies of feminists and activists who passed away. The initiative was described by Forum participants as being a unique, moving and energizing way to commemorate our collective history.

At the 13th International Forum in Brazil, we honored activists and WHRDs with a mural unveiling ceremony in four languages, a dance performance and a Brazilian ritual.

In between the events, the Tribute lives as an online gallery that is updated every year as part of the 16 Days Campaign Against Gender Based Violence (25 November – 10 December).

Contributions from all over the world

Since 2012, through our annual Tribute to Women Human Rights Defenders (WHRDs) no longer with us, over 400 feminists and WHRDs from 11 regions and 80 countries have been featured. 

AWID would like to thank the families and organizations who shared their personal stories and contributed to this memorial. We join them in continuing the remarkable work of these women and forging efforts to ensure justice is achieved in cases that remain in impunity.

Visit the WHRD Tribute online exhibit

The violence and threaths against WHRDs persist

In addition to paying homage to these incredible activists, the Tribute particularly sheds light on the plight of WHRDs who have been assassinated or disappeared.

One third of those featured in the Tribute were activists who have been murdered or disappeared in suspicious circumstances. They were specifically targeted for who they were and the work they did to challenge: 

  • State power
  • Heteronormativity
  • Fundamentalisms
  • Corporations
  • Patriarchy
  • Organized Crime
  • Corruption
  • Militarization…

Women like Agnes Torres, from Mexico, was killed because of her gender identity and sexual orientation; or Cheryl Ananayo, an environmental activist from the Philippines was assassinated as she struggled against a mining company; or Ruqia Hassan, a Syrian independent journalist and blogger killed for her criticism of ISIS. And so many others.

With the WHRD Tribute, we bring them all into our collective memory and carry their legacy of struggle as our torch in the feminists’ and women’s rights movements. We recognize that security, safety and self-care must be a priority in all our political agendas. And we call on to governments and international bodies to collectively address violence against feminists and WHRDs.

We believe this is a critical step to ensure the sustainability of our movements for gender equality, women’s rights, and justice for all.

Visit the WHRD Tribute online exhibit

Snippet WITM survey result - EN

DATA SNAPSHOTS

Where is the money for feminist organizing?

1,174 feminist, women's rights & LGBTQI+ organizations 
from 129 countries participated in AWID's 2024 survey.

The data reveals the state of resourcing for feminist movements between 2021-2023, amid current major defunding trends in aid and philanthropy.

Our collective power knows no boundaries, but our bank accounts do.

Advancing Movements

6 Women Human Rights Defenders (WHRDs) across Western and Southeastern Europe have in their lifetime researched, campaigned, participated in and advanced peace and women’s rights movements be it through political and social activism or through dance. We are grateful for the legacy they have left. Please join AWID in honoring these women, their activism and legacy by sharing the memes below with your colleagues, networks and friends and by using the hashtags #WHRDTribute and #16Days.


Please click on each image below to see a larger version and download as a file

 

Snippet - COP30 - The People's Summit

The People's Summit

The climate summit by movements, for movements.

📅 November 12 - November 16, 2025
📍 Universidade Federal do Pará, Belém

More info here

Where does the project come from?

We believe that the economy, the market, the financial system and the premises upon which they are built are critical areas of feminist struggle. Thus, our vision for a just economy goes beyond promoting women’s rights and empowerment in the market, to evaluating the role of gendered oppressions in shaping economic arrangements and transforming these to ensure gender and economic justice.


Process

We are neither starting from zero, nor alone in this attempt to put forward feminist propositions for a just economy.  Many of the propositions herein have been advanced or exist in practice within diverse communities challenging and resisting the mainstream market and growth-based economic systems.

It is also very important to note that there is growing awareness of the fact that micro solutions are not always the answer to macro problems, even if they represent important spaces for resistance and movement building and that there may be limitations to particular alternatives to address the injustices of the current capitalist system at a global scale.

Goals

However, feminist alternatives for a just economy are critical to create dents in the system and draw lessons for transformative systemic change. Here we cannot presume to offer a comprehensive nor a complete account on how to create a just feminist economic model, or even models. But we can, but rather draw from cross-movement dialogue with trade unions, environmental, rural and peasants movements, to articulate the propositions for the journey towards this vision.

What do we want to change?

The neoliberal model driving the global economy has repeatedly demonstrated its inability to address the root causes of poverty, inequalities, and exclusion. Neoliberalism, and has in fact contributed to the very creation and exacerbation of these injustices.

Characterized by globalisation, liberalization, privatisation, financialisation and conditional aid, mainstream development policies over the past 3 decades have wreaked havoc on livelihoods over the past 3 decades. These policies have also sustained a trajectory of deepening inequalities, gendered injustices, and environmental destruction that the world can no longer afford to endure.

While there are people those who assert that economic growth, facilitated by giving free reign to corporations and businesses, can sustain a tide that will (eventually) raise all boats.

However, the notion of development that has prevailed for the past decades, built for the most part upon the premise of limitless economic growth, is going through an ideological crisis.

The myth of economic growth as a panacea for our problems is being debunked.


See also

Our vision

5 Major Threats

Snippet - COP30 - Ecozine card - EN

📰 Feminist Transnational Solidarity: an Antidote to Ecocide

This collaborative zine originated from a series of sharing circles that brought together feminists from around the world throughout 2022. The purpose was to exchange ideas and mutually learn how communities are responding to the climate crisis in various local contexts.

Download the Zine

Key impacts on the international human rights system

Anti-rights actors have had a substantive impact on our human rights framework and the progressive interpretation of human rights standards, especially rights related to gender and sexuality.

When it comes to the impact of conservative actors in international policy spaces, the overall picture today is of stasis and regressions.


We have witnessed the watering down of existing agreements and commitment; deadlock in negotiations; sustained undermining of UN agencies, treaty review bodies and Special Procedures; and success in pushing through regressive language in international human rights documents.

Commission on the Status of Women (CSW)

The CSW, held annually in March, has long been one of the most contested sites in the UN system. In March 2015, conservative efforts set the tone before events or negotiations even began; the outcome document of the Commission was a weak Declaration negotiated before any women’s rights activists even arrived on the ground.

At 2016’s CSW, the new Youth Caucus was infiltrated by large numbers of vocal anti-abortion and anti-SRHR actors, who shouted down progressive youth organizations. Again, intensive negotiations resulted in a lacklustre text, which included regressive language on ‘the family.’

Precisely when addressing women’s human rights is of urgent importance, the CSW has been rendered a depoliticized and weakened space. Using it to advance rights has become harder and harder since progressives’ energy is taken up trying to hold the ground against conservative backlash.

Human Rights Council (HRC)

As the intergovernmental body responsible for the promotion and protection of human rights around the globe, the HRC is a key entry point for conservative actors. In recent years, this mechanism has been the scene for a number of damaging anti-human rights moves.

In conversation with other anti-rights actors, one strategy of conservative states, and blocs of states, is to aggressively negotiate out positive language and to introduce hostile amendments to resolutions, most often resolutions focusing on rights related to gender and sexuality.

To take one example, during the June 2016 session of the HRC, opposition was mounted towards a resolution on discrimination against women by the member states of the Organization of Islamic Cooperation (OIC) and allies. During contentious negotiations, multiple provisions were removed, including women’s and girls’ right to have control over their sexuality, sexual and reproductive health, and reproductive rights; and the need to repeal laws which perpetuate the patriarchal oppression of women and girls in families, and those criminalizing adultery or pardoning marital rape.

The HRC has also been the site of pernicious conservative initiatives to co-opt human rights norms and enact conservative “human rights” language, such as that of the Russia-led “traditional values” resolutions, and more recently the “Protection of the Family” agenda.

Human Rights Committee

In 2015, moving their sights to another front, a number of religious right organizations began to target the Human Rights Committee, the treaty monitoring body for the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), a pivotal human rights instrument.

Anti-human rights groups mobilized in hopes of cementing their anti-abortion rhetoric into the treaty.

When the Committee announced it was drafting a new authoritative interpretation of the right to life, over 30 conservative non-state actors sent in written submissions, advocating their misleading discourse on ‘right to life’ - that life begins at conception and that abortion is a violation of the right - be incorporated in the Committee’s interpretation of article 6.

Conservative groups targeting the Human Rights Committee was a shift considering that historically anti-human rights actors have repeatedly attempted to undermine and invalidate the essential work of the treaty monitoring bodies, including the Human Rights Committee.

SDG negotiations and Agenda 2030

Anti-human rights actors were involved in lobbying towards the development of the new Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) in 2015, focusing again on rights relating to gender and sexuality. These efforts had limited traction in their attempts to embed regressive language in Agenda 2030.

However, after successfully pushing back against progressive language in the final text, conservative actors then pivoted to another strategy. In an attempt to evade state accountability and undermine the universality of rights, several states have repeatedly made reservations to the Goals.

On behalf of the African Group, Senegal claimed that African states would only “implement the goals in line with the cultural and religious values of its countries.”

The Holy See also made a number of reservations, stating it was “confident that the related pledge ‘no one will be left behind’ would be read” as meaning “the right to life of the person, from conception until natural death.”

Saudi Arabia went one step further, declaring that the country would not follow any international rules relating to the SDGs that reference sexual orientation or gender identity, describing them as running “counter to Islamic law.”

General Assembly (GA)

Anti-rights actors have made increasing headway at the UN General Assembly (GA).  Most recently, during the 71st session in 2016, the GA was the scene of feverish anti-rights organizing in opposition to the new mandate created by the Human Rights Council resolution on sexual orientation and gender identity in June 2016: the Independent Expert on SOGI. Four separate attempts were made to undercut the mandate in GA spaces.

One approach was to introduce a hostile resolution at the Third Committee[1], led by the African Group, which in essence aimed to indefinitely defer the new mandate. While this approach was not successful, such an attempt in the GA to retroactively block the creation of a mandate brought forward by the Human Rights Council represented a new and troubling tactic - anti-right actors are now working to directly undermine the HRC’s authority respective to the General Assembly.

Another approach targeted the Fifth Committee (responsible for administration and budgetary matters) as an entry point to attack the mandate. In an unprecedented move a number of States attempted (again, unsuccessfully) to block the funding of UN human rights experts, including the new IE on SOGI[2],.

While these multiple efforts were unsuccessful in blocking the creation and continuation of the new mandate, the significant support they received, the novel strategizing employed, and the strong alliances built along regional lines through negotiations point to difficulties ahead.


[1] The Third Committee of the GA deals with agenda items relating to a range of social, humanitarian affairs, and human rights issues.  Each year it discusses and issues resolutions on issues including the advancement of women, the protection of children, family, and youth.

[2] While UN Special Procedures experts (i.e. Special Rapporteurs, Working Group members and Independent Experts) work pro bono, some funds are generally allocated to facilitate country visits on the invitation of the national government, and support staff.

 


Other Chapters

Read the full report

Snippet 8 - What's happening at HRC61 Intro

Here are your report and infographics: Toward a feminist funding ecosystem

Confronting Extractivism & Corporate Power

Women human rights defenders (WHRDs) worldwide defend their lands, livelihoods and communities from extractive industries and corporate power. They stand against powerful economic and political interests driving land theft, displacement of communities, loss of livelihoods, and environmental degradation.


Why resist extractive industries?

Extractivism is an economic and political model of development that commodifies nature and prioritizes profit over human rights and the environment. Rooted in colonial history, it reinforces social and economic inequalities locally and globally. Often, Black, rural and Indigenous women are the most affected by extractivism, and are largely excluded from decision-making. Defying these patriarchal and neo-colonial forces, women rise in defense of rights, lands, people and nature.

Critical risks and gender-specific violence

WHRDs confronting extractive industries experience a range of risks, threats and violations, including criminalization, stigmatization, violence and intimidation.  Their stories reveal a strong aspect of gendered and sexualized violence. Perpetrators include state and local authorities, corporations, police, military, paramilitary and private security forces, and at times their own communities.

Acting together

AWID and the Women Human Rights Defenders International Coalition (WHRD-IC) are pleased to announce “Women Human Rights Defenders Confronting Extractivism and Corporate Power”; a cross-regional research project documenting the lived experiences of WHRDs from Asia, Africa and Latin America.

We encourage activists, members of social movements, organized civil society, donors and policy makers to read and use these products for advocacy, education and inspiration.

Share your experience and questions!

Tell us how you are using the resources on WHRDs Confronting extractivism and corporate power.

◾️ How can these resources support your activism and advocacy?

◾️ What additional information or knowledge do you need to make the best use of these resources?

Share your feedback


Thank you!

AWID acknowledges with gratitude the invaluable input of every Woman Human Rights Defender who participated in this project. This project was made possible thanks to your willingness to generously and openly share your experiences and learnings. Your courage, creativity and resilience is an inspiration for us all. Thank you!

Related Content

El cultivo de 'agroemprendedoras' en Ghana

El cultivo de 'agroemprendedoras' en Ghana

Nana Adjoa Sifa Amponsah, una joven de Ghana, sueña con «una sociedad en la que las jóvenes que se gradúan sientan orgullo de ser 'agroemprendedoras' a cargo de emprendimientos agrícolas y en la que haya una buena relación precio-calidad para los productos de la agricultura a pequeña escala».


Nana confía en que las agroemprendedoras lograrán influir sobre la economía de Ghana e impulsarla, «produciendo alimentos saludables y campesinas ricas».

«Creo firmemente que si hay un sector que puede ayudar a reducir cinco de los problemas más urgentes del mundo —desempleo, inseguridad alimentaria, pobreza, hambre y desnutrición— es la agricultura».

Emprendedora social certificada por el Institute of Social Entrepreneurs [Instituto de Emprendedores Sociales, ahora conocido como Kanthari], Nana tiene experiencia directa de campo en seguridad alimentaria, gestión estratégica y agricultura adquirida en África, Asia y Europa. Con los años, Nana se ha convertido en una experta en gestión de proyectos y ha generado muchos proyectos y programas que ayudan a generar cambios duraderos. También está capacitada en movilización de recursos y en planificación de eventos y proyectos.

En la actualidad, Nana es la Presidenta de Direct Impact Foundation [Fundación Impacto Directo], una organización con sede en Ghana que se propone cerrar la brecha educativa entre las zonas rurales y las urbanas. También es la creadora de Guzakuza, un emprendimiento social que combina la agricultura y el espíritu emprendedor para generar mentalidades agroemprendedoras. Guzakuza es una palabra suajili que significa «cultivar para cambiar vidas». Para Nana, se trata de un enfoque para hacer frente a los problemas más urgentes, al que por su sigla en inglés ella llama ‘la solución ACT’ (incidencia , cooperativas y capacitación).

«La pregunta más importante que hago todo el tiempo es ¿cuál sería el cambio más profundo? ¿Cómo vamos a alimentar a una población que se estima será de 9 mil millones en 2050 si somos todas abogadas, médicas e ingenieras?»

Nana está afiliada a AWID desde comienzos de 2014. Le gusta viajar, escribir y cocinar, y le apasionan la fotografía y la agricultura.

 


Escucha su “Dream Speech” [Discurso sobre mi sueño] (en inglés) en el que podrás encontrar más información sobre la ‘solución ACT’.

« Cultiver l’agro-entrepreneuriat » au Ghana

« Cultiver l’agro-entrepreneuriat » au Ghana

Nana Adjoa Sifa Amponsah, une jeune femme ghanéenne, rêve d'une « société dans laquelle les jeunes diplômées seraient fières d'être des agro-entrepreneuses – entrepreneuses du secteur agricole – et où la petite agriculture serait rémunérée à sa juste valeur ». Elle est convaincue de la capacité des agro-entrepreneuses à faire évoluer et à stimuler l'économie du Ghana, qui pourrait ainsi « produire une nourriture saine et un secteur agricole prospère ».


« Je suis convaincue du fait que l'agriculture est un secteur qui, à lui seul, peut apporter beaucoup à la résolution des problèmes mondiaux les plus pressants : le chômage, l'insécurité alimentaire, la pauvreté, la faim et la malnutrition. »

Titulaire d'un diplôme d'entrepreneuse sociale de l'Institute of Social Entrepreneurs (aujourd'hui appelé Kanthari), en Inde, Nana possède une expérience de terrain dans les domaines de la sécurité alimentaire, du management stratégique et de l'agriculture en Afrique, en Asie et en Europe. Aujourd'hui, Nana est une experte de la gestion de projet qui a lancé de nombreux projets et programmes visant à l’obtention de changements durables. Elle est également spécialisée dans les activités de levée de fonds et de planification d'évènements et de projets.

Actuellement, Nana est la présidente de la Direct Impact Foundation, une organisation implantée au Ghana qui vise à combler le fossé entre éducation urbaine et éducation rurale. Elle est également à l’initiative de la création de Guzakuza, une entreprise sociale qui a vocation à concilier agriculture et entrepreneuriat pour favoriser l'épanouissement d'une mentalité agro-entrepreneuriale. Guzakuza est un mot swahili que l’on pourrait traduire par « des pépinières qui changent la vie ». Nana y voit une approche susceptible de résoudre les problèmes les plus pressants, approche qu’elle désigne aussi par l’expression « solution PDF » (Plaidoyer, Coopératives et Formation).

« Je reviens toujours à la même question : quel est véritablement le grand changement que nous devons espérer ? Comment allons-nous nourrir une population qui atteindra les 9 milliards de personnes en 2050 si nous sommes tous et toutes des avocat-e-s, des médecins et des ingénieur-e-s ? »

Nana est membre de l'AWID depuis début 2014. Elle adore voyager, écrire et cuisiner. Ses deux grandes passions sont la photographie et l'agriculture.


Écoutez Nana vous présenter ses rêves.

Vous en apprendrez plus sur la « solution PDF » (en anglais).

Growing ‘Agripreneurs’ in Ghana

Growing ‘Agripreneurs’ in Ghana

Nana Adjoa Sifa Amponsah, a young woman from Ghana, dreams of “a society where young women graduates are proud to be ‘agripreneurs’, agricultural entrepreneurs, and where the smallholder farmer gets value for money”.


She is confident that women agripreneurs will influence and drive Ghana's economy, “grow healthy food and wealthy farmers”.

“I strongly believe that agriculture is one single sector that can help reduce five of the world's most pressing problems which are unemployment, food insecurity, poverty, hunger and malnutrition.”

A certified social entrepreneur from the India-based Institute of Social Entrepreneurs (now called Kanthari), Nana has direct field experience in food security, strategic management and agriculture in Africa, Asia and Europe. Over the years, Nana has become a project management expert and has initiated numerous projects and programs that help create lasting change. Nana is also skilled in fundraising and events and projects planning.

Currently, Nana is the President of Direct Impact Foundation in Ghana, an organization aiming to bridge the gap between rural and urban education. She is also an initiator of Guzakuza, a social enterprise committed to combining agriculture and entrepreneurship to create agrpreneurial mindsets. Guzakuza is a Swahili word meaning ‘grow to touch lives’. She sees it as an approach to tackle the most pressing problems, calling it ‘solution ACT’ which stands for Advocacy, Cooperatives, and Training.

“The big question I keep asking is what would be the greatest change? How do we feed the population on track to 9 billion in 2050 if we are all lawyers, doctors and engineers?”

Nana has been a member of AWID since early 2014. She loves to travel, write and cook and is passionate about photography and farming.

 


Listen to her “Dream Speech” where you can also find out more about ‘solution ACT’.

Blossoming in the Democratic Republic of Congo

Blossoming in the Democratic Republic of Congo

“Our voice” to advance the social, cultural and economic well-being of women and girls

Founded in 2008, La Floraison’s mission is to mobilize, convene and support young women human rights activists in Fizi territory[1], a rural area in the South Kivu province of the Democratic Republic of Congo, to advance their social, cultural and economic wellbeing. Its mission is part of a broader vision for the emergence of a new group of young women concerned about their development and resolutely committed to becoming agents of sociocultural and economic progress within their environment. This brought about the slogan “Young women serving the community” which has been part of the association since its launch.

“I sacrificed all of my time to serve the most vulnerable, especially women victims of sexual violence,” Magdeleine Rusia Abwe, psychosocial assistant of one of the Floraison projects. 

La Floraison 2
© La Floraison

The organization uses an approach they call ‘Our Voice’ which ranges from awareness-building and information-sharing via a theatrical troupe, a newspaper and community radio, to advocacy, and mobilizing resources for women’s groups. ‘Our Voice’ is proof of our support and engagement toward a world without violence,” says Loy Honore, founder of La Floraison. 

A counseling center for survivors of sexual and gender-based violence 

For three years, La Floraison has supported the psychosocial care and socioeconomic reintegration of women and girls who are survivors of sexual and gender-based violence within the Nemba, Katenga and Rubana health centers in Fizi territory. Through the counselling center the project seeks to inform communities about sexual violence against women and girls, available services, and women’s rights and their legal implementation, as well as provide victims with counseling, referral to medical and legal support services and ensure their economic reintegration through Village Saving and Lending Associations (VSLA), while strengthening community activism against gender-based violence.

In addition to documenting, counselling, supporting, and providing referrals to survivors of sexual and gender-based violence, La Floraison mediates between survivors who have been shunned and their families. To compliment, the project includes community outreach on sexual and gender-based violence, creating and strengthening Committees for Surveillance and Alert, social and community conflict resolution, and women’s rights advocacy.


“Through the group, I found something worth more than money: solidarity!”

A 17 year old Burundian survivor of violence, and beneficiary of La Floraison support, tells her story:

La Floraison 4
© La Floraison

“At 15, I gave birth to my first child with an old loyal client who offered a cow to my mother. The brutality of that old drunkard – beatings, death threats – wouldn’t allow for a moment’s peace at home. I came home but my mother wasn’t pleased with my behaviour. In October 2013, an old Congolese man, older than 49, presented the need to bring me to the DRC with him, my mother gave him her permission for marriage without asking me and the suiter gave 3 goats and 2 pairs of loincloths[2] as my dowry.

When we arrived in the DRC, I found out that he had 3 wives and that I had become the fourth; he had children older than me. After a month, the three first wives didn’t want me on the plot of land. The husband abandoned me without any support. I went to see the village chief but there was a language barrier. Without any ration or means of survival, I started to cultivate for people so that I could eat. When my husband learned that I was working for someone, he would come and threaten them by saying that I was his wife and that no one could use me without his consent. I did not understand anything because everything was happening in a language I don’t understand. Many people were scared to give me work. One day, three men came to my unprotected home around midnight. They raped me one by one. One of them heard my screams in Kirundi – who was also Burundian – and asked his friends to let me live. He advised me to leave because my husband was planning to kill me. In the morning, the neighbours came to my rescue.         

I didn’t tell anyone what happened to me that night – the rape – because according to our customs, if others find out that you have been raped, no one can marry you any longer. In light of these threats, the village chief brought me to his home and the police came to investigate. It was not easy to help me because I was in the DRC illegally, but they began to look for my husband. My life became very difficult because I had already sold all of the goods I had for survival, and those of my child. I asked the village chief to send me to Burundi. That cost more than $30, it was not easy.

La Floraison 3
© La Floraison

One day, a women working at the health centre came to look for me and asked me to come to the health centre for a private meeting. I was scared, but when I arrived at the location, she welcomed me very kindly, she reassured me, but I was so emotional and the meeting couldn’t take place because of all my crying. She gave me a new meeting, and this time, I told her everything that happened beginning from Burundi. The nurse also saw me and I went to Sebele[3] for care. She helped me a lot, with counselling and visits, even though I don’t speak fluent Swahili. I would go and see her at the health center and one day she came with me to the police station to follow-up on the progress of my case and asked the police officer to facilitate my repatriation to Burundi.

She also recommended that I join a savings and credit group founded in the village so that I could receive a loan to conduct small business transactions. Through the group, I found something worth more than money: solidarity! I didn’t know that I could find such generous people by my side, especially during such hardship. I received a small loan of 16,000FC, which allows me to sell fry (12,000FC) and corn flour (4,000FC). I can’t starve to death anymore.     

Mentally, I feel good, but I still need to return to my country to live with my mother.”

 


 

[1] Fizi territory includes four rural communities, 27 groups, 142 towns and 1,634 villages. The infrastructure is in poor condition, particularly for education, health, employment, transportation and recreation. The area lacks electricity and few households have access to potable water and proper sanitation.

[2] Clothing.

[3] Town in Fizi territory

Source
La Floraison

Flores en la República Democrática del Congo

Flores en la República Democrática del Congo

"Nuestra voz” para promover el bienestar social, cultural y económico de las mujeres y las niñas

La Floraison fue fundada en 2008 y su misión es movilizar, reunir y brindar apoyo a mujeres jóvenes activistas por los derechos humanos en el territorio de Fizi[1] –un área rural de la provincia de Kivu del Sur en la República Democrática del Congo– con el propósito de fomentar el bienestar social, cultural y económico de estas jóvenes. Su misión forma parte una visión más amplia para el surgimiento de un nuevo grupo de jóvenes preocupadas por su desarrollo y firmemente decididas a convertirse en agentes de progreso sociocultural y económico en su entorno. Así surgió el eslogan “Mujeres jóvenes al servicio de la comunidad”, que ha sido parte de la asociación desde su lanzamiento. 

“Sacrifiqué todo mi tiempo para servir a las personas más vulnerables, en especial a las mujeres víctimas de violencia sexual”, Magdeleine Rusia Abwe, asistente psicosocial de uno de los proyectos de La Floraison. 

La Floraison 2
© La Floraison

La organización trabaja desde un enfoque al que denomina “Nuestra voz” y que incluye la concienciación y la información a través de una radio, un grupo de teatro y un periódico comunitarios, así como la incidencia y la movilización de recursos para los grupos de mujeres. ‘Nuestra voz’ es prueba de nuestro apoyo y compromiso con la construcción de un mundo sin violencia”, afirma Loy Honore, fundadora de La Floraison.

Un centro de atención para sobrevivientes de violencia sexual y de género 

Desde hace tres años, La Floraison apoya la atención psicosocial y la reintegración socioeconómica de las mujeres y las niñas sobrevivientes de violencia sexual y de género en centros de salud de Nemba, Katenga y Rubana, en el territorio de Fizi. A través de los centros de atención, el proyecto busca informar a las comunidades sobre la violencia sexual contra las mujeres y las niñas, los servicios disponibles y los derechos de las mujeres y su implementación legal. La iniciativa se propone también asesorar a las víctimas, derivarlas a servicios médicos y de apoyo legal y asegurar su reintegración económica a través de las Asociaciones Aldeanas de Ahorro y Préstamo, a la vez que fortalece el activismo comunitario contra la violencia de género. 

Además de documentar, asesorar, apoyar y derivar a las sobrevivientes de violencia sexual y de género, La Floraison media entre las sobrevivientes que han sido rechazadas y sus familias. Como complemento, el proyecto incluye la divulgación entre la comunidad sobre la violencia sexual y de género a través de la creación de comités de vigilancia y alerta, la resolución de conflictos sociales y comunitarios y la promoción y defensa de los derechos de las mujeres.  


“A través del grupo encontré algo más valioso que el dinero: ¡la solidaridad!”

Una joven burundiana de 17 años sobreviviente de violencias y beneficiaria del apoyo de La Floraison, cuenta su historia:

La Floraison 4
© La Floraison

“A los 15 años di a luz a mi primer hijo con un viejo buen cliente que le ofreció una vaca a mi madre. La brutalidad de ese viejo borracho –me propinaba golpizas y amenazas de muerte– no daban un momento de paz en el hogar. Volví a la casa de mi madre, pero ella no aprobó mi comportamiento. En octubre de 2013, un congoleño mucho mayor que yo, de más de 49 años, planteó la necesidad de llevarme con él a la República Democrática del Congo. Mi madre dio su permiso para el matrimonio sin consultarme y el pretendiente entregó 3 cabras y 2 pares de taparrabos[2] como dote.

Cuando llegamos a la RDC, descubrí que él tenía tres esposas y que yo me había converitdo en la cuarta; él tenía hijos mayores que yo. Al cabo de un mes las tres primeras esposas no me querían en la parcela de tierra. El esposo me abandonó sin ningún apoyo. Fui a ver al jefe de la aldea pero estaba la barrera del idioma. Sin comida ni medios de superviviencia, empecé a cultivar para otras personas para poder comer. Cuando mi esposo se enteraba de que yo estaba trabajando para alguien, venía y los amenazaba diciendo que yo era su esposa y que nadie podía usarme sin su consentimiento. Yo no entendía nada porque todo sucedía en un idioma que no comprendo. Muchas personas tenían miedo de darme trabajo. Un día, tres hombres llegaron a mi hogar desprotegido alrededor de la medianoche. Me violaron uno a uno. Uno de ellos oyó mis gritos en kirundi –él también era de Burundi– y le pidió a sus amigos que me dejaran vivir. Me aconsejó que huyera porque mi esposo planeaba matarme. Por la mañana, los vecinos vinieron a rescatarme.

No Ie dije a nadie lo que me había sucedido esa noche –la violación– porque de acuerdo con nuestras costumbres, si los demás saben que has sido violada, ya nadie querrá casarse contigo. A la luz de estas amenazas, el jefe de la aldea me llevó a su casa y la policía empezó a investigar. No era fácil ayudarme porque estaba en la RDC ilegalmente, pero empezaron a buscar a mi esposo. Mi vida se volvió muy difícil porque para sobrevivir había vendido todo lo que tenía, y también las cosas de mi hijo. Le pedí al jefe de la aldea que me enviara a Burundi. Eso costaba más de $30, y no era fácil.

La Floraison 3
© La Floraison

Un día, una mujer que trabajaba en el centro de salud vino a verme y me dijo que fuera al centro de salud para una cita privada. Yo tenía miedo, pero cuando llegué al lugar, ella me recibió con mucha amabilidad, me reconfortó, pero yo estaba muy conmovida y la reunión no pudo tener lugar a causa de mi llanto. Me dio una nueva cita, y esa vez le conté todo lo sucedido desde el principio en Burundi. También me vio la enfermera y fui a Sebele[3] para que me atendieran. Ella me ayudó mucho, con asesoramiento y visitas, aunque yo no hablaba swahili fluidamente. Yo iba a verla al centro de salud y un día fue conmigo a la estación de policía para ver cómo iba mi caso y le pidió al funcionario policial que facilitara mi repatriación a Burundi.

Ella también me recomendó que me uniera a un grupo de ahorro y crédito fundado en la aldea ya que así podría recibir un préstamo y hacer pequeñas transacciones comerciales. A través del grupo encontré algo más valioso que el dinero: ¡la solidaridad! No sabía que podría encontrar personas tan generosas a mi lado, en especial durante momentos tan duros. Recibí un pequeño préstamo de 16.000FC, que me permite vender pescado (12.000FC) y harina de maíz (4.000FC). Ya no moriré de hambre.

Mentalmente me siento bien, pero todavía necesito regresar a mi país a vivir con mi madre”.

 


 

[1] El territorio de Fizi incluye cuatro comunidades rurales, 27 grupos, 142 pueblos y 1634 aldeas. La infraestructura es insuficiente, en especial para la educación, la salud, el empleo, el transporte y la recreación. El área carece de electricidad y pocos hogares tienen acceso a agua potable y a saneamiento adecuado.

[2] Vestimenta.

[3] Poblado en el territorio de Fizi

Source
La Floraison

La Floraison en République démocratique du Congo

La Floraison en République démocratique du Congo

« Notre voix » pour améliorer le bien-être social, culturel et économique des femmes et des filles

Créée en 2008, La Floraison se donne pour mission de mobiliser, consolider et appuyer les énergies de jeunes femmes activistes des droits humains dans le territoire de Fizi[1], zone rurale de la province du Sud-Kivu en République démocratique du Congo, afin d’améliorer leur bien-être social, culturel et économique. Sa mission s’inscrit dans le cadre d’une vision plus globale de l’éclosion d’une nouvelle catégorie de jeunes femmes soucieuses de leur développement et résolument engagées à être des actrices de progrès socioculturel et économique dans leur environnement. C’est ainsi qu’est né le slogan « Jeunes femmes au service de la communauté », porté par l’association depuis sa création

« Je me suis sacrifiée à passer tout mon temps au service des vulnérables et surtout des femmes victimes de violences sexuelles», Magdeleine Rusia Abwe, assistante psychosociale dans le cadre d’un des projets de La Floraison.

La Floraison 2
© La Floraison

L’organisation utilise une approche qu’elle intitule « Notre voix », qui va de la sensibilisation et l’information via une troupe théâtrale, un journal écrit et des radios communautaires, au plaidoyer et à la mobilisation des ressources de groupements féminins. « « Notre voix » est la preuve de notre souci et de notre engagement vers un monde sans violence », dit Loy Honore, Fondatrice de La Floraison.

Une maison d’écoute pour les survivantes de violences sexuelles et basées sur le genre  

Depuis trois ans, La Floraison appuie la prise en charge psychosociale et la réinsertion socioéconomiques des femmes et des filles qui ont survécu aux violences sexuelles et basées sur le genre, dans les aires de santé de Nemba, Katenga et Rubana, en territoire de Fizi. Dans le cadre d’une maison d’écoute, ce projet cherche à informer les communautés sur les violences sexuelles faites aux femmes et aux filles, les services disponibles, les droits des femmes et leur cadre légal d’exécution, ainsi qu’à fournir aux victimes un accompagnement, une orientation vers des services de soutien médical et juridique et assurer leur réinsertion économique à travers des Associations Villageoises d’Epargne et de Crédit (AVEC), tout en renforçant l’activisme communautaire contre les violences basées sur le genre. 

En plus des activités d’identification, d’écoute, de soutien et d’orientation des survivantes de violences sexuelles et basées sur le genre, La Floraison assure une médiation entre les survivantes qui ont été rejetées et leurs familles. De façon complémentaire, le projet comprend des activités de sensibilisation communautaire sur les violences sexuelles et basées sur le genre, la création et le renforcement de Comités d’Alerte et de Surveillance, la résolution de conflits sociaux et communautaires et la consolidation d’un plaidoyer en faveur des droits des femmes.


« Au sein du groupe, j’ai trouvé quelque chose qui dépasse même l’argent : la solidarité ! »

Une survivante burundaise de la violence, âgée de 17 ans et bénéficiaire de l’assistance proposée par La Floraison, raconte son histoire :

La Floraison 4
© La Floraison

« A 15 ans, j’ai mis au monde mon premier enfant avec un vieux et fidèle client qui a proposé une vache à ma mère. Le comportement brutal de ce vieux soulard – coups, menaces de mort –  n’a pas permis une entente dans le foyer. Je suis rentrée à la maison mais ma mère n’a pas été satisfaite de ma réaction. En octobre 2013, un vieil homme congolais âgé de plus de 49 ans a voulu m’amener avec lui en RDC, ma mère a donné son accord pour me marier sans me demander mon avis et le prétendant lui a remis 3 chèvres et deux paires de pagnes[2] pour ma dot.

Quand nous sommes arrivés en RDC, j’ai trouvé qu’il avait 3 femmes et que j’étais devenue la quatrième ; il avait des enfants plus âgés que moi.  Après un mois, les trois premières femmes n’ont pas accepté que je reste dans la parcelle agricole. Le mari m’a abandonnée sans aucun soutien. Je suis allée voir le chef de village mais la communication a posé problème en raison de la différence de langue. Sans ration ni moyen de survie, j’ai commencé à cultiver pour les gens pour que je puisse manger. Quand mon mari apprenait que je travaillais pour quelqu’un, il venait le menacer en disant que j’étais son épouse et que personne ne pouvait m’utiliser sans son consentement. Je ne comprenais rien car tout se passait dans une langue que je ne comprends pas. Plusieurs personnes avaient peur de me faire travailler. Un jour,  trois hommes se sont introduits dans ma maison non protégée vers minuit. Ils m’ont violée à tour de rôle. L’un d’eux a entendu mes cris en Kirundi – il était aussi burundais – et a demandé à ses amis de me laisser en vie. Il m’a conseillée de partir car mon mari avait l’intention de me tuer. Le matin, les voisins sont venus à mon secours.

Je n’ai dit à personne ce qui m’est arrivée cette nuit – le viol – car selon nos coutumes, si l’entourage apprend que vous avez subi le viol, personne ne peut plus se marier avec vous. Au vu de ces menaces, le chef de village m’a installée chez lui et la police est venue faire des investigations. Ça n’a pas été facile de m’assister car j’étais installée illégalement en RDC, mais ils ont commencé à chercher mon mari.  Ma vie était devenue très difficile car j’avais déjà vendu tous les biens que j’avais pour ma survie et celle de mon enfant. J’ai demandé au chef de village de me faire partir au Burundi, il fallait plus de 30$, ce n’était pas facile.

La Floraison 3
© La Floraison

Un jour, une femme travaillant au centre de santé est venue me chercher et m’a demandé de venir au centre de santé pour un entretien en privé. J’avais peur, mais lorsque je suis arrivée sur le lieu, elle m’a très bien accueillie, elle m’a rassurée, mais l’émotion était si grande que les pleurs n’ont pas permis un entretien libre. Elle m’a donnée un nouveau rendez-vous et cette fois-là, je lui ai révélé tout ce qui m’est arrivée à partir du Burundi. L’infirmier m’a aussi reçu et je suis allée à Sebele[3] pour les soins. Elle m’a beaucoup aidée par des conseils et des visites, même si je ne parle pas convenablement le Swahili. Je passais la voir au centre de santé et un jour elle m’a accompagnée au poste de la police pour suivre le déroulement de mon dossier et a demandé à la police de faciliter mon rapatriement vers le Burundi.

Elle m’a aussi conseillée de rejoindre un groupe d’épargne et crédit créé dans le village pour que je puisse bénéficier du crédit pour me permettre de mener des petites activités commerciales.  Au sein du groupe, j’ai trouvé quelque chose qui dépasse même l’argent : la solidarité ! Je ne savais pas que je pouvais trouver des personnes généreuses à mes côtés surtout pendant ces moments de dures épreuves. J’ai eu un petit crédit de 16000FC qui me permet de commercialiser les fretins (12000FC) et la farine de maïs (4000FC). Je ne peux plus mourir de faim.

Mentalement je me sens bien, mais j’ai encore besoin de regagner mon pays pour vivre avec ma mère. »

 


 

[1] Le territoire de Fizi comprend quatre collectivités rurales, 27 groupements, 142 localités et 1.634 villages. Ses structures de base sont en mauvais état, notamment pour l’éducation, la santé, l’emploi, les transports et les loisirs. La région n’est pas électrifiée et peu de ménages disposent d’un accès à l’eau potable et aux infrastructures hygiéniques appropriées.

[2] Vêtements.

[3] Localité du territoire de Fizi.

Source
La Floraison

Kunyit Asam: The Roots of Love and Resilience

By Prinka Saraswati, Gianyar, Bali

The menstrual cycle usually lasts between 27 and 30 days. During this time, the period itself would only go on for five to seven days. During the period, fatigue, mood swings, and cramps are the result of inflammation.

In traditional Javanese culture, this is the moment for women to rest and take care of themselves. During this moment, a woman would take Kunyit Asam, a jamu or herbal drink to soothe the inflammation. This elixir consists of turmeric and tamarind boiled together in a pot.

I still remember my first period - it was one day before graduation day in elementary school. I remember pedaling my bike feeling something warm running between my thighs. When I arrived home I did all I could to clean myself and then put on a menstrual pad. My mother came home from work about four hours later. I told her what had happened. She looked me in the eye and asked how I felt. I told her that it was painful, that my body was swollen in every place. Then she asked me to go with her to the backyard. I followed her to our little jungle, my mother sat down on the soil and smiled.

“See this slender leaf? This is the leaf of Kunyit, *empon-empon that leaves the yellow stain on your fingers. What’s most important is not the leaf, but the roots. You dig the soil and slowly grab the roots.”, my mother showed me how to pick Kunyit or Turmeric roots. Then we went to the kitchen where she boiled water along with some tamarind. While waiting for it to boil, she showed me how to wash and grate the orangey-yellow root. Then, we put the grated turmeric into the boiling tamarind water. “Tomorrow, you can make it for yourself. This will help you to feel better!”.

I remember the first time I tasted it - a slightly bitter taste but also sour. My mother always served it warm. She would also put some in a big bottle which I would place on my stomach or lower back for further relief. For days after, my mother’s hands and mine were yellow. My friends could always tell every time I got period because my hands would be yellow.

A year after my first period, I found out that you could get the bottled version in convenience stores. Still, I made my own Kunyit Asam every time I had my period because the one in the convenience stores was cold. It did not smell of wet soil and warm kitchen.

Fast forward, I am a 26 year old woman who casually makes this drink for friends when they have their periods. I’ve made some for my housemates and I’ve delivered some for friends who live in different towns. I do not grow turmeric roots in my garden, but I have grown and shared the love from my mom. What was once from garden to cup is now from *pasar to cup.

A couple of days ago, I asked my mother who taught her how to make the jamu.

“Who else? Yang Ti*! Your grandmother was not just a teacher”, said my mom. I was never close to my grandmother. She passed away when I was eight. All I knew from my mom was that she was a math teacher who had to teach courses after work. I had this image of my grandmother as a hard worker who was kind of distant with her children. My mom did not disagree with that but explained it came from her survival instinct as a mother. “She tried to make time. She tried. She taught me how to make jamu so I could take care of myself and my sisters”.

My mother is the second child out of seven, six of whom are girls. The reason my grandmother taught her is so that all of her children could take care of each other. While my mother was taught how to make the drink, my mother’s older sister was taught how to plant turmeric. Yang Ti knew which one loved the smell of soil more and which one loved the smell of the kitchen. My mother was the latter. She learned how to plant from my aunt, her older sister.

My grandfather worked in a bank but he got laid off when he was in his 40s. So, my grandmother had to do a side-hustle to support their children. My mother was in high school at that time when Yang Ti woke her and her older sister up at dawn. “Would you help me to pick some roots?”. Of course nobody said no. Especially if it was your mother, especially if you were born in Javanese culture where saying “no” sounded like a bad word. Together, the three of them went to the backyard, and they harvested empon - empon, rhizome, that was buried inside the soil. She grew many kinds of rhizome; temu lawak, temu putih, ginger, galangal, kunci, kencur, and kunyit. That was the day where my mother realized that her mother was never far away from her.

That was the day where she could spend more time with her mother. There, in the garden. There, in the kitchen.

“We’re sending these for Ibu Darti, the lady who lives across the river. Kunyit Asam for her and her daughters.”, said my grandmother to my mother and my aunt that day. They poured the Turmeric-Tamarind warm drink into a tall thermos and later my grandmother would deliver it on the way to school.

Over time, my grandmother got more orders for jamu. Everybody in the family helped her to make and deliver her jamu. The small business lasted only a few years, but that was what paid for my mother and her siblings’ education.

Today, my mother, who got laid off just a few days before I wrote this piece, harvested Turmeric and other roots. She’s making her Turmeric Tamarind drink from her kitchen.

My phone rang in the middle of this afternoon, a couple minutes after I boiled the rest of my grated turmeric. Today is one day after my period.

“Ingka, have you washed your pot after boiling those turmeric? It would forever be yellow if you don’t wash it right away!”


  • *empon-empon = roots like ginger, turmeric, etc. coming from the Javanese word “Empu” which means, something or someone that has deep knowledge.

  • *jamu = Indonesia’s traditional elixir made of roots, barks, flowers, seeds, leaves, and fruits.

  • *Yang Ti = Javanese term for grandmother, taken from the term “Eyang Putri” the female you look up to.

  • *pasar = the word for traditional market in Indonesian.

 


“Feminist Movement”

by Karina Tungari, Hamburg, Germany  (@_katung_)

The more women support other women, the quicker we’ll see progress. Together we are stronger and make even more impact.

Karina Tungari, Hamburg, Germany  (@_katung_)


 

Tenderness is the Sharpest Resistance

A Film Series on Asian/Pacific Feminist Realities 

Curated by Jess X. Snow With assistance from Kamee Abrahamian and Zoraida Ingles 

Across Asia and the Pacific, and all of it’s vast diaspora, fierce women and trans folks have been fighting for a future where they can all be free. As rising sea levels threaten the Pacific islands, and the coasts of continental Asia, the fight to protect other Earth and the Ocean intensifies all over the globe. Our planet stores a geologic memory of everything that it has experienced. The rise of colonization, industrialization, and environmental destruction is connected to the rise of the binary patriarchal nation state. The power within the Earth, to reincarnate, heal, and bloom in the face of violence, must then be connected to the woman, to motherhood, to indigeneity and all forces that are expansive, sacred and queer. It is no coincidence that Feminist Realities unite the fight to protect the rights of women, trans and LGBTQ+ people with the fight to protect the Earth. From mother-daughter protectors of Mauna Kea in the Kingdom of Hawaii, to the complex mother-child relationships of Vietnamese refugees, to queer sexual awakenings in conservative India, the reclaimation of home in Inner Mongolia, to the struggle toward LGBTQ liberation in the Phillipines -- this collection of films is a cosmology of the ways current-day Asian Pacific women and queer and trans folks champion the journey to our collective liberation across oceans and borders. 

All of these films have a strong sense of place: indigenous activists protect their sacred lands, youth peel back colonial narratives of their homeland to uncover hidden truths, complex motherhood and relations of care are explored, and characters turn to their own bodies and sexuality as sanctuary when the family and city that surrounds them threaten their safety. 


AFTEREARTH

By Jess X. Snow

“A haunting film with stunning shots invoking feminist environmental resistance and how deeply rooted this is in connection to cultural history and land…”
    - Jessica Horn, PanAfrican feminst strategist, writer and co-creator of the temple of her skin

In the experimental documentary, Afterearth, four women fight to preserve the volcano, ocean, land and air for future generations. Through music, poetry, and heartfelt testimonial that honors locations touched by the Pacific Ocean–Hawaiʻi, the Philippines, China, and North America, Afterearth is a poetic meditation on four women’s intergenerational and feminist relationship to the lands and plants they come from.


STANDING ABOVE THE CLOUDS

By Jalena Keane Lee

In Standing Above the Clouds, Native Hawaiian mother-daughter activists stand together to protect their sacred mountain, Mauna Kea from being used as a site to build one of the world’s largest telescopes. As protectors of Mauna Kea, this film highlights the interconnected relationship between Aloha ʻĀina (love of the land) and love for one’s elders and the future generations to come.


NƯỚC (WATER/HOMELAND)

By Quyên Nguyen-Le

In the experimental narrative short, Nước (Water/Homeland) a Vietnamese-American genderqueer teen challenges dominant narratives of the Vietnam War in Los Angeles, California. Through striking dream sequences and breaks from reality, this film follows their journey to piece together and understand their mother's experience as a Vietnam War refugee. 


KAMA’ĀINA

By Kimi Lee

In Kama’āina, a queer sixteen-year-old girl must navigate life on the streets in Oahu, until she eventually finds refuge by  way of guidance from an auntie at Pu’uhonua o Wai’anae–Hawaiʻi’s largest organized homeless encampment. 


DEVI

By Karishma Dev Dube

In Devi (goddess in Hindi) a young closeted lesbian, Tara risks both family and tradition to embrace her attraction to her family’s maid. Set in New Delhi, Devi is a coming of age story, as it is a commentary on the social and class lines that divide women in contemporary India today.


HEADING SOUTH

By Yuan Yuan

In Heading South, Chasuna, an 8 year old girl, raised by her mother in the Inner Mongolian Plateau, visits her abusive father in the big city. While at her father’s house, she is introduced to a new addition to the family, and must come to terms with the fact that her true home is inseparable from her mother and land.


Outrun

By Johnny Symons & S. Leo Chiang

In the feature film, Outrun, we follow the journey of the first transgender woman in the Philippine Congress. Facing oppression in a predominantly Catholic nation, her triumphant journey becomes an outcry for the rights of LGBTQ+ people globally. 


Spanning documentary, narrative, and experimental forms, these films illustrate that community care, self-love, and deep transformative listening between our loved ones is a portal to the Feminist Realities we are bringing into existence today.  From all across the Asia Pacific and it’s diaspora, these stories teach us that in the face of violence, tenderness is the sharpest force of resistance.

Watch our conversation with the filmmakers


Jess X Snow:

Jess X. Snow is a film director, artist, pushcart-nominated poet, children’s book author and community arts educator who creates queer asian immigrant stories that transcend borders, binaries and time. 

Follow us on Social Media to receive news about upcoming events and screenings:

Facebook: @AWIDWomensRights
Instagram: @awidwomensrights
Twitter ENG: @awid
Twitter ES: @awid_es
Twitter FR: @awid_fr
LinkedIn: Association for Women's Rights in Development (AWID)