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Analyses Spéciales

L´AWID est une organisation féministe mondiale qui consacre ses efforts à la justice de genre, au développement durable et aux droits humains des femmes

La mémoire comme forme de résistance : un hommage

L’hommage se présente sous forme d’une exposition de portraits d’activistes du monde entier qui ne sont plus parmi nous qui ont lutté pour les droits des femmes et la justice sociale. 


En 2020, nous adoptons une démarche légèrement différente 

Cette année, tout en continuant à convoquer la mémoire de celleux qui ne sont plus parmi nous, nous souhaitons célébrer leur héritage et souligner les manières par lesquelles leur travail continue à avoir un impact sur nos réalités vécues aujourd’hui.

49 nouveaux portraits de féministes et de défenseur·e·s viennent compléter la gallerie. Bien que de nombreuses des personnes que nous honorons dans cet hommage sont décédé·e·s du fait de leur âge ou de la maladie, beaucoup trop d’entre iels ont été tué·e·s à cause de leur travail et de qui iels étaient.

Les histoires des activistes à l'honneur dans cet Hommage font vivre leur héritage et continuent d'inspirer le travail et l’action de nos mouvements.

Visiter notre exposition virtuelle

Les portraits de l'édition 2020 ont été illustrés par Louisa Bertman, artiste et animatrice qui a reçu plusieurs prix.

L’AWID tient à remercier nos membres, les familles, les organisations et les partenaires qui ont contribué à cette commémoration. Nous nous engageons auprès d’elleux à poursuivre le travail remarquable de ces féministes et défenseur·e·s et nous ne ménagerons aucun effort pour que justice soit faite dans les cas qui demeurent impunis.

« Ils ont essayé de nous enterrer. Ils ne savaient pas que nous étions des graines » - Proverbe mexicain

L'Hommage a été inauguré en 2012

Le premier hommage aux défenseur-e-s des droits humains a pris la forme d’une exposition de portraits et de biographies de féministes et d’activistes disparu·e·s lors du 12e Forum international de l’AWID en Turquie. Il se présente maintenant comme une gallerie en ligne, mise à jour chaque année.

Depuis, 467 féministes et défenseur-e-s des droits humains ont été mis·es à l'honneur.

Visiter notre exposition virtuelle

Contenu lié

Por que devo considerar responder ao inquérito?

Existem várias razões pelas quais a sua resposta ao inquérito WITM é importante. Por exemplo, tem a oportunidade de partilhar a sua experiência vivida com a mobilização de financiamento para apoiar a sua organização; de reivindicar o seu poder como especialista sobre como o dinheiro circula e os bolsos em que entra; e de contribuir para a defesa coletiva e consistente junto de financiadores para mover mais recursos de maior qualidade. Ao longo das últimas duas décadas, o inquérito WITM da AWID tem-se revelado um recurso fundamental para ativistas e financiadores. Convidamo-lo a juntar-se a nós na sua terceira edição para destacar o estado efetivo do financiamento, desafiar soluções falsas e apontar a forma como o financiamento precisa de mudar para que os movimentos prosperem e enfrentem os desafios complexos do nosso tempo.

Paula Andrea Rosero Ordóñez

“[She] was a person who was characterized by her hard work in favor of the defense of human rights and the construction of peace in Nariño, especially in the municipality of Samaniego-Nariño.”
- Jorge Luis Congacha Yunda for Página10

Paula Andrea Rosero Ordóñez was a trial lawyer in the office of the Public Ministry in Samaniego, Nariño, the main agency defending citizens’ rights in Colombia.

She focused on civil and political rights, issues of impunity and justice, and contributed to uncovering the abuse of power, including corruption. She also participated in peacebuilding projects in her hometown Samaniego, such as the Municipal Peace Council and the Municipal Women’s Board. 

Paula received death threats after exposing the irregular handling of resources and complaining about acts of corruption at the Lorencita Villegas Hospital in the Nariñense municipality. She was murdered on 20 May 2019, when two men approached and shot her at close range. 

Key opposition discourses

Ultra conservative actors have developed a number of discourses at the international human rights level that call on arguments manipulating religion, culture, tradition, and national sovereignty in order to undermine rights related to gender and sexuality.

Anti-rights actors have increasingly moved away from explicitly religious language. Increasingly, we see regressive actors - who may previously have derided human rights concepts - instead manipulating and co-opting these very concepts to further their objectives.


Protection of the family

This emerging and successful discourse appears innocuous, but it functions as a useful umbrella theme to house multiple patriarchal and anti-rights positions. The ‘protection of the family’ theme is thus a key example of regressive actors’ move towards holistic and integrated advocacy.

The language of ‘protection of the family’ works to shift the subject of human rights from the individual and onto already powerful institutions.

It also affirms a unitary, hierarchical, and patriarchal conception of the family that discriminates against family forms outside of these rigid boundaries. It also attempts to change the focus from recognition and protection of the rights of vulnerable family members to non-discrimination, autonomy, and freedom from violence in the context of family relations.

The Right to Life

The Holy See and a number of Christian Right groups seek to appropriate the right to life in service of an anti-abortion mission.  Infusing human rights language with conservative religious doctrine, they argue that the right to life, as set out in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, applies at the moment of conception.

The discourse has no support in any universal human rights instrument. Yet this is an appealing tactic for anti-rights actors, because the right to life cannot be violated under any circumstances and is a binding legal standard.

Sexual rights

Anti-rights actors use a number of rhetorical devices in their campaign to undermine sexual rights: they argue that sexual rights do not exist or are ‘new rights,’ that they cause harm to children and society, and/or that these rights stand in opposition to culture, tradition or national laws.

Conservative actors engaged in advocacy at the UN attack the right to comprehensive sexuality education from several directions. They claim that CSE violates ‘parental rights’, harms children, and that it is not education but ideological indoctrination. They also claim that comprehensive sexuality education is pushed on children, parents, and the United Nations by powerful lobbyists seeking to profit from services they provide to children and youth.

Attempts to invalidate rights related to sexual orientation and gender identity have proliferated. Ultra conservative actors argue that application of long-standing human rights principles and law on this issue constitutes the creation of ‘new rights’; and that the meaning of rights should vary radically because they should be interpreted through the lens of ‘culture’ or ‘national particularities.’

Reproductive Rights

Christian Right organizations have been mobilizing against reproductive rights alongside the Holy See and other anti-rights allies for several years. They often argue that reproductive rights are at heart a form of Western-imposed population control over countries in the global South. Ironically, this claim often originates from U.S. and Western Europe-affiliated actors, many of whom actively work to export their fundamentalist discourses and policies.

Regressive actors also cite to ‘scientific’ arguments from ultra-conservative think tanks, and from sources that rely on unsound research methodologies, to suggest that abortion causes an array of psychological, sexual, physical, and relational side effects.

Protection of children and parental rights

Just as anti-rights actors aim to construct a new category of ‘protection of the family,’ they are attempting to construct a new category of ‘parental rights,’ which has no support in existing human rights standards.

This discourse paradoxically endeavours to use the rights protections with which children are endowed, as articulated in the Convention on the Rights of the Child, to support the rights of parents to control their children and limit their rights.

Violence against women

Increasingly, anti-rights actors are attempting to infiltrate and subvert standards and discourses developed by women human rights defenders, such as violence against women (VAW).

At the Commission on the Status of Women and other spaces, one rhetorical move is to treat VAW as a concept in which to embed anti-reproductive rights and patriarchal arguments. Ultra conservative actors, for example, have argued that non-heteronormative or traditional intimate partner relationships are a risk factor for violence, and emphasize that fathers are necessary to protect families from violence.

Gender and ‘gender ideology’

The Holy See has set off a sustained critique of gender, ‘gender ideology’, ‘gender radicals,’ and gender theory, and anti-rights actors often read the term as code for LGBTQ rights. Gender is used by the religious right as a cross-cutting concept that links together many of their discourses. Increasingly, the hysteria on this subject fixates on gender identity and trans rights.

Complementarity and human dignity

Complementarity of the sexes is a discourse employed by a number of ultra-conservative actors today. Its rhetoric is structured around an assumption of difference: men and women are meant to have differing but complementary roles in marriage and family life, and with respect to their engagement in the community and political and economic life.

Reference to ‘natural’ roles is meant to fundamentally reject universal human rights to equality and non-discrimination.

It is also used to justify State and non-State violations of these rights, and non-compliance with respect to State obligations to eliminate prejudices and practices based on stereotyped roles for men or women.

National sovereignty and anti-imperialism

This discourse suggests that national governments are being unjustly targeted by UN bodies, or by other States acting through the UN. This is an attempt to shift the subject of human rights from the individual or marginalized community suffering a rights violation to a powerful and/or regressive institution - i.e. the state, in order to justify national exceptions from universal rights or to support state impunity. 

Religious freedom

Anti-rights actors have taken up the discourse of freedom of religion in order to justify violations of human rights. Yet, ultra-conservative actors refer to religious freedom in a way that directly contradicts the purpose of this human right and fundamentally conflicts with the principle of the universality of rights. The inference is that religious liberty is threatened and undermined by the protection of human rights, particularly those related to gender and sexuality.

The central move is to suggest that the right to freedom of religion is intended to protect a religion rather than those who are free to hold or not hold different religious beliefs.

Yet under international human rights law, the right protects believers rather than beliefs, and the right to freedom of religion, thought and conscience includes the right not to profess any religion or belief or to change one’s religion or belief.

Cultural rights and traditional values

The deployment of references to culture and tradition to undermine human rights, including the right to equality, is a common tactic amongst anti-rights actors. Culture is presented as monolithic, static, and immutable, and it is is often presented in opposition to ‘Western norms.’

Allusions to culture by anti-rights actors in international policy debates aim to undermine the universality of rights, arguing for cultural relativism that trumps or limits rights claims. Regressive actors’ use of cultural rights is founded on a purposeful misrepresentation of the human right. States must ensure that traditional or cultural attitudes are not used to justify violations of equality, and human rights law calls for equal access, participation and contribution in all aspects of cultural life for all, including women, religious, and racial minorities, and those with non-conforming genders and sexualities.

Subverting ‘universal’

Anti-rights actors in international policy spaces increasingly manipulate references to universal or fundamental human rights to reverse the meaning of the universality of rights.

Rather than using the term universal to describe the full set of indivisible and interrelated human rights, ultra conservative actors employ this term to instead delineate and describe a subset of human rights as ‘truly fundamental.’ Other rights would thus be subject to State discretion, ‘new’ rights or optional. This discourse is especially powerful as their category of the truly universal remains unarticulated and hence open to shifting interpretation.


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Snippet FEA Georgia's minimum wage (EN)

Georgia's minimum wage is in the bottom percent of all countries in the world. This reality affects mostly women.

The country not only has a significant gender pay gap, but women also work longer, more unregulated hours before going home to take care of housework and their families. There is no maternity pay, no wage increase for overtime work, no unemployment insurance, and no pay for sick leave or other social protection. Pressured by Western organizations, Georgian oligarchic political parties have been implementing reforms that are destroying the welfare state, increasing austerity measures, and worsening worker exploitation - all for the benefits of big corporations which are applauding the country for its “ease of doing business”. Mass media, coerced by private and corporate interests, either remain silent or biased on these issues. Union organizing remains one of the very few options to fight for basic human rights, and for holding the State and corporations accountable in the face of daily, pervasive violations and persecutions, especially against women.

Sources: Minimum-Wage and Interview with Sopo Japaridze to OpenDemocracy

نحن نعيد إعطاء المال لشركائنا/شريكاتنا ونعرّف عن أنفسنا كنسويات و\ أو صندوق نسائي. هل علينا تعبئة الاستطلاع؟

كلا. نقدّر عملكم/ن لكننا لا نطلب في هذه المرحلة من الصناديق النسوية والنسائية تعبئة الاستطلاع. نشجعكم/ن على مشاركة الاستطلاع مع شركائكم/ن و شبكاتكم/ن النسوية.

Carol Thomas

Carol Thomas fue una pionera en el trabajo por los derechos sexuales y reproductivos de las mujeres en Sudáfrica. Fue una ginecóloga de gran talento y la fundadora del WomenSpace [EspacioDeMujeres].

No sólo las empleó en su práctica, sino que también abogó por proporcionar formas no tradicionales de asistencia sanitaria a las mujeres, ofreciendo servicios de alta calidad, empáticos y accesibles.

"Ella recibió no sólo la alegría de los embarazos y la llegada de nuevxs bebés, sino también la ansiedad que puede generar la infertilidad, un parto prematuro, el cáncer femenino, así como también la angustia de los abortos espontáneos y lxs mortinatxs". Helen Moffett

Carol pensó en nuevos paradigmas cuyo centro de atención fuesen las necesidades de las mujeres con menor acceso a los servicios y derechos que puede aportar una sociedad:

"El entorno socioeconómico imperante en el que nos encontramos hoy se traduce en una carga desproporcionada de enfermedades y desempleo que las mujeres tienen que soportar... Como mujer negra, desfavorecida en el pasado, tengo una idea clara de lo que está sucediendo en nuestras comunidades". - Carol Thomas

La innovadora y multipremiada empresa social de Carol, "“iMobiMaMa”, utilizaba los quioscos móviles y la tecnología interactiva para conectar directamente a las mujeres con servicios de salud prenatal y reproductiva, información y apoyo en  las comunidades de toda Sudáfrica. 

Carol apoyó a las mujeres tanto en los embarazos deseados como en los no deseados, y fue mentora de muchxs enfermerxs y doctorxs a lo largo de su vida.

Fue calificada, además, como ginecóloga de referencia "para las personas trans que podían recibir de ella una atención afirmativa. Ella supo cómo manejarse cuando muchas personas no tenían todavía en claro el lenguaje o los pronombres. Sus mantas calientes, su capacidad para escuchar y decir lo que necesitabas oír eran muy reconfortantes." -Marion Lynn Stevens.

Carol Thomas falleció el 12 de abril de 2019 a causa de una serie de complicaciones tras un doble trasplante de pulmón, en el punto más álgido de su carrera profesional.

Los homenajes que llegaron después de su muerte inesperada se refieren a ella de muchas formas: como " modelo a seguir, mujer guerrera, innovadora, líder dinámica, rompe-moldes, dínamo, científica brillante, doctora compasiva".

Sin duda, Carol Thomas será recordada y honrada por ser todo esto y mucho más.

When development initiatives, religious fundamentalisms and the state of women’s rights collide

Nuestro nuevo documento de investigación El diablo se esconde en los detalles aborda la falta de conocimientos sobre los fundamentalismos religiosos en el sector del desarrollo, y se propone comprender mejor de qué manera estos fundamentalismos inhiben el desarrollo y, en particular, los derechos de las mujeres. Propone recomendaciones para que quienes trabajan en temas de desarrollo desafíen la labor de los fundamentalismos y eviten fortalecerlos inadvertidamente. [CTA download link: Leer el documento completo]

 

Seven pointers to consider

 

Graphic1 1. Control of women’s bodies, sexuality, and choice are “warning signs” of rising fundamentalisms.
2. Neoliberal economic policies have a particularly negative impact on women, and fuel the growth of religious fundamentalisms. Graphic2
Graphic3 3. Choosing religious organizations as default for partnerships builds their legitimacy and access to resources, and supports their ideology, including gender ideology.
4.Everyone has multiple identities and should be defined by more than just their religion. Foregrounding religious identities tends to reinforce the power of religious fundamentalists. Graphic4
Graphic5 5. Religion, culture, and tradition are constantly changing, being reinterpreted and challenged. What is dominant is always a question of power.
6. Racism, exclusion, and marginalization all add to the appeal of fundamentalists’ offer of a sense of belonging and a “cause”. Graphic6
Graphic7 7. There is strong evidence that the single most important factor in promoting women’s rights and gender equality is an autonomous women’s movement.

 

Auge global de los fundamentalismos religiosos.

El Diablo se esconde en los detalles proporciona detalles de las graves violaciones a los derechos humanos y, en particular, de las violaciones a los derechos de las mujeres, causados por los fundamentalismos auspiciados por los Estados, así como por actores fundamentalistas no estatales como milicias, organizaciones comunitarias confesionales e individuos. La profundización fundamentalista de normas sociales atávicas y patriarcales está provocando el aumento de la violencia contra las mujeres, las niñas y las defensoras de derechos humanos (WHRDs). El informe propuesta estas ideas clave para abordar el problema:

  • [icon] Fundamentalismos religiosos están ganando terreno en el seno de las comunidades
  • [icon] Sistemas políticos
  • [icon] Escenarios internacionales, con efectos devastadores para la gente común y para las mujeres en particular.

 

Los agentes de desarrollo deben actuar urgentemente.

Quienes trabajan en el desarrollo están de capacidad de asumir una posición más firme. Su capacidad colectiva para reconocer y enfrentar conjuntamente a los fundamentalismos religiosos resulta crucial para promover la justicia social, económica y de género y los derechos humanos de todas las personas en el marco del desarrollo sostenible.   Resulta fundamental promover que el poder y los privilegios se entiendan desde la óptica del feminismo interseccional y aplicar esta comprensión a los interrogantes sobre religión y cultura. Las organizaciones de mujeres ya poseen conocimientos y estrategias para oponerse a los fundamentalismos. Quienes trabajan en el desarrollo deberían apoyarse en estos e invertir en coaliciones enfocadas en múltiples temáticas. Lo anterior, les ayudará a alcanzar nuevos horizontes.

Snippet FEA collaborator and allies Photo 4 (ES)

La foto muestra a Sopo hablando en un evento público en el interior. Sostiene el micrófono mientras lee sus notas y está sentada en una silla entre otras tres personas que son oradores o moderadores.
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На каких языках проводится опрос?

На данный момент опрос в KOBO доступен на арабском, английском, французском, португальском, русском и испанском языках. В начале опроса у вас будет возможность выбрать нужный вам язык.

Mereani Naisua Senibici

Mereani Naisua Senebici, que l’on appelait aussi « Sua », a été membre de l’Association des jeunes femmes chrétiennes (YWCA) des Fidji pendant de longues années.

En plus d’avoir travaillé avec divers groupes de femmes dans des contextes multiraciaux, ruraux et urbains, elle s’est impliquée dans le soutien et la promotion des droits des femmes et des jeunes femmes.

Au YWCA de Lautoka, elle travaillait avec des femmes d’origine indienne et comptait parmi les pionnières du développement de la pratique sportive et la participation des femmes et athlètes trans localement.

« Les membres du YWCA des Fidji ont profondément aimé Sua pour son dévouement et son soutien inébranlable envers tous les efforts déployés par l’organisation » – Tupou Vere

Mereani faisait partie de la House of Sarah (HoS), une initiative de l’Association of Anglican Women (AAW) lancée en 2009, un organisme de sensibilisation autour des violences basées sur le genre et de soutien des femmes victimes de violence. Ayant commencé sa pratique en tant que bénévole dévouée, elle offrait notamment son soutien aux femmes dans tout le Pacifique.
Mereani s’est éteinte en 2019.

« Une personne qui aimait les gens, qui était présente sur tous les fronts de l’autonomisation des femmes et du travail du mouvement au niveau communautaire. Repose en paix, Sua. » – Tupou Vere

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Snippet FEA different lines of work S4 (FR)

Lignes de travail :

CONTRE

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Juli Dugdale

Juli Dugdale was an Australian feminist who practiced intergenerational leadership rooted in principles of feminism, inclusion and equality. She was a leader, peer and mentor for many women and especially young women around the world. 

Juli was a dedicated staff member, volunteer and fervent advocate for young women’s leadership with the Young Women's Christian Association (YWCA) movement for over 30 years.

She offered a strong link between the Australian movement and the World YWCA Office. Her trust in the leadership capacity of young women led to a multi-year partnership with the Australian Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade and the creation of the Rise Up manual, a global guide for young women’s transformative leadership, launched in 2018.

Juli passed away in Geneva on 12 August 2019.


Tributes:

“For those who got to work with Juli, it was a privilege. For those who didn’t, be assured that her legacy continues in the work we do every day and in the mission of the YWCA movement.” - YWCA Australia

“Juli Dugdale will forever hold a deep place in many people's hearts in the YWCA movement, especially here in Aotearoa and across the Pacific. Juli had a special relationship with the Pacific and was an incredible supporter of the young women there. She was humble, gracious, loving, caring, dedicated, passionate and had a generous heart. She embodied the YWCA's vision of 'transformative leadership' with extraordinary vision and foresight, and helped empower generations of young women leaders around the world.” - YWCA New Zealand