La mémoire comme forme de résistance : un hommage
L’hommage se présente sous forme d’une exposition de portraits d’activistes du monde entier qui ne sont plus parmi nous qui ont lutté pour les droits des femmes et la justice sociale.
En 2020, nous adoptons une démarche légèrement différente
Cette année, tout en continuant à convoquer la mémoire de celleux qui ne sont plus parmi nous, nous souhaitons célébrer leur héritage et souligner les manières par lesquelles leur travail continue à avoir un impact sur nos réalités vécues aujourd’hui.
49 nouveaux portraits de féministes et de défenseur·e·s viennent compléter la gallerie. Bien que de nombreuses des personnes que nous honorons dans cet hommage sont décédé·e·s du fait de leur âge ou de la maladie, beaucoup trop d’entre iels ont été tué·e·s à cause de leur travail et de qui iels étaient.
Les histoires des activistes à l'honneur dans cet Hommage font vivre leur héritage et continuent d'inspirer le travail et l’action de nos mouvements.
Visiter notre exposition virtuelle
Les portraits de l'édition 2020 ont été illustrés par Louisa Bertman, artiste et animatrice qui a reçu plusieurs prix.
L’AWID tient à remercier nos membres, les familles, les organisations et les partenaires qui ont contribué à cette commémoration. Nous nous engageons auprès d’elleux à poursuivre le travail remarquable de ces féministes et défenseur·e·s et nous ne ménagerons aucun effort pour que justice soit faite dans les cas qui demeurent impunis.
« Ils ont essayé de nous enterrer. Ils ne savaient pas que nous étions des graines » - Proverbe mexicain
L'Hommage a été inauguré en 2012
Le premier hommage aux défenseur-e-s des droits humains a pris la forme d’une exposition de portraits et de biographies de féministes et d’activistes disparu·e·s lors du 12e Forum international de l’AWID en Turquie. Il se présente maintenant comme une gallerie en ligne, mise à jour chaque année.
Depuis, 467 féministes et défenseur-e-s des droits humains ont été mis·es à l'honneur.
Contenu lié
Alternative framework for economic governance
Context
The current global economic crisis provides stark evidence that the economic policies of the last 3 decades have not been working.
The devastation that the crisis has wrought on the most vulnerable households in the Global North and Global South is a reminder that the formulation of economic policy and the realization of human rights (economic, social, political, civil and cultural) have for too long been divorced from one another. Economic policy and human rights do not have to be opposing forces, but can exist symbiotically.
Macroeconomic policies affect the operation of the economy as a whole, shaping the availability and distribution of resources. Within this context, fiscal and monetary policies are key.
Definition
- Fiscal policy refers to both public revenue and public expenditure, and the relationships between them as expressed in the government budget.
- Monetary policy includes policies on interest and exchange rates and the money supply, as well as the regulation of the financial sector.
- Macroeconomic policies are implemented using instruments such as taxation, government spending, and control over the supply of money and credit.
These policies affect key prices such as interest and exchange rates that directly influence, among other things, the level of employment, access to affordable credit, and the housing market.
Applying a human rights framework to macroeconomic policy allows States to better comply with their obligation to respect, protect, and fulfill economic and social rights. Human rights are internationally agreed-upon universal standards. These legal norms are articulated in United Nations treaties including, the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR), the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), and the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (ICESCR).
Article 1 of the UDHR states that, “All human beings are born free and equal in dignity and rights.”
Although the UDHR was written about six decades ago its relevance is enduring. Many of the ideas address concerns and critical issues that people continue to face globally. Issues regarding inhuman punishment (Art. 5), discrimination (Art. 7), property ownership (Art. 17), equal pay for equal work (Art. 23/2), and access to education (Art. 26/1) are pertinent matters in countries South and North of the equator.
More specifically, States have an obligation under international law to respect, protect and fulfill human rights, including the economic and social rights of people within their jurisdiction. This is particularly relevant now given the financial crisis. In the U.S., regulation is skewed in favor of certain interests. The failure to extend government’s supervisory role in the context of social and economic change is a failure with regard to the obligation to protect human rights.
Feminist perspective
States should abide by key human rights principles to achieve economic and social rights. Some of the principles have potentially important implications for governance of financial institutions and markets, yet these possibilities have been underexplored.
Economic and social rights have a concrete institutional and legal grounding. Global declarations, international treaties, covenants, and, in a number of cases, national constitutions have incorporated aspects of the economic and social rights framework—providing an institutional infrastructure in national and international law.
Some have suggested that a consideration of global justice may not be a useful pursuit because of the institutional complexities involved. However, this does not get around that fact that global institutions already have an impact on social justice, both positive and negative.
It is useful to tease out the implications that elements of alternative frameworks have for economic governance, specifically those supported by existing institutions. Economic and social rights represent one such concrete framework. The framework is an evolving one, and ongoing discussion and deliberation is necessary to address underdeveloped areas and potential deficiencies.

Learn more about this proposition
- How to Apply a Human Rights Framework to Macroeconomic Strategies by Center for Women’s Global Leadership (CWGL)
This section is based on CWGL’s blog “Applying a Human Rights Framework to Macroeconomic Policies” (2012).
Part of our series of
Feminist Propositions for a Just Economy
Snippet FEA Georgia this is only the beginning (ES)
Georgia
Sindicato Red de Solidaridad
Este es sólo
EL COMIENZO
Anna Campbell (şehid Hêlîn Qerecox)
Anna a grandi à Lewes, dans le Sussex (Royaume-Uni). Après avoir décidé de ne pas poursuivre sa licence d’anglais à l'Université de Sheffield, elle a déménagé à Bristol et est devenue plombière.
Elle a passé une grande partie de son temps à défendre les personnes marginalisées et défavorisées, à assister à des rassemblements antifascistes et à offrir son soutien aux femmes de la Dale Farm lorsqu'elles furent menacées d'expulsion. Végétalienne et amie des animaux, elle a participé à des missions de sabotage de chasses et son nom est honoré sur le monument commémoratif « Arbre de vie » de l’organisation PETA. Anna s'est rendue à Rojava en mai 2017 pour lutter en faveur du renforcement du pouvoir des femmes, de la pleine représentation de toutes les ethnies et de la protection de l'environnement.
Anna est décédée le 15 mars 2018, après avoir été atteinte par une frappe aérienne turque dans la ville d'Afrin, dans le nord de la Syrie. Anna se battait auprès des forces de protection des femmes (YPJ) quand elle a été tuée.
¿Cuándo estarán disponibles los resultados de la encuesta?
Analizaremos las respuestas a la encuesta para extraer conclusiones y tendencias, y presentaremos los resultados durante el 15º Foro Internacional de AWID en Bangkok y en línea, en diciembre de 2024. Para asistir al Foro, puedes inscribirte aquí.
¿Pueden los hombres formar parte de la membresía de AWID?
Si, la membresía de AWID está abierta a cualquier persona que comparta nuestros valores.
Varios hombres que comparten nuestro compromiso con el feminismo y los derechos humanos de las mujeres están afiliados a AWID.
Key impacts on the international human rights system
Anti-rights actors have had a substantive impact on our human rights framework and the progressive interpretation of human rights standards, especially rights related to gender and sexuality.
When it comes to the impact of conservative actors in international policy spaces, the overall picture today is of stasis and regressions.
We have witnessed the watering down of existing agreements and commitment; deadlock in negotiations; sustained undermining of UN agencies, treaty review bodies and Special Procedures; and success in pushing through regressive language in international human rights documents.
Commission on the Status of Women (CSW)
The CSW, held annually in March, has long been one of the most contested sites in the UN system. In March 2015, conservative efforts set the tone before events or negotiations even began; the outcome document of the Commission was a weak Declaration negotiated before any women’s rights activists even arrived on the ground.
At 2016’s CSW, the new Youth Caucus was infiltrated by large numbers of vocal anti-abortion and anti-SRHR actors, who shouted down progressive youth organizations. Again, intensive negotiations resulted in a lacklustre text, which included regressive language on ‘the family.’
Precisely when addressing women’s human rights is of urgent importance, the CSW has been rendered a depoliticized and weakened space. Using it to advance rights has become harder and harder since progressives’ energy is taken up trying to hold the ground against conservative backlash.
Human Rights Council (HRC)
As the intergovernmental body responsible for the promotion and protection of human rights around the globe, the HRC is a key entry point for conservative actors. In recent years, this mechanism has been the scene for a number of damaging anti-human rights moves.
In conversation with other anti-rights actors, one strategy of conservative states, and blocs of states, is to aggressively negotiate out positive language and to introduce hostile amendments to resolutions, most often resolutions focusing on rights related to gender and sexuality.
To take one example, during the June 2016 session of the HRC, opposition was mounted towards a resolution on discrimination against women by the member states of the Organization of Islamic Cooperation (OIC) and allies. During contentious negotiations, multiple provisions were removed, including women’s and girls’ right to have control over their sexuality, sexual and reproductive health, and reproductive rights; and the need to repeal laws which perpetuate the patriarchal oppression of women and girls in families, and those criminalizing adultery or pardoning marital rape.
The HRC has also been the site of pernicious conservative initiatives to co-opt human rights norms and enact conservative “human rights” language, such as that of the Russia-led “traditional values” resolutions, and more recently the “Protection of the Family” agenda.
Human Rights Committee
In 2015, moving their sights to another front, a number of religious right organizations began to target the Human Rights Committee, the treaty monitoring body for the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), a pivotal human rights instrument.
Anti-human rights groups mobilized in hopes of cementing their anti-abortion rhetoric into the treaty.
When the Committee announced it was drafting a new authoritative interpretation of the right to life, over 30 conservative non-state actors sent in written submissions, advocating their misleading discourse on ‘right to life’ - that life begins at conception and that abortion is a violation of the right - be incorporated in the Committee’s interpretation of article 6.
Conservative groups targeting the Human Rights Committee was a shift considering that historically anti-human rights actors have repeatedly attempted to undermine and invalidate the essential work of the treaty monitoring bodies, including the Human Rights Committee.

SDG negotiations and Agenda 2030
Anti-human rights actors were involved in lobbying towards the development of the new Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) in 2015, focusing again on rights relating to gender and sexuality. These efforts had limited traction in their attempts to embed regressive language in Agenda 2030.
However, after successfully pushing back against progressive language in the final text, conservative actors then pivoted to another strategy. In an attempt to evade state accountability and undermine the universality of rights, several states have repeatedly made reservations to the Goals.
On behalf of the African Group, Senegal claimed that African states would only “implement the goals in line with the cultural and religious values of its countries.”
The Holy See also made a number of reservations, stating it was “confident that the related pledge ‘no one will be left behind’ would be read” as meaning “the right to life of the person, from conception until natural death.”
Saudi Arabia went one step further, declaring that the country would not follow any international rules relating to the SDGs that reference sexual orientation or gender identity, describing them as running “counter to Islamic law.”
General Assembly (GA)
Anti-rights actors have made increasing headway at the UN General Assembly (GA). Most recently, during the 71st session in 2016, the GA was the scene of feverish anti-rights organizing in opposition to the new mandate created by the Human Rights Council resolution on sexual orientation and gender identity in June 2016: the Independent Expert on SOGI. Four separate attempts were made to undercut the mandate in GA spaces.
One approach was to introduce a hostile resolution at the Third Committee[1], led by the African Group, which in essence aimed to indefinitely defer the new mandate. While this approach was not successful, such an attempt in the GA to retroactively block the creation of a mandate brought forward by the Human Rights Council represented a new and troubling tactic - anti-right actors are now working to directly undermine the HRC’s authority respective to the General Assembly.
Another approach targeted the Fifth Committee (responsible for administration and budgetary matters) as an entry point to attack the mandate. In an unprecedented move a number of States attempted (again, unsuccessfully) to block the funding of UN human rights experts, including the new IE on SOGI[2],.
While these multiple efforts were unsuccessful in blocking the creation and continuation of the new mandate, the significant support they received, the novel strategizing employed, and the strong alliances built along regional lines through negotiations point to difficulties ahead.
[1] The Third Committee of the GA deals with agenda items relating to a range of social, humanitarian affairs, and human rights issues. Each year it discusses and issues resolutions on issues including the advancement of women, the protection of children, family, and youth.
[2] While UN Special Procedures experts (i.e. Special Rapporteurs, Working Group members and Independent Experts) work pro bono, some funds are generally allocated to facilitate country visits on the invitation of the national government, and support staff.
Other Chapters
Snippet FEA Workers demonstrations in Georgia 1 (FR)

Esther Chávez Cano
Kagendo Murungi
Kagendo is remembered fondly by family and friends as a fierce African feminist activist, artist, and filmmaker.
She dedicated over 20 years to advocate for the rights and dignity of African LGBTIQ and gender non conforming people.
Kagendo’s colleagues remember her as someone with a jovial personality, fierce conviction, and love for life. Kagendo died due to natural causes at her home in Harlem on December 27th, 2017.
On Kagendo’s passing Kenyan writer and activist Shailja Patel noted “Kagendo's lifelong commitment to connecting the dots between all oppressions, showing how colonialism fostered homophobia on the African continent, making Kenya a country where queer Kenyans and free women could live and thrive.”
Snippet - WITM why - RU
Почему Мне Следовало Бы Пройти Этот Опрос?
Je suis novice dans ce domaine et beaucoup de concepts me semblent déroutants. Pouvez-vous m’aider ?
Sala de prensa
AWID en los medios
Compilación de noticias sobre la organización y/o el trabajo de AWID
- Presentan disco con canciones para reír y reivindicar. La Nación, may 2018
- Día Internacional de la Mujer: la realidad de las mujeres latinoamericanas. La opinión digital, mar 2018
- Para fortalecer la resistencia global, hay que dar recursos a lxs jóvenes feministas. Open Global Rights, nov 2017
- Llamado mundial a las mujeres frente a la reunión de la OMC. Bilaterals, nov 2017
- Tejiendo la resistencia a través de la acción: Las estrategias de las Defensoras de Derechos Humanos contra las industrias extractivas. Movimiento 4, sep 2017
- Romani: banca internacional habilita a que se “lave olímpicamente” el dinero del narcotráfico. La diaria, ago 2017
- Global: Nueva guía y reporte sobre acciones de defensoras de derechos humanos ante proyectos extractivos empresariales. Business and human rights resources, ago 2017
- Cumbre sobre el Mundo del Trabajo: Un futuro mejor para las mujeres en el trabajo. Organización Internacional del Trabajo, jun 2017
- “Los Movimientos Importan”, arte visual colectivo en favor de las mujeres. El heraldo de Saltillo, mar 2017
- Violencia de género contra las mujeres en los medios, y la necesidad del activismo cotidiano. IFEX, dic 2016
- Ahora más que nunca. La razón, sep 2016
- Brasil: Cerró ayer la mayor conferencia sobre derechos de las mujeres. Fondo indígena, sep 2016
- Alerta Máxima Feminista ante involución de derechos de las y los migrantes en la 46 ª Conferencia de Población y Desarrollo. Calala, may 2015
- Todas las personas podemos ser defensoras de los Derechos Humanos de las mujeres. ALC noticias, ene 2015
Notas de prensa
Notas de prensa, dosieres y kits
Kits de social media
Snippet FEA Workers demonstrations in Georgia 2 (EN)

Keila Almanza
Benoîte Groult
Benoîte fue una periodista, escritora y activista feminista francesa.
Benoîte publicó más de 20 novelas y numerosos ensayos sobre feminismo.
En 1975 se publicó su primer libro, Ainsi Soit-Elle (que podría traducirse «Como ella es»). En él analizaba la historia de los derechos de las mujeres, así como la misoginia y la violencia contra las mujeres.
En su último libro, Ainsi Soit Olympe de Gouges, analizaba los derechos de las mujeres durante la Revolución Francesa, centrándose en la pionera feminista francesa. Olympe de Gouges fue guillotinada en 1793 por desafiar la autoridad masculina; dos años antes había publicado una declaración sobre los derechos de las mujeres («Déclaration Des droits de la Femme et de la Citoyenne»).
Snippet - WITM To Strengthen - PT

Para fortalecer a nossa voz e poder coletivos para obter mais recursos de melhor qualidade para a organização feminista, de direitos das mulheres, de LBTQI+ e de aliados globalmente.
I am a women human rights defender (WHRD) and am currently under threat. Where can I go for help?
Here are your report and infographics: Toward a feminist funding ecosystem
Download the full guide
Click on the image to open the PDF
Download the individual infographics
Where we are now |
Where we want to be |
Current funding by sector |
| Download & share | Download & share | Download & share |
Snippet FEA Workers Persecution S4 (ES)



