Jean-Marc Ferré | Flickr (CC BY-NC-ND 2.0)
A general view of participants at the 16th session of the Human Rights Council in Geneva, Switzerland.

Human Rights Council (HRC)

The Human Rights Council (HRC) is the key intergovernmental body within the United Nations system responsible for the promotion and protection of all human rights around the globe. It holds three regular sessions a year: in March, June and September. The Office of the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR) is the secretariat for the HRC.

The HRC works by:

  • Debating and passing resolutions on global human rights issues and human rights situations in particular countries

  • Examining complaints from victims of human rights violations or activist organizations on behalf of victims of human rights violations

  • Appointing independent experts (known as “Special Procedures”) to review human rights violations in specific countries and examine and further global human rights issues

  • Engaging in discussions with experts and governments on human rights issues

  • Assessing the human rights records of all UN Member States every four and a half years through the Universal Periodic Review

Learn more about the HRC


AWID works with feminist, progressive and human rights partners to share key knowledge, convene civil society dialogues and events, and influence negotiations and outcomes of the session.

With our partners, our work will:

◾️ Monitor, track and analyze anti-rights actors, discourses and strategies and their impact on resolutions

◾️ Raise awareness of the findings of the 2017 and 2021 OURs Trends Reports.

◾️Support the work of feminist UN experts in the face of backlash and pressure

◾️Advocate for state accountability
 
◾️ Work with feminist movements and civil society organizations to advance rights related to gender and sexuality.
 

Related Content

Feminist propositions: Glossary of terms

Capitalism:

An economic system in which production and consumption patterns are based on profit using privately owned capital goods and wage labour. The system builds on individual wealth and capital accumulation at the lowest cost to the investor, with little regard for the societal costs and exploitation of the workforce - both paid and unpaid.

Commodification of land:

The conversion of land and activities related to it (like agriculture) into commodities that can be bought or sold for profit.

International Financial Institutions (IFIs):

Institutions (like the World Bank, International Monetary Fund, or regional development banks) that provide loans to countries lacking sufficient money to cover funding shortfalls or to finance development projects. Historically, the lending policies of these institutions have been determined by economically powerful Western countries and private enterprises. Loans to low-income countries in particular typically include conditionalities that prompt economic reforms in these countries to support neo-liberalism.

Neoliberalism:

A set of economic and political theories in which market forces, rather than governments, determine key aspects of the economy with governments acting to support globalized markets and the interests of capital. Neo-liberal economic policies typically include promotion of free trade, privatisation, reduced government spending on social programs, subsidies and tax exemptions for business, deregulation of financial sector and foreign investments, low taxes on the wealthy and corporations, flexible labour and weak environmental protection.

Patriarchy:

Refers to systemic and institutionalized male domination embedded in and perpetuated by cultural, political, economic and social structures and ideologies. Hetero-patriarchy in addition, is a patriarchal system that is also based on the belief that heterosexuality is the only normal and acceptable sexual orientation.

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Snippet FEA Audio Story 4 (FR)

Écoutez cette histoire ici :

Dilma Ferreira Silva

Dilma Ferreira Silva was a leading Amazonian rights activist who fought for decades for the rights of people affected by dams.

She herself was among the 32,000 people displaced by the Tucuruí, a mega-hydroelectric power plant, built in Brazil during the 1964-1985 military dictatorship.

In 2005 Dilma was invited to join the Movement of Dam-Affected Peoples in Brazil (MAB), and in 2006 she formed the women’s collective, eventually becoming regional coordinator of the movement.

In speaking about her activism, her colleagues commented:

“She stood out very fast because she was always very fearless in the struggle.” 

Dilma lived in the rural settlement of Salvador Allende,50 kilometers from Tucuruí, and dedicated her life to better protect communities and the land affected by the construction of mega projects. She was especially concerned with the gendered impacts of such projects and advocated for women’s rights.

At a national MAB meeting in 2011, Dilma spoke to women affected by the dams, saying:

“We are the real Marias, warriors, fighters who are there, facing the challenge of daily struggle”.

In the following years, Dilma organized grassroots MAD groups and worked with the community to form farming cooperatives that created a better distribution of food for the community. They improved the commercialization of fishing, and developed a cistern project for safe drinking water. She was also an advocate for farmers whose lands were being coveted by ‘grileiros’ (land grabbers). 

On 22nd March 2019, at the age of 48, Dilma, her husband and their friend were all brutally murdered. The three killings came as part of a wave of violence in the Amazon against the Movimento dos Trabalhadores Sem Terra (translates as ‘landless workers’ movement’), environmental and indigenous activists. 

FRMag - Anatomy of a survivor's story

Anatomie de l'histoire d’une survivante

par Maryum Saifee 

Lorsqu’on effectue une recherche en ligne sur les « Mutilations génitales féminines » ou « MGF », un schéma en quatre parties sur l’anatomie des femmes apparaît à côté d’une page Wikipédia dédiée.  (...)

Lire

Illustration : « Rêves », par Neesa Sunar >

Snippet - CSW69 On anti-rights resistance - FR

Sur la résistance face aux mouvements anti-droits

Key opposition actors

We are witnessing an unprecedented level of engagement of anti-rights actors in international human rights spaces. To bolster their impact and amplify their voices, anti-rights actors increasingly engage in tactical alliance building across sectors, regional and national borders, and faiths.


This “unholy alliance” of traditionalist actors from Catholic, Evangelical, Mormon, Russian Orthodox and Muslim faith backgrounds have found common cause in a number of shared talking points and advocacy efforts attempting to push back against feminist and sexual rights gains at the international level.

Holy See

  • Key activities: As the government of the Roman Catholic Church, the “Holy See” uses its unique status as Permanent Observer state at the UN to lobby for conservative, patriarchal, and heteronormative notions of womanhood, gender identities and “the family”, and to propagate policies that are anti-abortion and -contraception  

  • Based in: Vatican City, Rome, Italy.

  • Religious affiliations: Catholic

  • Connections to other anti-rights actors: US Christian Right groups; interfaith orthodox alliances; Catholic CSOs

Organization of Islamic Cooperation (OIC)

  • Key activities: Self-described as the “collective voice of the Muslim world”, the OIC acts as a bloc of states in UN spaces. The OIC attempts to create loopholes in human rights protection through references to religion, culture, or national sovereignty; propagates the concept of the “traditional family”; and contributes to a parallel but restrictive human rights regime (e.g. the 1990 Cairo Declaration on Human Rights in Islam).

  • Based in: Jeddah, Saudi Arabia

  • Religious affiliations: Muslim

  • Connections to other anti-rights actors: Ultra conservative State missions to the UN, such as Russia

World Congress of Families

  • Key activities: International and regional conferences; research and knowledge-production and dissemination; lobbying at the United Nations “to defend life, faith and family”

  • Based in: Rockford, Illinois, U.S.

  • Religious affiliation: Predominantly Catholic and Christian Evangelical

  • Connections to other anti-rights actors: Sutherland Institute, a conservative think-tank; the Church of Latter-Day Saints; the Russian Orthodox Church’s Department of Family and Life; the anti-abortion Catholic Priests for Life; the Foundation for African Culture and Heritage; the Polish Federation of Pro-Life Movements; the European Federation of Catholic Family Associations; the UN NGO Committee on the Family; and the Political Network for Values; the Georgian Demographic Society; parliamentarians from Poland and Moldova, etc; FamilyPolicy; the Russian Institute for Strategic Studies; and HatzeOir; C-Fam; among others

Center for Family and Human Rights (C-Fam)

  • Key activities: Lobbying at the United Nations, particularly the Commission of the Status of Women to “defend life and family”; media and information-dissemination (Friday Fax newsletter); movement building; trainings for conservative activists

  • Based in: New York and Washington D.C., U.S.

  • Religious affiliations: Catholic

  • Connections to other anti-rights actors: International Youth Coalition; World Youth Alliance; Human Life International; the Holy See; coordinates the Civil Society for the Family; the Family Research Council (U.S.) and other Christian/Catholic anti-rights CSOs; United States CSW delegation

Family Watch International

  • Key activities: Lobbying in international human rights spaces for “the family” and anti-LGBTQ and anti-CSE policies; training of civil society and state delegates (for example, ‘The Resource Guide to UN Consensus Language on Family Issues’); information dissemination; knowledge production and analysis; online campaigns

  • Based in: Gilbert, Arizona, U.S.

  • Religious affiliations: Mormon

  • Connections to other anti-rights actors: leader of the UN Family Rights Caucus; C-Fam; Jews Offering New Alternatives to Homosexuality (JONAH); the National Association for Research and Therapy of Homosexuality (NARTH); World Congress of Families; CitizenGo; Magdalen Institute; Asociación La Familia Importa; Group of Friends of the Family (25 state bloc)

World Youth Alliance

  • Key activities: Advocacy in international policy spaces including the United Nations, the European Union, and the Organization of American States for “the family”, against sexual and reproductive rights; training youth members in the use of diplomacy and negotiation, international relations, grassroots activities and message development; internship program to encourage youth participation in its work; regular Emerging Leaders Conference; knowledge production and dissemination

  • Based in: New York City (U.S.) with regional chapter offices in Nairobi (Kenya), Quezon City (The Philippines), Brussels (Belgium), Mexico City (Mexico), and Beirut (Lebanon)

  • Religious affiliations: primarily Catholic but aims for interfaith membership

  • Connections to other anti-rights actors: C-Fam; Human Life International; the Holy See; Campaign Life coalition

Russian Orthodox Church

  • Key Activities: The Russian Orthodox Church (ROC), capitalizing on its close links to the Russian state, has operated as a “norm entrepreneur” in human rights debates.  Russia and the ROC have co-opted rights language to push for a focus on “morality” and “traditional values”  as supposed key sources of human rights.  Russia led a series of “traditional values” resolutions at the Human Rights Council and has been at the forefront of putting forward hostile amendments to progressive resolutions in areas including maternal mortality, protection of civil society space, and the right to peaceful protest.

  • Connections to other anti-rights actors: Organization of Islamic Cooperation; Eastern European and Caucasus Orthodox churches, e.g. Georgian Orthodox Church; U.S. Christian Right including U.S. Evangelicals; World Congress of Families; Group of Friends of the Family (state bloc)


Other Chapters

Read the full report

Snippet - Podcast Intro (EN)

We are thrilled to announce the launch of AWID’s new podcast THAT FEMINIST FIRE. Our narrative series unravels over 40 years of feminist movements—and reimagines a way forward.

In our pilot season, you’ll hear five compelling stories that are part of a constellation of feminist activism today. Hosted by our very own Gopika Bashi, Deputy Director of Programmes at AWID, each episode explores unique but interconnected feminist realities that are achieving greater gender justice and human rights.

Produced by our Webby-winning podcast partner Hueman Group Media, you can subscribe to THAT FEMINIST FIRE and listen to our first episode here.

Find us on Apple Podcasts, Spotify, or wherever you get your podcasts. Share with your network! Help us spread stories that ignite our feminist fire and move us to action.

Subscribe here

Molara Ogundipe

"Pero, ¿ fue el maestro alguna vez 
seducido por el poder?
¿Alguna vez se rompió
 un sistema con aceptación ?
¿Cuándo el JEFE te entregará el poder con amor?
¿En Jo'Burg, en Cancún o en la ONU? - Molara Ogundipe

En una entrevista, realizada en la Feria Internacional del Libro de Ghana de 2010, Molara Ogundipe se presentó con estas palabras "...Soy una nigeriana. He vivido, posiblemente, en todo el mundo, excepto en la Unión Soviética y China".

A través de los diferentes continentes y países, la profesora Ogundipe enseñó literatura comparada, escritura, género y filología inglesa, y utilizó la literatura como vehículo para la transformación social y el replanteamiento de las relaciones de género.

Molara Ogundipe, como pensadora, escritora, editora, crítica social, poeta y activista feminista, logró combinar el trabajo teórico con la creatividad y la acción práctica. Se la considera una de las principales voces críticas de los feminismos africanos, los estudios de género y la teoría literaria.  

Molara acuñó el concepto de "estiwanismo" a partir de las siglas STIWA (Social Transformations in Africa Including Women) [Transformaciones Sociales en África Incluyendo a las Mujeres], con el fin de reconocer la necesidad de “alejar la definición del feminismo y los feminismos en relación con Euro-América u otro lugar, y declamar lealtades o deslealtades". Con su obra fundamental, "Recreándonos Nosotras Mismas", de 1994, Molara Ogundipe (publicada bajo el nombre de Molara Ogundipe-Leslie) dejó tras de sí un inmenso cuerpo de conocimientos que descolonizó el discurso feminista y "re-centró a las mujeres africanas en sus completas y complejas narrativas... guiadas por una exploración de la liberación económica, política y social de las mujeres africanas y la restauración de la agencia femenina en las diferentes culturas de África".

Comentando los retos a los que se enfrentó como joven académica, dijo:

"Cuando empecé a hablar y escribir sobre el feminismo a finales de los años sesenta y en los setenta, se me veía como una chica buena y admirable que se había extraviado, una mujer cuya cabeza se había arruinado con un exceso de aprendizaje".

Molara Ogundipe se destacó por su liderazgo a la hora de combinar el activismo con el mundo académico; en 1977 fue una de las fundadoras de la Asociación de Mujeres en la Investigación y el Desarrollo, AAWORD (por sus siglas en inglés),. En 1982 fundó Mujeres en Nigeria, WIN (por sus siglas en inglés), con el fin de abogar por un acceso pleno a los "derechos económicos, sociales y políticos" para las mujeres nigerianas. Posteriormente, estableció y dirigió la Fundación Internacional para la Educación y el Monitoreo y pasó muchos años en el consejo editorial del periódico The Guardian.

Luego de haber crecido con el pueblo yoruba, sus tradiciones, cultura e idioma, dijo una vez:

"Creo que la celebración de la vida, de las personas que mueren después de una vida llena de logros, es uno de los aspectos más hermosos de la cultura yoruba".

El nombre de alabanza yoruba 'Oiki' de Molara era Ayike. Molara nació el 27 de diciembre de 1940 y falleció el 18 de junio de 2019 a la edad de 78 años, en Ijebu-Igbo, Estado de Ogun, Nigeria.

FRMag - Our neighbourhood, our network

Our neighbourhood, our network, our strength

by Marta Plaza Fernández

The feminist reality that I want to share is about weaving networks in which we uphold one another. (...)

Read

artwork: “Entretejidas” [Interwoven women] by Surmercé >

Snippet - CSW69 - What’s a feminist like you - EN

What’s a feminist like you doing in a place like this?

A conversation on international advocacy and global governance

✉️ By registration only. Register here

📅 Friday, March 14, 2025
🕒 2.30pm EST

🏢 Blue Gallery, The Blue Building, 222 East 46th Street

🎙️Facilitated by: Anissa Daboussi, Manager, Advancing Universal Rights and Justice team

Organizer: SRI, AWID

Defendiendo nuestra tierra del poder corporativo

Estas industrias 'extraen' materias primas de la tierra: minería, gas, petróleo y madera son algunos ejemplos.

Este modelo económico explota desenfrenadamente la naturaleza e intensifica las desigualdades norte, donde sus grandes corporaciones se benefician y sur, de donde extraen los recursos.

Contaminación del agua, daño irreparable al medioambiente, comunidades forzadas a desplazarse son algunas de las consecuencias inmediatas.

Lee nuestro reporte de INDUSTRIAS EXTRACTIVAS

Hay alternativas sostenibles para el medioambiente y los derechos humanos de la mujer.

 

 


Descubre además cómo nos afecta económicamente

El impacto de los flujos financieros ilícitos en los derechos de las mujeres y la justicia de género a nivel global

Conoce qué son los FLUJOS FINANCIEROS ILÍCITOS

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Snippet - GII Download (FR)

Yamile Guerra

Yamile Guerra était une avocate bien connue, leader communautaire et activiste politique dans la région de Santander en Colombie.

Activement impliquée dans la résolution de litiges entre les communautés locales et les promoteurs immobiliers, elle s’est battue contre l’appropriation des terres illégale. Yamile a occupé plusieurs fonctions politiques, dont celle de secrétaire générale du gouvernement de Santander à Bogota, et s’était également présentée comme candidate à la mairie de Bucaramanga. Au cours des dernières années de sa vie, Yamile s’était de plus en plus impliquée dans les causes environnementales, et particulièrement celle de la défense de la biodiversité des zones humides de Santurbán, une région qui approvisionnait près de deux millions de personnes en eau potable, contre les promoteurs du développement économique.

D’après sa famille et ses ami·e·s, Yamile recevait quotidiennement des menaces de mort et avait demandé la protection des autorités.

« Elle était tout à fait consciente de la question [du litige foncier] et avait à plusieurs reprises mentionné qu’elle se sentait en danger. » - Alixon Navarro Muñoz, journaliste et amie de la famille Guerra

Le 20 juillet 2019, Yamile a été tuée par balles par deux hommes à Floridablanca, Santander. Elle venait de clore une discussion avec eux en lien avec le litige foncier. Un suspect a ensuite été arrêté pour son meurtre, lequel a admis avoir été payé pour organiser son assassinat. Selon des rapports, Yamile est la troisième membre de sa famille a avoir été assassinée, en lien avec des litiges fonciers. Son père, Hernando Guerra, avait lui aussi été assassiné plusieurs années auparavant.

L’assassinat de Yamile s’inscrit dans une vague de violences et de meurtres systématiques de centaines d’activistes sociaux et défenseur·e·s des droits humains en Colombie. L’Institut d’études sur le développement et la paix (INDEPAZ) rapporte qu’au moment du décès de Yamile, plus de 700 leaders communautaires et activistes pour les droits humains ont été tué·e·s depuis la signature en août 2016 d’un traité de paix par la Colombie. La plupart furent assassiné·e·s pour s’être opposé·e·s à des trafics de drogue et des opérations minières; y compris les peuples autochtones, les Afro-Colombiens et les défenseures des droits humains étant les plus exposé·e·s.

Moins d’une semaine après le décès de Yamile, des milliers de Colombien·ne·s ont manifesté dans les petites et grandes villes, brandissant des photos en noir et blanc d’activistes tué·e·s, et sur lesquelles était écrit : « Il ne peut y avoir de paix sans leaders » et « Fini les bains de sang ».

 Yamile Guerra n’avait que 42 ans au moment de son assassinat.

FRMag - Looking at me Looking at Safe Spaces

Mirándome observar los espacios seguros

por Judyannet Muchiri

En octubre del año pasado, me fui a Kenia para empezar lo que he llegado a considerar el trabajo más importante que he hecho hasta ahora. (...)

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arte: «Healing Together» [Sanar juntxs], Upasana Agarwal >