Confronting Extractivism & Corporate Power

Women human rights defenders (WHRDs) worldwide defend their lands, livelihoods and communities from extractive industries and corporate power. They stand against powerful economic and political interests driving land theft, displacement of communities, loss of livelihoods, and environmental degradation.


Why resist extractive industries?

Extractivism is an economic and political model of development that commodifies nature and prioritizes profit over human rights and the environment. Rooted in colonial history, it reinforces social and economic inequalities locally and globally. Often, Black, rural and Indigenous women are the most affected by extractivism, and are largely excluded from decision-making. Defying these patriarchal and neo-colonial forces, women rise in defense of rights, lands, people and nature.

Critical risks and gender-specific violence

WHRDs confronting extractive industries experience a range of risks, threats and violations, including criminalization, stigmatization, violence and intimidation.  Their stories reveal a strong aspect of gendered and sexualized violence. Perpetrators include state and local authorities, corporations, police, military, paramilitary and private security forces, and at times their own communities.

Acting together

AWID and the Women Human Rights Defenders International Coalition (WHRD-IC) are pleased to announce “Women Human Rights Defenders Confronting Extractivism and Corporate Power”; a cross-regional research project documenting the lived experiences of WHRDs from Asia, Africa and Latin America.

We encourage activists, members of social movements, organized civil society, donors and policy makers to read and use these products for advocacy, education and inspiration.

Share your experience and questions!

Tell us how you are using the resources on WHRDs Confronting extractivism and corporate power.

◾️ How can these resources support your activism and advocacy?

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Thank you!

AWID acknowledges with gratitude the invaluable input of every Woman Human Rights Defender who participated in this project. This project was made possible thanks to your willingness to generously and openly share your experiences and learnings. Your courage, creativity and resilience is an inspiration for us all. Thank you!

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Nilcéa Freire

Nilcéa Freire was a Brazilian feminist activist, politician and academic. A persevering advocate for women’s rights and those of underrepresented minorities in the country, her life and work carried a long history of struggles and victories.

"While resisting we have to keep pushing for progress, and what we can achieve at this time, in my view, will be through the stupendous organization of young white women, and especially black women, in all of the state capitals and large cities of Brazil." - Nilcéa Freire

In 1999 she became the first woman to occupy the position of Dean at the State University of Rio de Janeiro. Here, she spearheaded the implementation of the first affirmative action policy for students graduating from public schools, requiring reserved places specifically for low-income black students in a public university. This system was adopted in dozens of other public universities. 

Some years later, Nilcéa headed the Special Secretariat of Policies for Women in the government of former president Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva. In this capacity, she led the first National Women’s Conference. Over 12,000 women from across the country participated and the result of this collective work was embodied in the National Plan for Policies for Women. 

Her commitment to women, Afro-Brazilians and indigenous peoples was also strongly reflected in her work to promote their rights through initiatives of the Brazil Ford Foundation office where she was a regional director. 

The feminist activist Manoela Miklos recounted Nilcéa to be "a woman without equal"

At the age of 66, Nilcéa passed away in Rio de Janeiro on 29 December 2019 of cancer.


"Without words for the news of the death of dear Nilcea Freire. It is too sad to know that she left so early. She was always part of the ranks of those who do not settle for the injustices of the world. She was the Minister of Women, an activist, always active in the feminist cause. Much missed!” - Jandira Feghali, Federal Deputy

Watch Brazilian feminist Nilcea Freire on why we need to show solidarity with Brazil

Introducing AWID’s next Co-Executive Directors

Dear Feminist Movements,

On behalf of the AWID Board of Directors, I am proud to introduce AWID’s next Co-Executive Directors: Faye Macheke and Inna Michaeli!  

Portrait of CoED Faye Macheke smiling and standing in front of greenery
Faye Macheke is a passionate Pan-African feminist, active in movements for women's rights, racial justice, migrant and labor rights, and environmental justice.  Her activism builds on the legacy of the struggle against apartheid in South Africa and the aftermath of the apartheid era in Zimbabwe. In 2019, Faye joined AWID as the Director of Finance, Operations and Development. She brings extensive experience in feminist leadership, strategy, and all aspects of organisational development. Faye is a committed Board Member of UAF-Africa and other women's rights organizations. She is based in Cape Town, South Africa.
Portrait of CoED Inna Michaeli smiling. Behind them is a wall with grafiti.
Inna Michaeli is a feminist lesbian queer activist and sociologist with many years of deep engagement in feminist and LGBTQI+ struggles, political education and organizing by and for migrant women, and Palestine liberation and solidarity. Inna joined AWID in 2016 and served in different roles, most recently as the Director of Programs. She brings extensive experience in research and knowledge building, policy advocacy and organizational development. Inna serves on the Board of the Jewish Voice for Peace - Germany. She is based in Berlin, Germany.

This decision is the result of a rigorous process with full participation of the Board and the staff of AWID. The Board recognised and honoured the skills and talents of AWID staff by opening an internal hiring search.  As a result, we had two brilliant candidates, who embody the integrity, ethic of care, and feminist intersectional values that drive AWID’s work, apply together as a team. Faye and Inna brought forward a brave and exciting vision to meet the challenges of this moment: building a global feminist community, resisting and disrupting systems of oppression, and supporting feminist movements to thrive.
 
As AWID celebrates 40 years we are excited for Inna and Faye to co-lead AWID into our next strategy and a new phase of evolving, pushing boundaries, and supporting feminist movements worldwide. 
 
Appointing and supporting AWID’s Co-Executive Directors to lead the organisation is a fiduciary responsibility we take seriously as a Board. How we engage those processes is also a reflection of AWID’s brilliant and diverse membership, which elects AWID’s Board.
 
As we say good-bye to Cindy and Hakima, we, the Board, unanimously and enthusiastically welcome Faye and Inna as our next Co-EDs as of September 5, 2022. Stay tuned for more updates about our leadership transition in the months ahead.

Most of all, thank you for your ongoing support!

In feminist solidarity and love,
Margo Okazawa-Rey
President, AWID Board

Snippet - WCFM Contact us- En

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ours chapter 4 es

Capítulo 4

Actores anti-derechos

Una red compleja de actores anti-derechos, en constante evolución, está ejerciendo cada vez más influencia en los espacios internacionales y en las políticas nacionales. Respaldados a menudo por financiaciones poco transparentes, estos actores construyen alianzas tácticas sobre distintos temas y cruzando diferentes regiones y credos para aumentar su impacto.

Leer más

Leah Tumbalang

Leah Tumbalang fue una mujer lumad de Mindanao, en Filipinas. La historia del pueblo indígena lumad abarca generaciones de resistencia contra la minería corporativa a gran escala, de protección de los territorios ancestrales, los recursos y la cultura, y de lucha por la autodeterminación.

Leah era una líder lumad, y dirigente de Kaugalingong Sistema Igpasasindog to Lumadnong Ogpaan (Kasilo), una organización lumad y campesina que lucha contra la instalación de corporaciones mineras en Bukidnon, en la provincia de Mindanao. Fue inclaudicable en su activismo anti minería, al emprender con fervor campañas  contra los efectos devastadores de la extracción de minerales en el medio ambiente y las tierras de los pueblos indígenas. Era también una organizadora política de la lista electoral Bayan Muna, que integra el partido político de izquierda Makabayan.

Durante casi una década Leah (junto con otrxs integrantes de Kasilo) recibió amenazas debido a su oposición al despliegue de grupos paramilitares, que se cree son respaldados por intereses mineros.

«Como líder lumad de su comunidad, ella está en la primera línea de lucha por sus derechos a la tierra ancestral y a la autodeterminación.» - Kalumbay Regional Lumad Organization

Estar en la vanguardia de la resistencia también significa, a menudo, ser un blanco para la violencia y la impunidad, y Leah no solamente recibió numerosas amenazas de muerte, sino que fue asesinada el 23 de agosto de 2019 en la ciudad de Valencia, en Bukidnon.

Según un informe de Global Witness, «en números absolutos, Filipinas fue el país peor afectado» en lo que respecta a activistas ambientalistas asesinadxs en 2018.


Lee el informe de Global Witness, publicado en julio de 2019

Descubre más sobre las mujeres lumad de Filipinas y su lucha intergeneracional por la autodeterminación

Carta de amor a los movimientos feministas #2

Mi querida colectiva feminista:

Sobres de álbum de recortes, el de arriba dicen Cartas de amor a los movimientos feministas. El sobre en la parte superior dice De: Lina

La integro desde que tengo uso de razón. De jovencita, no sabía que existía una palabra — «feminista»  — para nosotrxs, quienes aspiramos a superar y desmantelar el patriarcado; quienes buscamos refugio en los brazos de la inclusión y la interseccionalidad; quienes tratamos a las personas como iguales independientemente de su género, raza, sexualidad, religión y etnia; quienes estamos continuamente aprendiendo a obrar mejor, a ser mejores y a usar nuestros privilegios para que otras personas mejoren. 

Cuando tenía 14 años, mi profesor de francés de la escuela secundaria, un hombre de 1,80 metros de altura y 30 años de edad, agredió a una alumna de mi clase delante de todxs nosotrxs. La alumna, que era amiga mía desde la infancia, y varias chicas más fuimos a la dirección para denunciarlo, madres y padres se involucraron y toda la clase, treinta alumnxs, expresó su apoyo a la chica. Pero todos nuestros intentos para que el profesor rindiera cuentas por lo que había hecho fracasaron: la administración ocultóó la denunciaa y el profesor nunca fue despedido ni perseguido. Mis compañeras y yo estábamos indignadas, así que hicimos lo que toda joven feminista furiosa haría: LE TIRAMOS HUEVOS A SU AUTO. Si bien los huevos se lavaron con facilidad, costó más sacar la pintura que usamos para escribir las palabras «Cerdo» y «Khamaj» (basura). Nunca olvidaré cómo nos hizo sentir eso: liberadas, enfurecidas, felices, muy unidas y con poder. La misma emoción se repite en todos los ámbitos feministas en los que he estado desde entonces. La feminista adolescente que hay en mí creció y participó en Women Deliver, AWID, Unootha, facilitó talleres feministas en la universidad, e incluso fue perseguida por su filiación feminista a los 19 años, pero esa es otra historia para otra carta. 

Los movimientos y espacios feministas me brindan seguridad y empoderamiento. Son las madres que hubiéramos deseado tener y los vínculos que necesitábamos para conectarnos y organizarnos, a pesar de nuestras diferencias, contra un enemigo común, el patriarcado, que nos ha estado perjudicando a todxs. Con ustedes aprendí a ser resiliente y a reunir mis fuerzas y habilidades para estimular a otras personas, para sacar a la luz la situación de las personas marginadas, y dar voz a quienes no la tienen.

Lo que más me gusta de ustedes, movimientos feministas, es que a veces hacen mal las cosas, desprecian y también marginan, tienen prejuicios como cualquier otro movimiento, pero lo que los diferencia es que siempre se esfuerzan por ser mejores. La rendición de cuentas no es algo a lo que le teman, y son un colectivo en constante cambio que refleja cómo el altruismo y la filantropía que se proponen lograr la equidad de género también cambian con el paso del tiempo. 

Que crezcan siempre, que obren mejor, que siempre se enfurezcan, que siempre rujan, que siempre amen, que siempre hablen distintas lenguas y que siempre sientan su poder. 

Amor, luz y rabia, 
Lina

Clone of Snippet - WITM About the survey - FR

In 2023, feminist and 
women's rights organizations 
had a median annual budget of $22,000

In contrast, over $1 billion went to three anti-rights groups 2021-2022, with funding for anti-gender networks still rising.1

1 Global Philanthropy Project, 2024

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We are acutely aware of the practical hurdles and emotional distress associated with international travel, particularly from the Global South. AWID is working with TCEB (the Thailand Convention and Exhibition Bureau) to support Forum participants with acquiring visas. More information about this visa assistance will be available upon registration, including contact information for where and how to apply.

Nos droits en danger : Il est temps d’agir (Rapport OURS 2021)

Rapport

Nos droits en danger : Il est temps d’agir – Rapport sur les tendances 2021 de l’Observatoire sur l’universalité des droits

Le tout dernier rapport de l’Observatoire sur l’universalité des droits (OURs) détricote les discours de « l’idéologie du genre », du « génocide prénatal » et de « l’impérialisme culturel ». Il creuse également la réalité de CitizenGo, de l’Alliance Defending Freedom et des flux de financement antidroits. Vous y trouverez, en outre, une analyse des systèmes régionaux des droits humains et des stratégies féministes victorieuses !

Obtenir le rapport

Sara Hegazy

Sara Hegazy, une audacieuse activiste égyptienne des droits des LGBTQI+, vivait dans une société où les membres de sa communauté, leurs corps et leurs vies sont souvent victimes de préjugés mortels. La résistance de Sara puise ses racines dans le processus de déconstruction d'un système dominant, oppressif et patriarcal, et de ses acteurs antidroits. 

« [En Égypte], toute personne qui n'est pas un homme, musulman, sunnite, hétéro et partisan du système, est rejetée, réprimée, stigmatisée, arrêtée, exilée ou tuée. Ce phénomène concerne le système patriarcal dans son ensemble, étant donné que l'État ne peut pratiquer sa répression contre les citoyens sans une oppression préexistant depuis l'enfance », écrivait Sara Hegazy le 6 mars 2020

La répression de la voix de Sara par le gouvernement égyptien atteignit son paroxysme en 2017, lorsqu’elle fut arrêtée pour avoir brandi un drapeau arc-en-ciel lors du concert de Mashrou' Leila (groupe libanais dont le chanteur principal est ouvertement gai) au Caire. Elle fut ensuite accusée d'avoir rejoint un groupe illégal et « d’incitation à la déviance sexuelle et à la débauche ».  

« C’était un acte de soutien et de solidarité, non seulement envers le chanteur [de Mashrou' Leila] mais pour tou·te·s les opprimé·e·s… Nous étions fier·ère·s de porter le drapeau. Nous ne pouvions imaginer que la société et l’État égyptien réagiraient de cette façon. Ils m’ont vue comme une criminelle, quelqu’un qui cherchait à détruire la structure morale de la société ».  - Sara Hegazy

Sara fut emprisonnée pendant trois mois, durant lesquels elle fut torturée et agressée sexuellement. En janvier 2018, après avoir été libérée sous caution, elle demanda l'asile au Canada où elle vécut en sécurité mais resta prisonnière des souvenirs de la violence et des sévices qu'elle avait subis dans son corps et son âme.

« Je suis sortie de cette expérience au bout de trois mois avec un cas très sévère et grave de SSPT [syndrome de stress post-traumatique]. La prison m'a tuée. Elle m'a détruite », déclara Sara Hegazy à la NPR (Radio d’État)

Sara s'est suicidée le 14 juin 2020, en laissant une note manuscrite en arabe :  

« À mes frères et sœurs - j'ai essayé de trouver la rédemption et j'ai échoué, pardonnez-moi. »
« À mes amis - l'expérience [l’aventure] a été rude et je suis trop faible pour la supporter, pardonnez-moi. » 
« Au monde - tu as été très cruel, mais je te pardonne. »

Son courage et son héritage seront perpétués par toutes les personnes qui l’aimaient et qui croient en ce pour quoi elle s’est battue. 


Hommages :

« À Sara : repose-toi, repose-toi simplement, hors d’atteinte de cette violence implacable, de ce patriarcat étatique meurtrier. Dans la rage, dans le chagrin, dans l'épuisement, nous résisterons. » - Rasha Younes, chercheuse sur les droits LGBT à Human Rights Watch. Lisez le texte complet

Le chanteur de Mashrou’ Leila chante en hommage à Sara Hegazy

Hommages sur Twitter 

Documentaire sur la vie de Sara Hegazy

Site Web dédié à Sara Hegazy et à celleux, particulièrement aux voix LGBTQI, qui n'ont pas la possibilité de faire leur deuil en public

Love letter to Feminist Movements #8

Dearest Beloved Feminist Movements,

Hello again, and again, and again. I have known and loved you my entire adult life, since I first met you meaningfully, after graduating from university. I’d seen you one time before then. That was you appearing as Betty Friedan on a local TV talk show in the US Midwest, in the late-1960s. At the time, Mrs. Wells, my other mother, and I commented on what wild, far-fetched ideas this woman was trying to convince us about. Decade after decade since then I have fallen more deeply in love with you, Beloved, and understand and witness your political and theoretical brilliance, ethical and moral authority, creativity, joy, and love, above all. Nearly 60 years later, I know we are partners forever.

Love letter to feminist movements from Your dramatically cloaked jungle nymph.

The early years of our acquaintanceship was ok. I was quite self-involved--figuring racial, gender, and sexual identity; getting clear on my core politics, values, and ethics; completing my formal education--and you provided numerous settings, intellectual drop-in centers, and comforting holding environments where and through which I was able to craft the young-adult building blocks of the feminist and human being whom I would become.

The predominantly white women’s movement of Cambridge and Boston, including Daughters of Bilitis, was my starting place. That suited me at the time but soon realized I desired something more. Poof! Like magic (serendipity), I connected with a small group of radical, anti-imperialist, Black, socialist lesbian women and we soon became the Combahee River Collective. 

That early Combahee experience, combined with critical life lessons and particular African-American/Korean immigrant racial politics of early-1990s in the US, prepared me for the journey that has led me to identify and work as a transnational feminist to address militarism and to dedicate myself to imagining other worlds where all living beings will thrive.

The next two critical women’s-movement moments were decades after Combahee years but deeply linked. First was meeting and being invited into the Korean feminist movement organizing against US military bases and supporting the “kijichon women” the Korean women whose lives, including for some, their mixed-race children, revolved around servicing US military personnel in numerous ways in villages and towns adjacent to the bases. Korean Beloved Feminists, especially Kim Yon-Ja and Ahn Il-Soon, the first sisters I met and traveled with, made me see and understand the critical importance of nation as an analytical and organizing principle. The “capstone” was living, working in occupied Palestine. The late Maha Abu-Dayyeh introduced me to the Palestinian women’s movement, with a profound comment, “you can leave Palestine but Palestine will never leave you.” So true. And, all my work and experiences across many borders brought me to AWID--my second home.

As you know, Beloved, being with you has not been easy or simple. Indeed, you are demanding, consistently riddled with contradictions, and sometimes even hurtful. Nonetheless, you continue to grow and develop, as you are supporting my political, emotional, and spiritual growth and development.  I guess we are growing each other--a very profound process to which I will dedicate the rest of my time in my current form.

The through-line of being with you all these decades is this: 

Feminists Collectively Engaging the Heads, Hearts, Hands, and Spirits to transform our worlds

This is chart with 7 consecutive circles arranged in a circumference. Each one is separated by an arrow which makes the chart a loop. Starting at the top, and following left to right, the circles say: #1 reflecting on individual experiences, #2 story-telling collectively, #3 theorizing, #4 visioning, #5 acting and reflecting, #6 re-visioning, #7 ethic of humility, care, joy, love.

 

So much love, Feminist Movements!

Your Margo
AKA DJ MOR Love and Joy

Wellfleet Massachusetts USA

WITM - Refreshed INFOGRAPHIC 3 ES

¿Cómo se autofinancian las organizaciones feministas?

Las organizaciones feministas y por los derechos de las mujeres no solo dependemos del financiamiento institucional, también nos autofinanciamos. Son la pasión, el compromiso político, la solidaridad y el cuidado colectivo lo que empuja a nuestras organizaciones.
Estos recursos se autogeneran y son autónomos y, aunque a menudo no se reflejan en nuestros presupuestos, son la columna vertebral de las organizaciones.

Consulta los datos sobre la gestión autónoma de recursos

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Volveremos a ponernos en contacto con contrapartes que hayan colaborado en el pasado, para asegurarnos de que se respetan los esfuerzos realizados.Si tus datos de contacto han cambiado desde el último proceso del Foro, por favor, actualízalos para que podamos contactarte.

Editor's Note | Lost For Words

Editor's Note

Lost For Words

When our embodied labor becomes profit in the hands of the systems we seek to dismantle, it is no wonder that our sexualities and pleasures are once again relegated to the sidelines – especially when they are not profitable enough. In many instances during the production of this issue, we asked ourselves what would happen if we refused to accommodate the essential services of capitalism. 

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