Mia Berden
Protection of the Family
The Issue
Over the past few years, a troubling new trend at the international human rights level is being observed, where discourses on ‘protecting the family’ are being employed to defend violations committed against family members, to bolster and justify impunity, and to restrict equal rights within and to family life.
The campaign to "Protect the Family" is driven by ultra-conservative efforts to impose "traditional" and patriarchal interpretations of the family, and to move rights out of the hands of family members and into the institution of ‘the family’.
“Protection of the Family” efforts stem from:
- rising traditionalism,
- rising cultural, social and religious conservatism and
- sentiment hostile to women’s human rights, sexual rights, child rights and the rights of persons with non-normative gender identities and sexual orientations.
Since 2014, a group of states have been operating as a bloc in human rights spaces under the name “Group of Friends of the Family”, and resolutions on “Protection of the Family” have been successfully passed every year since 2014.
This agenda has spread beyond the Human Rights Council. We have seen regressive language on “the family” being introduced at the Commission on the Status of Women, and attempts made to introduce it in negotiations on the Sustainable Development Goals.
Our Approach
AWID works with partners and allies to jointly resist “Protection of the Family” and other regressive agendas, and to uphold the universality of human rights.
In response to the increased influence of regressive actors in human rights spaces, AWID joined allies to form the Observatory on the Universality of Rights (OURs). OURs is a collaborative project that monitors, analyzes, and shares information on anti-rights initiatives like “Protection of the Family”.
Rights at Risk, the first OURs report, charts a map of the actors making up the global anti-rights lobby, identifies their key discourses and strategies, and the effect they are having on our human rights.
The report outlines “Protection of the Family” as an agenda that has fostered collaboration across a broad range of regressive actors at the UN. It describes it as: “a strategic framework that houses “multiple patriarchal and anti-rights positions, where the framework, in turn, aims to justify and institutionalize these positions.”
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Snippet - WITM To share - ES
Para compartir tu experiencia con el financiamiento de tu organización.
Nadine Ramaroson
Son soutien aux femmes et aux personnes les plus vulnérables de sa communauté a fait que Nadine était un modèle pour beaucoup. Elle était déterminée à aider les pauvres et les sans-abri en particulier.
Bien que sa mort ait été déclarée comme étant accidentelle, la famille Ramaroson, sur l’initiative de son père André Ramaroson, a mené une enquête qui a mis en évidence des preuves de son assassinat. Elle serait décédée dans un accident mortel survenu entre Soanierano - Ivongo et Ste Marie - une histoire qui a été réfutée par sa famille. Elle avait reçu de nombreuses menaces de mort pour ses positions politiques résolues. L’affaire est toujours en cours auprès des tribunaux à Antananarivo (la capitale de Madagascar).
What is at stake for women’s rights?
Development financing has specific threats and opportunities for women's and all people’s human rights. Transformative development financing and policies can make an important contribution to the systemic changes that are needed to ensure the respect, protection and fulfillment of women’s human rights.
2015 is an important year for the FfD process. The Third International Conference on FfD took place from 13-16 July 2015 in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia and governments are finalising the post-2015 development agenda including agreements on how the new Sustainable Development Goals will be financed.
The current stage of the FfD process is an important opportunity to establish a financing framework that will ensure effective financing for the implementation of the post 2015 agenda and the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs). It is also an opportunity to address the structural conditions, and systemic changes needed, for the full implementation of other agendas and commitments such as Human Rights Conventions, and the Beijing Platform for Action.
Over the last 13 years, women’s rights and feminist organizations have actively engaged in the FfD process.
Snippet FEA Ocupação 9 de Julho is more than just a building (EN)
But Ocupação 9 de Julho is more than just a building.
It is a community hub, where one can take courses and train in creative income-generation activities like local hairdressing, cooking and artmaking. Children can also enjoy cultural and educational activities. The MSTC doesn't work alone. It collaborates with institutions and art collectives to produce cultural, athletic and educational experiences, alongside critical access to health care. Since its inception, this participatory project has been led and carried out by mostly women, under the leadership of Afro-Brazilian activist Carmen Silva, who was once a homeless person herself.
Natalia Estemirova
Snippet - WITM Why now_col 1 - EN
Why should I take it now?
Feminist, women’s rights, gender justice, LBTQI+ and allied movements around the world are at a critical juncture, facing a powerful backlash on previously-won rights and freedoms. Recent years have brought the rapid rise of authoritarianism, violent repression of civil society, criminalization of women and gender-diverse human rights defenders, escalating war and conflict in many parts of our world, continued perpetuation of economic injustices, and the intersecting health, ecology and climate crises.
Sainimili Naivalu
« J’ai constaté la discrimination dans la rue, que ce soit par des taquineries ou des agressions verbales qui y ont lieu. Je me suis aussi faite plein d’ami·e·s et j’y ai rencontré plusieurs personnes. Il se peut que ce soit dangereux là-bas, mais je suis une survivante, et pour le moment, c’est là où je suis. » - Sainimili Naival
Sainimili Naivalu était une activiste féministe des droits des personnes handicapées issue du village de Dakuibeqa, sur l’île de Beqa aux Fidji.
Elle a demandé aux responsables et acteurs politiques de fournir des politiques et des services adaptés au handicap, comme la construction de rampes dans les villes et les villages afin d'accroître leur accessibilité. Les barrières physiques n’étaient pas les seules qu’elle aspirait à modifier. Sur la base de sa propre expérience, elle savait que des changements plus difficiles devaient être menés dans les sphères économiques et sociales. Bon nombre des défis avec lesquels sont aux prises les personnes handicapées trouvent leurs racines dans les attitudes discriminantes et stigmatisantes.
Survivante et combattante, Sainimili a contribué à co-créer des réalités féministes qui renforcent l’inclusion et font évoluer les attitudes par rapport à l’égalité des personnes handicapées. Elle a été membre de la Spinal Injury Association of Fiji (SIA) ainsi que participé à la formation « Démarrez votre entreprise » de l’Organisation internationale du Travail à Suva via le projet « Pacific Enable » (le Pacifique rend possible) du Forum Asie-Pacifique sur le handicap. Elle a ainsi pu transformer ses idées en une entreprise qui lui était propre. Elle était commerçante sur l’étal de marché 7 de Suva, offrant des services de manucure, tout en gérant un stand au marché des femmes SIA pour y vendre de l’artisanat, des suls et des objets historiques. Sainimili planifiait d’élargir son commerce et de devenir une employeuse majeure de personnes handicapées.
Outre son activisme, elle était également médaillée de tennis de table et une récente championne.
Avec sa personnalité vive, Sainimili était unique. On savait toujours lorsqu’elle était dans la pièce car ses rires et ses histoires étaient la première chose qu’on pouvait remarquer. - Michelle Reddy
Sainmili est décédée en 2019.
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Snippet FEA ASOM (ES)
Asociación de Mujeres Afrodescendientes del Norte del Cauca
La organización comunitaria de mujeres negras en la región del Norte del Cauca en Colombia se remonta al pasado colonial del país, que está marcado por el racismo, el patriarcado y el capitalismo que sustentaron la esclavitud como un medio para explotar los ricos suelos de la región.
Estas organizadoras son las heroínas de un amplio movimiento por la autonomía negra, que lucha por el uso sostenible de los bosques y los recursos naturales de la región como elementos vitales para su cultura y sustento.
Durante 25 años, la Asociación de Mujeres Afrodescendientes del Norte del Cauca (ASOM) se ha dedicado a impulsar la organización de mujeres afrocolombianas en el Norte del Cauca. Se establecieron en 1997 como respuesta a las continuas violaciones de derechos humanos, la ausencia de políticas públicas, el manejo inadecuado de los recursos naturales y la falta de oportunidades para las mujeres en el territorio.
Han forjado la lucha para asegurar los derechos étnico-territoriales, para poner fin a la violencia contra las mujeres y obtener el reconocimiento del papel de las mujeres en la construcción de la paz en Colombia.
Nuala Fennell
Snippet - WITM Our objectives - EN
Our research objectives
1 |
Provide AWID members, movement partners and funders with an updated, powerful, evidence-based, and action-oriented analysis of the resourcing realities of feminist movements and current state of the feminist funding ecosystem. |
2 |
Identify and demonstrate opportunities to shift more and better funding for feminist organizing, expose false solutions and disrupt trends that make funding miss and/or move against gender justice and intersectional feminist agendas. |
3 |
Articulate feminist visions, proposals and agendas for resourcing justice. |
Molara Ogundipe
“But when was the master
ever seduced from power?
When was a system ever broken
by acceptance?
when will the BOSS hand you power with love?
At Jo’Burg, at Cancun or the U.N?
– Molara Ogundipe
In an interview at the 2010 Ghana International Book Fair, Molara Ogundipe introduced herself with the words: “...I’m a Nigerian. I’ve lived possibly all over the world except for the Soviet Union and China.”
Across the different continents and countries, Professor Ogundipe taught comparative literature, writing, gender, and English studies using literature as a vehicle for social transformation and re-thinking gender relations.
A feminist thinker, writer, editor, social critic, poet, and activist Molara Ogundipe succeeded in combining theoretical work with creativity and practical action. She is considered to be one of the leading critical voices on African feminism(s), gender studies and literary theory.
Molara famously coined the concept of “stiwanism’ from the acronym STIWA – Social Transformations in Africa Including Women recognizing the need to move “away from defining feminism and feminisms in relation to Euro-America or elsewhere, and from declaiming loyalties or disloyalties.”
In her seminal work ‘Re-creating Ourselves’ in 1994, Molara Ogundipe (published under Molara Ogundipe-Leslie) left behind an immense body of knowledge that decolonized feminist discourse and “re-centered African women in their full, complex narratives...guided by an exploration of economic, political and social liberation of African women and restoration of female agency across different cultures in Africa.”
In speaking about the challenges she faced as a young academic she said:
”When I began talking and writing feminism in the late sixties and seventies, I was seen as a good and admirable girl who had gone astray, a woman whose head has been spoilt by too much learning".
Molara Ogundipe stood out for her leadership in combining activism and academia; in 1977 she was among the founding members of AAWORD, the Association of Women in Research and Development. In 1982 she founded WIN (Women In Nigeria) to advocate for full “economic, social and political rights” for Nigerian women. She then went on to establish and direct the Foundation for International Education and Monitoring and spent many years on the editorial board of The Guardian.
Growing up with the Yoruba people, their traditions, culture, and language she once said :
“I think the celebration of life, of people who pass away after an achieved life is one of the beautiful aspects of Yoruba culture.”
Molara’s Yoruba ‘Oiki’ praise name was Ayike. She was born on 27 December 1940 and at the age of 78, Molara passed away on 18 June 2019 in Ijebu-Igbo, Ogun State, Nigeria.
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我們會盡快宣布。敬請關注！
Snippet FEA Mano Cambiada (FR)
MANO CAMBIADA
(« main échangée »)
Terme des communautés noires du Cauca du Nord pour la minga, le travail collaboratif dans les fermes, basé sur l'entraide et la solidarité.
Saskia Poldervaart
Who we are & what we do
We are excited to share our new Strategic Plan (2023-2027) with the world. AWID will make an announcement to inform our community and members very soon.
The Association for Women's Rights in Development (AWID) is a global, feminist, membership, movement-support organization.
For 40 years, AWID has been a part of an incredible ecosystem of feminist movements working to achieve gender justice and women’s human rights worldwide.
Our vision
GGAADD | Flickr (CC BY-SA 2.0) - modified
AWID envisions a world where feminist realities flourish, where resources and power are shared in ways that enable everyone, and future generations, to thrive and realize their full potential with dignity, love and respect, and where Earth nurtures life in all its diversity.
Our mission
Our mission is to support feminist, women’s rights and gender justice movements to thrive, to be a driving force in challenging systems of oppression, and to co-create feminist realities.
Our tactics
We advance our work through these tactics:
Influencing, advocacy and campaigning
We collaboratively leverage our access, power, resources and relationships to strategically influence policy and practice. We aim to advance feminist agendas through our work with policy makers, funders and activists in regional and global spaces. We also work to influence feminist and women’s rights movements to centre historically oppressed movements as part of efforts to strengthen our collective power and influence.
Convening and connecting
We use our convening power to facilitate dialogue and strategize on key issues. We connect our members and allies with one another, sharing and exchanging resources, ideas and action across relevant issues. We organize and facilitate spaces to strengthen and engage across movements, to imagine and envisage new futures, to develop effective influencing tactics and to co-create powerful agendas and processes.
Solidarity and bridge-building
We work to mobilize our members and the movements we support to strengthen collective action in solidarity with feminist causes and defenders at risk. We build partnerships, engage in active listening and ongoing, long-term, solidarity. We work with defenders to build a body of knowledge and support networks of solidarity on protection and wellbeing.
Arts and creative expression
We recognize the unique and strategic value of cultural and creative strategies in the struggle against oppression and injustice. We work with artists who centre feminist voices and the narratives of historically oppressed communities. In this emerging tactic, we see art and creative expression helping us envision a world where feminist realities continue to flourish and be celebrated.
Our initiatives
Our initiatives work at the intersections of the sites of change we work to address, the movements we prioritize, and the tactics we use:
Advancing Universal Rights and Justice
We monitor, document and make visible how anti-rights actors are operating and colluding in multilateral spaces and support feminist, women’s rights and gender justice movements and allies to counter their influence and impact.
Building Feminist Economies
Working on extractivism, tax justice and corporate accountability, we build knowledge on corporate power and influence; advocate for corporate accountability and equitable distribution of wealth; and amplify feminist proposals for just economies.
Resourcing Feminist Movements
We develop accessible, action-oriented analysis on the state of resourcing for feminist movements. We aim to influence funders’ policies and practices, deepen and sustain funding for feminist social change, and support movements’ needs and strategies.
In addition to the impact we aim to have in the world, AWID is expressly committed to strengthening our own organizational learning and resilience in order to further strengthen global feminist movements.
Our donors
Thank you!
Without the generous funding and support from our donors, our work would not be possible
Why should I consider responding to the survey?
There are many reasons why your response to the WITM survey matters. The survey offers the opportunity to share your lived experience of mobilizing funding to support your organizing; claim your power as an expert on how money moves and who it reaches; and contribute to collective and consistent advocacy to funders moving more and better funding. Over the last two decades, AWID’s WITM research has proven to be a key resource for activists and funders. We wholeheartedly invite you to join us in its third iteration to highlight the actual state of resourcing, challenge false solutions, and point out how funding must change for movements to thrive and meet the complex challenges of our times.
Yamile Guerra
Yamile Guerra fue una conocida abogada, líder comunitaria y activista política de la región colombiana de Santander.
Trabajó activamente para resolver las disputas entre comunidades locales y empresas promotoras, y abogó contra la apropiación ilegal de las tierras. Yamile ocupó varios cargos políticos, entre ellos la Secretaría General del Gobierno de Santander en Bogotá, y se presentó también a la Alcaldía de Bucaramanga. En los últimos años de su vida, Yamile se volvió cada vez más activa en las causas medioambientales contra los desarrollos urbanos, particularmente, en la defensa de los humedales biodiversos de Santurbán contra los desarrollos urbanos, una región que abastece de agua dulce a casi 2 millones de personas .
Según su familia y amigxs, Yamile recibía amenazas de muerte a diario y había pedido protección a las autoridades.
"Ella era muy consciente de este problema [litigio de tierras] y manifestó repetidamente que se sentía insegura". - Alixon Navarro Muñoz, periodista y amigo de la familia Guerra.
El 20 de julio de 2019, Yamile fue asesinada a tiros por dos hombres en Floridablanca, Santander. Acababa de terminar de discutir con ellos por una disputa de tierras. Un sospechoso fue arrestado más tarde por su asesinato y admitió haber recibido un pago por llevar a cabo su asesinato. Según varios informes, o Yamile fue la tercera integrante de su familia en ser asesinada a causa de las disputas por tierras. El padre de Yamile, Hernando Guerra, había sido asesinado también varios años antes.
El asesinato de Yamile forma parte de una ola de violencia y asesinatos sistemáticos contra cientos de activistas sociales y defensorxs de los derechos humanos en Colombia. Según el Instituto de Estudios para el Desarrollo y la Paz (INDEPAZ), en el momento de la muerte de Yamile, más de 700 líderes comunitarios y activistas de derechos humanos habían sido asesinadxs desde que el país firmó un acuerdo de paz en agosto de 2016. La mayoría de ellxs fueron asesinadxs por enfrentar el tráfico ilegal de drogas y las operaciones mineras. Las personas indígenas, afrocolombianas y las mujeres defensoras de derechos humanos son lxs activistas que corren mayor riesgo.
Menos de una semana después de la muerte de Yamile, miles de colombianxs marcharon por pueblos y ciudades sosteniendo fotos en blanco y negro de activistas que habían sido asesinadxs, en las pancartas se podía leer: "Sin líderes no puede haber paz" y "No más derramamientos de sangre".
Yamile Guerra tenía solo 42 años en el momento de su asesinato.