.
Protection of the Family
The Issue
Over the past few years, a troubling new trend at the international human rights level is being observed, where discourses on ‘protecting the family’ are being employed to defend violations committed against family members, to bolster and justify impunity, and to restrict equal rights within and to family life.
The campaign to "Protect the Family" is driven by ultra-conservative efforts to impose "traditional" and patriarchal interpretations of the family, and to move rights out of the hands of family members and into the institution of ‘the family’.
“Protection of the Family” efforts stem from:
- rising traditionalism,
- rising cultural, social and religious conservatism and
- sentiment hostile to women’s human rights, sexual rights, child rights and the rights of persons with non-normative gender identities and sexual orientations.
Since 2014, a group of states have been operating as a bloc in human rights spaces under the name “Group of Friends of the Family”, and resolutions on “Protection of the Family” have been successfully passed every year since 2014.
This agenda has spread beyond the Human Rights Council. We have seen regressive language on “the family” being introduced at the Commission on the Status of Women, and attempts made to introduce it in negotiations on the Sustainable Development Goals.
Our Approach
AWID works with partners and allies to jointly resist “Protection of the Family” and other regressive agendas, and to uphold the universality of human rights.
In response to the increased influence of regressive actors in human rights spaces, AWID joined allies to form the Observatory on the Universality of Rights (OURs). OURs is a collaborative project that monitors, analyzes, and shares information on anti-rights initiatives like “Protection of the Family”.
Rights at Risk, the first OURs report, charts a map of the actors making up the global anti-rights lobby, identifies their key discourses and strategies, and the effect they are having on our human rights.
The report outlines “Protection of the Family” as an agenda that has fostered collaboration across a broad range of regressive actors at the UN. It describes it as: “a strategic framework that houses “multiple patriarchal and anti-rights positions, where the framework, in turn, aims to justify and institutionalize these positions.”
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Key impacts on the international human rights system
Anti-rights actors have had a substantive impact on our human rights framework and the progressive interpretation of human rights standards, especially rights related to gender and sexuality.
When it comes to the impact of conservative actors in international policy spaces, the overall picture today is of stasis and regressions.
We have witnessed the watering down of existing agreements and commitment; deadlock in negotiations; sustained undermining of UN agencies, treaty review bodies and Special Procedures; and success in pushing through regressive language in international human rights documents.
Commission on the Status of Women (CSW)
The CSW, held annually in March, has long been one of the most contested sites in the UN system. In March 2015, conservative efforts set the tone before events or negotiations even began; the outcome document of the Commission was a weak Declaration negotiated before any women’s rights activists even arrived on the ground.
At 2016’s CSW, the new Youth Caucus was infiltrated by large numbers of vocal anti-abortion and anti-SRHR actors, who shouted down progressive youth organizations. Again, intensive negotiations resulted in a lacklustre text, which included regressive language on ‘the family.’
Precisely when addressing women’s human rights is of urgent importance, the CSW has been rendered a depoliticized and weakened space. Using it to advance rights has become harder and harder since progressives’ energy is taken up trying to hold the ground against conservative backlash.
Human Rights Council (HRC)
As the intergovernmental body responsible for the promotion and protection of human rights around the globe, the HRC is a key entry point for conservative actors. In recent years, this mechanism has been the scene for a number of damaging anti-human rights moves.
In conversation with other anti-rights actors, one strategy of conservative states, and blocs of states, is to aggressively negotiate out positive language and to introduce hostile amendments to resolutions, most often resolutions focusing on rights related to gender and sexuality.
To take one example, during the June 2016 session of the HRC, opposition was mounted towards a resolution on discrimination against women by the member states of the Organization of Islamic Cooperation (OIC) and allies. During contentious negotiations, multiple provisions were removed, including women’s and girls’ right to have control over their sexuality, sexual and reproductive health, and reproductive rights; and the need to repeal laws which perpetuate the patriarchal oppression of women and girls in families, and those criminalizing adultery or pardoning marital rape.
The HRC has also been the site of pernicious conservative initiatives to co-opt human rights norms and enact conservative “human rights” language, such as that of the Russia-led “traditional values” resolutions, and more recently the “Protection of the Family” agenda.
Human Rights Committee
In 2015, moving their sights to another front, a number of religious right organizations began to target the Human Rights Committee, the treaty monitoring body for the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), a pivotal human rights instrument.
Anti-human rights groups mobilized in hopes of cementing their anti-abortion rhetoric into the treaty.
When the Committee announced it was drafting a new authoritative interpretation of the right to life, over 30 conservative non-state actors sent in written submissions, advocating their misleading discourse on ‘right to life’ - that life begins at conception and that abortion is a violation of the right - be incorporated in the Committee’s interpretation of article 6.
Conservative groups targeting the Human Rights Committee was a shift considering that historically anti-human rights actors have repeatedly attempted to undermine and invalidate the essential work of the treaty monitoring bodies, including the Human Rights Committee.
SDG negotiations and Agenda 2030
Anti-human rights actors were involved in lobbying towards the development of the new Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) in 2015, focusing again on rights relating to gender and sexuality. These efforts had limited traction in their attempts to embed regressive language in Agenda 2030.
However, after successfully pushing back against progressive language in the final text, conservative actors then pivoted to another strategy. In an attempt to evade state accountability and undermine the universality of rights, several states have repeatedly made reservations to the Goals.
On behalf of the African Group, Senegal claimed that African states would only “implement the goals in line with the cultural and religious values of its countries.”
The Holy See also made a number of reservations, stating it was “confident that the related pledge ‘no one will be left behind’ would be read” as meaning “the right to life of the person, from conception until natural death.”
Saudi Arabia went one step further, declaring that the country would not follow any international rules relating to the SDGs that reference sexual orientation or gender identity, describing them as running “counter to Islamic law.”
General Assembly (GA)
Anti-rights actors have made increasing headway at the UN General Assembly (GA). Most recently, during the 71st session in 2016, the GA was the scene of feverish anti-rights organizing in opposition to the new mandate created by the Human Rights Council resolution on sexual orientation and gender identity in June 2016: the Independent Expert on SOGI. Four separate attempts were made to undercut the mandate in GA spaces.
One approach was to introduce a hostile resolution at the Third Committee[1], led by the African Group, which in essence aimed to indefinitely defer the new mandate. While this approach was not successful, such an attempt in the GA to retroactively block the creation of a mandate brought forward by the Human Rights Council represented a new and troubling tactic - anti-right actors are now working to directly undermine the HRC’s authority respective to the General Assembly.
Another approach targeted the Fifth Committee (responsible for administration and budgetary matters) as an entry point to attack the mandate. In an unprecedented move a number of States attempted (again, unsuccessfully) to block the funding of UN human rights experts, including the new IE on SOGI[2],.
While these multiple efforts were unsuccessful in blocking the creation and continuation of the new mandate, the significant support they received, the novel strategizing employed, and the strong alliances built along regional lines through negotiations point to difficulties ahead.
[1] The Third Committee of the GA deals with agenda items relating to a range of social, humanitarian affairs, and human rights issues. Each year it discusses and issues resolutions on issues including the advancement of women, the protection of children, family, and youth.
[2] While UN Special Procedures experts (i.e. Special Rapporteurs, Working Group members and Independent Experts) work pro bono, some funds are generally allocated to facilitate country visits on the invitation of the national government, and support staff.
Other Chapters
Nana Abuelsoud
Biography
Nana est militante féministe et chercheuse spécialisée dans les droits reproductifs et les politiques démographiques. Elle exerce ses activités en Égypte. Elle collabore avec Realizing Sexual and Reproductive Justice (RESURJ), siège au conseil consultatif de l’A Project au Liban et fait partie du comité communautaire de Mama Cash. Nana est diplômée d’un master en santé publique de l’Institut KIT et de l’Université Vrije d’Amsterdam. Son travail consiste à analyser et contextualiser les politiques démographiques nationales tout en documentant les questions liées à l’eugénisme contemporain, aux programmes d’aide internationale régressifs et aux régimes autoritaires. Auparavant, elle a collaboré avec la Fondation genevoise pour la formation et la recherche médicales, l’Initiative égyptienne pour les droits de la personne, ainsi qu’avec le Collectif féministe Ikhtyar au Caire.
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Diana Sacayan
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Snippet Forum Quoate Jac s m Kee, Malaysia (EN)
No hay nada como estar en un espacio compartido, intercambiar energías corporales, mirar a alguien a los ojos y establecer conexiones, ver el mundo y hacer algo juntxs. Eventos como el Foro se encuentran entre los más fuertes del movimiento feminista mundial...
- Jac s m Kee, Malasia
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Mobilisant des coiffeurs·ses transgenres de la classe ouvrière et des reines de beauté, les leaders dynamiques du seul parti politique LGBT au monde mènent une quête historique pour élire une femme trans au Congrès philippin.
Discussion en direct avec S. Leo Chiang et Johnny Symons, réalisateurs du film « Out Run »
Sala de prensa
AWID en los medios
Compilación de noticias sobre la organización y/o el trabajo de AWID
- Presentan disco con canciones para reír y reivindicar. La Nación, may 2018
- Día Internacional de la Mujer: la realidad de las mujeres latinoamericanas. La opinión digital, mar 2018
- Para fortalecer la resistencia global, hay que dar recursos a lxs jóvenes feministas. Open Global Rights, nov 2017
- Llamado mundial a las mujeres frente a la reunión de la OMC. Bilaterals, nov 2017
- Tejiendo la resistencia a través de la acción: Las estrategias de las Defensoras de Derechos Humanos contra las industrias extractivas. Movimiento 4, sep 2017
- Romani: banca internacional habilita a que se “lave olímpicamente” el dinero del narcotráfico. La diaria, ago 2017
- Global: Nueva guía y reporte sobre acciones de defensoras de derechos humanos ante proyectos extractivos empresariales. Business and human rights resources, ago 2017
- Cumbre sobre el Mundo del Trabajo: Un futuro mejor para las mujeres en el trabajo. Organización Internacional del Trabajo, jun 2017
- “Los Movimientos Importan”, arte visual colectivo en favor de las mujeres. El heraldo de Saltillo, mar 2017
- Violencia de género contra las mujeres en los medios, y la necesidad del activismo cotidiano. IFEX, dic 2016
- Ahora más que nunca. La razón, sep 2016
- Brasil: Cerró ayer la mayor conferencia sobre derechos de las mujeres. Fondo indígena, sep 2016
- Alerta Máxima Feminista ante involución de derechos de las y los migrantes en la 46 ª Conferencia de Población y Desarrollo. Calala, may 2015
- Todas las personas podemos ser defensoras de los Derechos Humanos de las mujeres. ALC noticias, ene 2015
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Comment l’AWID a-t-elle débuté ?
L’AWID a fait ses débuts en 1982 et s’est transformée au fil du temps.
Pour mieux connaître notre histoire
Lire « From WID to GAD to Women's Rights: The First 20 Years of AWID » (disponible uniquement en anglais).
Obiageli “Oby” Nwankwo
Con una carrera jurídica que abarcó más de 30 años, Oby era conocida en toda África y en el mundo como una defensora de la justicia de género y los derechos humanos.
Fundó y fue Directora Ejecutiva del Civil Resource Development and Documentation Centre (CIRDDOC), una ONG nigeriana que patrocina capacitaciones y actividades de creación de redes para miembrxs de la sociedad civil, parlamentarixs y otrxs actores clave, para promover los derechos humanos, la buena gobernanza y el acceso a la justicia y el estado de derecho.
Oby es afectuosamente recordada por lxs activistas de Nigeria como una «extraordinaria activista que mostraba energía y pasión por la lucha por la igualdad de género y la justicia de género en Nigeria y en toda África».
Maria Elena Moyano Delgado
WITM - Refreshed INFOGRAPHIC 1 EN
Ever wondered what budgets for feminist organizations look like?
In 2023, feminist and women's rights organizations had a median annual budget of USD 22,000. Behind that median lies disparity and inequality: while a few groups access large-scale resources, the vast majority survive on shoestring budgets.
A closer look at actual budgets reveals major income diversity and inequality.
Où et quand se déroulera le Forum ?
Du 2 au 5 décembre 2024, à Bangkok, en Thaïlande ! Nous nous rassemblerons au Centre national de convention de la Reine Sirikit (QSNCC) et aussi virtuellement en ligne.
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Laura Lee
Laura était une activiste et une avocate de premier plan qui a mené une campagne courageuse en faveur de la dépénalisation du travail du sexe en Irlande.
On se souvient d'elle comme « une combattante de la liberté pour les travailleurs et les travailleuses du sexe, une féministe, une mère pour certainEs et une amie nécessaire pour beaucoup ».
Laura militait pour que les personnes de l'industrie du sexe soient reconnu-e-s comme des travailleurs et travailleuses sujets de droits. Elle a activement milité en faveur de la dépénalisation, notamment en engageant une procédure judiciaire devant la haute cour de Belfast qui concernent des dispositions criminalisant l’achat de services sexuels. Laura a déclaré que son intention était de porter l'affaire devant la Cour européenne des droits de l'homme.
Angy Ferreira
Snippet - COP30 Intro - ES
Súmate al movimiento feminista abocado a recuperar la acción por el clima del control corporativo
Con 1773 cabilderos de los combustibles fósiles presentes en la COP29 del año pasado, nos dirigimos, junto con otres feministas a Belém (Brasil) del 10 al 21 de noviembre de 2025. Allí continuaremos denunciando las soluciones falsas, llamando la atención sobre la captura corporativa, y exigiendo que los Estados cumplan sus compromisos bajo las Responsabilidades Comunes pero Diferenciadas y las Capacidades Respectivas (en inglés) para impulsar las alternativas económicas feministas.
USD 2,7 billones para gasto militar. USD 300.000 millones para la justicia climática. Estamos aquí para dar vuelta el relato.