Protection of the Family
The Issue
Over the past few years, a troubling new trend at the international human rights level is being observed, where discourses on ‘protecting the family’ are being employed to defend violations committed against family members, to bolster and justify impunity, and to restrict equal rights within and to family life.
The campaign to "Protect the Family" is driven by ultra-conservative efforts to impose "traditional" and patriarchal interpretations of the family, and to move rights out of the hands of family members and into the institution of ‘the family’.
“Protection of the Family” efforts stem from:
- rising traditionalism,
- rising cultural, social and religious conservatism and
- sentiment hostile to women’s human rights, sexual rights, child rights and the rights of persons with non-normative gender identities and sexual orientations.
Since 2014, a group of states have been operating as a bloc in human rights spaces under the name “Group of Friends of the Family”, and resolutions on “Protection of the Family” have been successfully passed every year since 2014.
This agenda has spread beyond the Human Rights Council. We have seen regressive language on “the family” being introduced at the Commission on the Status of Women, and attempts made to introduce it in negotiations on the Sustainable Development Goals.
Our Approach
AWID works with partners and allies to jointly resist “Protection of the Family” and other regressive agendas, and to uphold the universality of human rights.
In response to the increased influence of regressive actors in human rights spaces, AWID joined allies to form the Observatory on the Universality of Rights (OURs). OURs is a collaborative project that monitors, analyzes, and shares information on anti-rights initiatives like “Protection of the Family”.
Rights at Risk, the first OURs report, charts a map of the actors making up the global anti-rights lobby, identifies their key discourses and strategies, and the effect they are having on our human rights.
The report outlines “Protection of the Family” as an agenda that has fostered collaboration across a broad range of regressive actors at the UN. It describes it as: “a strategic framework that houses “multiple patriarchal and anti-rights positions, where the framework, in turn, aims to justify and institutionalize these positions.”
Related Content
Sexting Like a Feminist: Humor in the Digital Feminist Revolution | Content Snippet FR
Sextoter comme une féministe : humour et révolution féministe numérique
Le 2 septembre 2021, les géniales féministes et activistes pour la justice sociale du festival de l’AWID Crear | Résister | Transform se sont retrouvées, non seulement pour mettre en commun leurs stratégies de résistance, cocréer et transformer le monde, mais également pour parler crûment sur Twitter.
Nana Darkoa Sekyiamah, cofondatrice du blog Adventures From The Bedrooms of African Women et autrice de The Sex Lives of African Women, menait l’exercice, épaulée par la plateforme numérique panafricaine womanist queer AfroFemHub, pour poser la question suivante : Comment pouvons-nous, de manière sûre et consensuelle, explorer notre plaisir, nos désirs et nos fantasmes par textos?
En deux mots : comment textote une féministe?
Je pense que c’est une question de très haute importance, parce qu’elle porte sur la question plus large de la navigation en ligne selon un point de vue féministe. Avec le capitalisme, le langage autour des corps et du sexe peut être déshumanisant et perturbant, et aborder le plaisir sexuel sur le numérique peut sembler devoir prendre une tournure performative. Donc, trouver des manières d’examiner comment nous faisons part de notre désir, qu’elles soient à la fois affirmatives et enthousiastes, peut repousser les modèles dominants de présentation et de consommation, et se réapproprier ces espaces comme autant de lieux d’un engagement authentique, prouvant que les sextos devraient tous être justement ça : féministes.
En outre, permettre aux conversations féministes d’incarner leur côté ludique dans les conversations en ligne contribue à recadrer le récit populaire selon lequel les interventions féministes sont tristes et austères. Mais nous le savons bien : s’amuser fait partie de notre politique, et est inhérent à ce qu’être féministe veut dire.
À l’aide du mot-dièse #SextLikeAFeminist des universitaires et des activistes du monde entier se sont donné rendez-vous pour partager leurs tweets féministes les plus affamés, et voici mes dix favoris.
Comme ces tweets le montrent, sextoter comme une féministe est à la fois sexy, drôle – et chaud. Mais sans jamais perdre de vue son engagement en faveur de l’équité et de la justice.
Snippet - COP30 - Feminist Demands for COP30 Col 1
What We Reject:
- Market-based false solutions
- Ecosystem service trading
- Green neoliberal economies mining
- Geo-engineering
- Fossil fuels
- Military spending over climate funds
- Climate finance as loans
Key opposition discourses
Ultra conservative actors have developed a number of discourses at the international human rights level that call on arguments manipulating religion, culture, tradition, and national sovereignty in order to undermine rights related to gender and sexuality.
Anti-rights actors have increasingly moved away from explicitly religious language. Increasingly, we see regressive actors - who may previously have derided human rights concepts - instead manipulating and co-opting these very concepts to further their objectives.
Protection of the family
This emerging and successful discourse appears innocuous, but it functions as a useful umbrella theme to house multiple patriarchal and anti-rights positions. The ‘protection of the family’ theme is thus a key example of regressive actors’ move towards holistic and integrated advocacy.
The language of ‘protection of the family’ works to shift the subject of human rights from the individual and onto already powerful institutions.
It also affirms a unitary, hierarchical, and patriarchal conception of the family that discriminates against family forms outside of these rigid boundaries. It also attempts to change the focus from recognition and protection of the rights of vulnerable family members to non-discrimination, autonomy, and freedom from violence in the context of family relations.
The Right to Life
The Holy See and a number of Christian Right groups seek to appropriate the right to life in service of an anti-abortion mission. Infusing human rights language with conservative religious doctrine, they argue that the right to life, as set out in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, applies at the moment of conception.
The discourse has no support in any universal human rights instrument. Yet this is an appealing tactic for anti-rights actors, because the right to life cannot be violated under any circumstances and is a binding legal standard.
Sexual rights
Anti-rights actors use a number of rhetorical devices in their campaign to undermine sexual rights: they argue that sexual rights do not exist or are ‘new rights,’ that they cause harm to children and society, and/or that these rights stand in opposition to culture, tradition or national laws.
Conservative actors engaged in advocacy at the UN attack the right to comprehensive sexuality education from several directions. They claim that CSE violates ‘parental rights’, harms children, and that it is not education but ideological indoctrination. They also claim that comprehensive sexuality education is pushed on children, parents, and the United Nations by powerful lobbyists seeking to profit from services they provide to children and youth.
Attempts to invalidate rights related to sexual orientation and gender identity have proliferated. Ultra conservative actors argue that application of long-standing human rights principles and law on this issue constitutes the creation of ‘new rights’; and that the meaning of rights should vary radically because they should be interpreted through the lens of ‘culture’ or ‘national particularities.’
Reproductive Rights
Christian Right organizations have been mobilizing against reproductive rights alongside the Holy See and other anti-rights allies for several years. They often argue that reproductive rights are at heart a form of Western-imposed population control over countries in the global South. Ironically, this claim often originates from U.S. and Western Europe-affiliated actors, many of whom actively work to export their fundamentalist discourses and policies.
Regressive actors also cite to ‘scientific’ arguments from ultra-conservative think tanks, and from sources that rely on unsound research methodologies, to suggest that abortion causes an array of psychological, sexual, physical, and relational side effects.
Protection of children and parental rights
Just as anti-rights actors aim to construct a new category of ‘protection of the family,’ they are attempting to construct a new category of ‘parental rights,’ which has no support in existing human rights standards.
This discourse paradoxically endeavours to use the rights protections with which children are endowed, as articulated in the Convention on the Rights of the Child, to support the rights of parents to control their children and limit their rights.
Violence against women
Increasingly, anti-rights actors are attempting to infiltrate and subvert standards and discourses developed by women human rights defenders, such as violence against women (VAW).
At the Commission on the Status of Women and other spaces, one rhetorical move is to treat VAW as a concept in which to embed anti-reproductive rights and patriarchal arguments. Ultra conservative actors, for example, have argued that non-heteronormative or traditional intimate partner relationships are a risk factor for violence, and emphasize that fathers are necessary to protect families from violence.
Gender and ‘gender ideology’
The Holy See has set off a sustained critique of gender, ‘gender ideology’, ‘gender radicals,’ and gender theory, and anti-rights actors often read the term as code for LGBTQ rights. Gender is used by the religious right as a cross-cutting concept that links together many of their discourses. Increasingly, the hysteria on this subject fixates on gender identity and trans rights.
Complementarity and human dignity
Complementarity of the sexes is a discourse employed by a number of ultra-conservative actors today. Its rhetoric is structured around an assumption of difference: men and women are meant to have differing but complementary roles in marriage and family life, and with respect to their engagement in the community and political and economic life.
Reference to ‘natural’ roles is meant to fundamentally reject universal human rights to equality and non-discrimination.
It is also used to justify State and non-State violations of these rights, and non-compliance with respect to State obligations to eliminate prejudices and practices based on stereotyped roles for men or women.
National sovereignty and anti-imperialism
This discourse suggests that national governments are being unjustly targeted by UN bodies, or by other States acting through the UN. This is an attempt to shift the subject of human rights from the individual or marginalized community suffering a rights violation to a powerful and/or regressive institution - i.e. the state, in order to justify national exceptions from universal rights or to support state impunity.
Religious freedom
Anti-rights actors have taken up the discourse of freedom of religion in order to justify violations of human rights. Yet, ultra-conservative actors refer to religious freedom in a way that directly contradicts the purpose of this human right and fundamentally conflicts with the principle of the universality of rights. The inference is that religious liberty is threatened and undermined by the protection of human rights, particularly those related to gender and sexuality.
The central move is to suggest that the right to freedom of religion is intended to protect a religion rather than those who are free to hold or not hold different religious beliefs.
Yet under international human rights law, the right protects believers rather than beliefs, and the right to freedom of religion, thought and conscience includes the right not to profess any religion or belief or to change one’s religion or belief.
Cultural rights and traditional values
The deployment of references to culture and tradition to undermine human rights, including the right to equality, is a common tactic amongst anti-rights actors. Culture is presented as monolithic, static, and immutable, and it is is often presented in opposition to ‘Western norms.’
Allusions to culture by anti-rights actors in international policy debates aim to undermine the universality of rights, arguing for cultural relativism that trumps or limits rights claims. Regressive actors’ use of cultural rights is founded on a purposeful misrepresentation of the human right. States must ensure that traditional or cultural attitudes are not used to justify violations of equality, and human rights law calls for equal access, participation and contribution in all aspects of cultural life for all, including women, religious, and racial minorities, and those with non-conforming genders and sexualities.
Subverting ‘universal’
Anti-rights actors in international policy spaces increasingly manipulate references to universal or fundamental human rights to reverse the meaning of the universality of rights.
Rather than using the term universal to describe the full set of indivisible and interrelated human rights, ultra conservative actors employ this term to instead delineate and describe a subset of human rights as ‘truly fundamental.’ Other rights would thus be subject to State discretion, ‘new’ rights or optional. This discourse is especially powerful as their category of the truly universal remains unarticulated and hence open to shifting interpretation.
Other Chapters
Salome Chagelishvili
Biography
Salome is a feminist activist from Tbilisi, Georgia, devoted to social and gender justice. She holds a Master's degree in gender studies, and has been engaged in feminist, queer and green movements for over twelve years, working amongst others on issues of gender based violence, domestic violence, sexual and reproductive health and rights, LGBTIQ rights, [women’s] Labor Rights, Healing Justice and holistic and digital security and rights.
Since 2014 she has been actively working on safety and security issues of activists and Women Human Rights Defenders, providing integrated security and digital security workshops specifically for activists from under-privileged groups (queer persons, ethnic and religious minorities, rural women and girls, etc) as well as bigger feminist organisations. Salome is a member of the Independent Group of Feminists - a non-formal, non-hierarchical and non-registered initiative that unites feminists with diverse backgrounds in Georgia. Currently, she is the Executive Director of the Women's Fund in Georgia, fully engaged in women's/feminist movement building, providing feminist funding, and encouraging local feminist philanthropy.
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Ce qu'il faut savoir
- La priorité sera donnée aux activités qui facilitent et encouragent la connexion et l'interaction entre les participant.e.s.
- Si votre activité peut se dérouler en ligne ou de manière hybride (en connectant les participant.e.s sur place et en ligne), veuillez réfléchir à la manière de susciter un véritable engagement et une participation active de la part des participant.e.s en ligne.
- Nous encourageons les rencontres, les dialogues et les échanges entre mouvements, régions et générations.
- Veuillez concevoir votre activité de manière à permettre une certaine flexibilité quant au nombre de participant.e.s. Si certaines activités peuvent être limitées à de petits groupes, la majorité d'entre elles devront être adaptées à un plus grand nombre de participant.e.s.
- Si votre activité correspond à un certain nombre de formats, ou ne correspond à aucun, vous pourrez l'indiquer sur le formulaire de candidature.
Langues dans lesquelles vous pouvez soumettre votre activité
- Langues pour les candidatures : les candidatures seront acceptées en Anglais, Français, Espagnol, Thaï et Arabe.
- Langues au Forum : l'interprétation simultanée sera assurée lors des sessions plénières du Forum en Anglais, Français, Espagnol, Thaï et Arabe, ainsi qu'en LSI (Langue des Signes Internationale) et éventuellement d'autres langues. Pour toutes les autres activités, l'interprétation sera proposée dans certaines de ces langues — mais pas toutes — et éventuellement dans d'autres, comme le Swahili et Portugais.
Phyllis Ntantala-Jordan
Intro to tweets snippet
As these tweets show, it turns out that sexting like a feminist is sexy, funny – and horny. Yet, it never loses sight of its commitment to equity and justice.
Snippet - COP30 - Ecozine card - ES
📰 Solidaridad Feminista Transnacional: un Antídoto contra el Ecocidio
Esta publicación (zine) colaborativa surgió de una serie de círculos de intercambio que reunieron a feministas de todo el mundo durante 2022. El propósito fue intercambiar ideas y aprender mutuamente de qué manera las comunidades responden a la crisis climática en diversos contextos locales.
When development initiatives, religious fundamentalisms and the state of women’s rights collide
Nuestro nuevo documento de investigación El diablo se esconde en los detalles aborda la falta de conocimientos sobre los fundamentalismos religiosos en el sector del desarrollo, y se propone comprender mejor de qué manera estos fundamentalismos inhiben el desarrollo y, en particular, los derechos de las mujeres. Propone recomendaciones para que quienes trabajan en temas de desarrollo desafíen la labor de los fundamentalismos y eviten fortalecerlos inadvertidamente. [CTA download link: Leer el documento completo]
Seven pointers to consider
| Graphic1 | 1. Control of women’s bodies, sexuality, and choice are “warning signs” of rising fundamentalisms. |
| 2. Neoliberal economic policies have a particularly negative impact on women, and fuel the growth of religious fundamentalisms. | Graphic2 |
| Graphic3 | 3. Choosing religious organizations as default for partnerships builds their legitimacy and access to resources, and supports their ideology, including gender ideology. |
| 4.Everyone has multiple identities and should be defined by more than just their religion. Foregrounding religious identities tends to reinforce the power of religious fundamentalists. | Graphic4 |
| Graphic5 | 5. Religion, culture, and tradition are constantly changing, being reinterpreted and challenged. What is dominant is always a question of power. |
| 6. Racism, exclusion, and marginalization all add to the appeal of fundamentalists’ offer of a sense of belonging and a “cause”. | Graphic6 |
| Graphic7 | 7. There is strong evidence that the single most important factor in promoting women’s rights and gender equality is an autonomous women’s movement. |
Auge global de los fundamentalismos religiosos.
El Diablo se esconde en los detalles proporciona detalles de las graves violaciones a los derechos humanos y, en particular, de las violaciones a los derechos de las mujeres, causados por los fundamentalismos auspiciados por los Estados, así como por actores fundamentalistas no estatales como milicias, organizaciones comunitarias confesionales e individuos. La profundización fundamentalista de normas sociales atávicas y patriarcales está provocando el aumento de la violencia contra las mujeres, las niñas y las defensoras de derechos humanos (WHRDs). El informe propuesta estas ideas clave para abordar el problema:
- [icon] Fundamentalismos religiosos están ganando terreno en el seno de las comunidades
- [icon] Sistemas políticos
- [icon] Escenarios internacionales, con efectos devastadores para la gente común y para las mujeres en particular.
Los agentes de desarrollo deben actuar urgentemente.
Quienes trabajan en el desarrollo están de capacidad de asumir una posición más firme. Su capacidad colectiva para reconocer y enfrentar conjuntamente a los fundamentalismos religiosos resulta crucial para promover la justicia social, económica y de género y los derechos humanos de todas las personas en el marco del desarrollo sostenible. Resulta fundamental promover que el poder y los privilegios se entiendan desde la óptica del feminismo interseccional y aplicar esta comprensión a los interrogantes sobre religión y cultura. Las organizaciones de mujeres ya poseen conocimientos y estrategias para oponerse a los fundamentalismos. Quienes trabajan en el desarrollo deberían apoyarse en estos e invertir en coaliciones enfocadas en múltiples temáticas. Lo anterior, les ayudará a alcanzar nuevos horizontes.
Michelle D'Cruz
Biography
Michelle es una feminista de Sudeste Asiático que disfruta de conspirar para congregar a las personas y suscitar conversaciones para el cambio social y el intercambio de conocimientos feministas, a través del arte, la poesía, la música y el juego. Con experiencia en promoción digital y desarrollo de estrategias de comunicación, ha contribuido a iniciativas de derechos digitales, investigaciones en derechos humanos y a la construcción de coaliciones de la sociedad civil a lo largo y ancho del Sudeste Asiático. Posee una licenciatura en Derecho de la Universidad Nacional de Singapur, disfruta de pasear al azar por las calles de la ciudad y le gusta un poquito demasiado el café.
Position
Coordinadora, Participación de la Membresía y las Bases de Apoyo
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2023 - Hybrid like never before: in person - thai
การประชุมแบบผสมผสานอย่างที่ไม่เคยมีมาก่อน
นับเป็นครั้งแรกที่เวทีประชุม AWID จะเสนอรูปแบบการมีส่วนร่วม 3 รูปแบบ
การเข้าร่วมด้วยตัวเอง ณ สถานที่จัดงาน
ผู้เข้าร่วมสามารถเดินทางเข้าร่วมด้วยตัวเอง ที่กรุงเทพฯ ประเทศไทย ซึ่งเราจะตั้งหน้าตั้งตาคอยท่านอยู่!
Dorothy Stang
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COP30: Reclaim climate action from corporate capture
As world leaders gather in Brazil, feminist movements are advocating, gathering and disrupting the status quo- at COP30 and beyond! We're heading alongside other feminists to Belém, Brazil for COP30, from 10 November – 21 November 2025, where we will continue to denounce false solutions.
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Eni Lestari
Biography
Eni Lestari est travailleuse domestique indonésienne à Hong Kong et militante des droits des migrant·e·s. Après avoir échappé à son employeur abusif, elle est passée de victime à mobilisatrice de travailleurs·ses domestiques en particulier, et de travailleurs·ses migrant·e·s plus globalement. En 2000, elle a fondé l'Association of Indonesian Migrant Workers (Association des travailleurs·ses migrant·e·s indonésien·ne·s, ATKI-Hong Kong) qui s'est ensuite étendue à Macao, à Taïwan et en Indonésie. Elle a été coordonnatrice et porte-parole de l'Asia Migrants Coordinating Body (Instance de coordination des migrant·e·s en Asie, AMCB) - une alliance d'organisations de terrain de migrant·e·s à Hong Kong venant d'Indonésie, des Philippines, de Thaïlande, du Népal et du Sri Lanka. Elle est également l'actuelle présidente de l’International Migrants Alliance (Alliance internationale des migrant·e·s), la toute première alliance mondiale de migrant·e·s, d'immigré·e·s, de réfugié·e·s et d'autres personnes déplacées.
Elle a occupé des postes importants dans diverses organisations, en tant que membre actuelle du conseil régional de l’Asia Pacific Forum on Women, Law and Development (Forum Asie-Pacifique sur les femmes, le droit et le développement, APWLD), ancienne membre du conseil d'administration de Global Alliance Against Traffic in Women (Alliance mondiale contre la traite des femmes, GAATW), porte-parole du Network of Indonesian Migrant Workers (Réseau des travailleurs·ses migrant·e·s indonésien·ne·s, JBMI), conseillère d’ATKI-Hong Kong et Macao ainsi que de l’Association of Returned Migrants and Families in Indonesia (Association des migrant·e·s et des familles retourné·e·s en Indonésie, KABAR BUMI). Elle a été une personne-ressource impliquée dans des forums organisés par des universitaires, des groupes interreligieux, des sociétés civiles, des syndicats et bien d'autres, à l’échelle nationale, régionale et internationale.
Elle a aussi participé activement aux assemblées/conférences des Nations Unies sur le développement et les droits des migrant·e·s et été choisie comme intervenante pour l'ouverture de l'Assemblée générale des Nations Unies sur les mouvements massifs de migrant·e·s et de réfugié·e·s en 2016 à New York, aux États-Unis. Des nominations et des prix lui ont par ailleurs été décernés, dont celui d’Inspirational Women de BBC 100 Women, ainsi que le prix Public Hero de RCTI, l’Indonesian Club Award et le Non-Profit Leader of Women of Influence de la Chambre américaine de Hong Kong, et celui de Changemaker de Cathay Pacific.
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สิ่งที่จำเป็นต้องรู้
- เราให้ความสำคัญกับกิจกรรมที่เอื้อและส่งเสริมการเชื่อมต่อและการมีปฏิสัมพันธ์ระหว่างผู้เข้าร่วม เป็นอันดับแรก
- หากกิจกรรมของท่านสามารถจัดทางออนไลน์หรือแบบผสมผสาน (เชื่อมต่อผู้เข้าร่วมในสถานที่จริง และออนไลน์) โปรดคำนึงถึงการสร้างการมีส่วนร่วมอย่างแท้จริง และการมีปฏิสัมพันธ์กับผู้เข้าร่วม ทางออนไลน์ด้วย
- เราสนับสนุนให้เกิดขบวนการเคลื่อนไหวข้ามสาขา ข้ามภูมิภาค และการสนทนาแลกเปลี่ยน ระหว่างคนรุ่นต่างๆ
- โปรดออกแบบกิจกรรมของท่านในลักษณะยืดหยุ่นกับจำนวนผู้เข้าร่วม อาจมีบางกิจกรรมจำกัดไว้ เฉพาะกลุ่มเล็กๆ แต่กิจกรรมส่วนใหญ่จะต้องรองรับจำนวนคนที่มากได้
- หากกิจกรรมของท่านเหมาะสมกับรูปแบบจำนวนหนึ่งหรือไม่มีเลย สามารถระบุไว้ในแบบฟอร์ม ใบสมัครได้
ภาษาที่ใช้ในการจัดกิจกรรม
- ภาษาสำหรับการสมัคร: ในการสมัคร สามารถใช้ภาษาอังกฤษ ฝรั่งเศส สเปน อาหรับ และไทย
- ภาษาที่ในการประชุม: ในการประชุมรวม มีล่ามแปลภาษาแบบฉับพลันเป็นภาษาอังกฤษ ฝรั่งเศส สเปน อาหรับ และไทย รวมถึงภาษามือสากล (ISL) และอาจมีมากกว่านั้น ส่วนกิจกรรมอื่นๆจะมีการจัดล่ามแปลเป็นบางภาษา แต่ไม่ทั้งหมด และอาจมีล่ามแปลเป็นภาษาอื่น เช่นภาษาสวาฮีลี เป็นต้น
Yayori Matsui
Lindiwe Rasekoala | Snippet FR
Lindiwe Rasekoala est une coach de vie spécialisée dans ce qui touche à l’intimité et au bien-être relationnel. Elle est passionnée de santé sexuelle et contribue à des contenus en ligne. Au travers de ses propres expériences et de méthodes de recherche non conventionnelles, elle pense pouvoir combler le fossé éducatif et le manque d’accès à l’information qui existent autour du bien-être sexuel. Elle contribue à diverses émissions de radio et de télévision et a suivi une formation de coach auprès de la Certified Coaches Alliance. La mission de Lindiwe est d’éradiquer les obstacles qui entravent les conversations autour du bien-être sexuel et de donner à ses client·e·s les moyens de mieux se comprendre afin qu’ils·elles puissent avoir un mode de vie et des relations plus saines et holistiques.
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