Across the globe, feminist, women’s rights and gender justice defenders are challenging the agendas of fascist and fundamentalist actors. These oppressive forces target women, persons who are non-conforming in their gender identity, expression and/or sexual orientation, and other oppressed communities.
Discriminatory ideologies are undermining and co-opting our human rights systems and standards, with the aim of making rights the preserve of only certain groups. In the face of this, the Advancing Universal Rights and Justice (AURJ) initiative promotes the universality of rights - the foundational principle that human rights belong to everyone, no matter who they are, without exception.
We create space for feminist, women’s rights and gender justice movements and allies to recognize, strategize and take collective action to counter the influence and impact of anti-rights actors. We also seek to advance women’s rights and feminist frameworks, norms and proposals, and to protect and promote the universality of rights.
Gender Impact Investing (GII) is now trending as a solution to gender inequality. Yet, as our report indicates, it is actually part of the problem. Public and private institutions marketing GII equate it with promotion of gender equality and with increased resources for women and girls.
Rather, GII is another expression of subjecting our lives and societies to the same financial logic that has shaped, and continues shaping, the profound inequalities in our world.
With this report, AWID offers the readers - feminists, gender justice advocates and stakeholders in gender impact investing - a critical analysis and substantiated evidence to understand GII, its narratives, and economic and political implications for feminist movements.
Our new research paper The Devil is in the Details addresses knowledge gaps around religious fundamentalisms within the development sector, and aims to improve understanding of how they constrain development and women’s rights in particular. It provides recommendations for ways development actors can avoid inadvertently strengthening and instead challenge fundamentalisms. [CTA download link: Read the full paper]
| Graphic1 | 1. Control of women’s bodies, sexuality, and choice are “warning signs” of rising fundamentalisms. |
| 2. Neoliberal economic policies have a particularly negative impact on women, and fuel the growth of religious fundamentalisms. | Graphic2 |
| Graphic3 | 3. Choosing religious organizations as default for partnerships builds their legitimacy and access to resources, and supports their ideology, including gender ideology. |
| 4.Everyone has multiple identities and should be defined by more than just their religion. Foregrounding religious identities tends to reinforce the power of religious fundamentalists. | Graphic4 |
| Graphic5 | 5. Religion, culture, and tradition are constantly changing, being reinterpreted and challenged. What is dominant is always a question of power. |
| 6. Racism, exclusion, and marginalization all add to the appeal of fundamentalists’ offer of a sense of belonging and a “cause”. | Graphic6 |
| Graphic7 | 7. There is strong evidence that the single most important factor in promoting women’s rights and gender equality is an autonomous women’s movement. |
The Devil is in the Details details the grave human rights violations, and violations of women’s rights in particular, caused by state-sponsored fundamentalism, as well as by fundamentalist non-state actors such as militias, religious community organizations, and individuals. Fundamentalist reinforcement of regressive, patriarchal social norms are leading to the rise of violence against women, girls, and women human rights defenders (WHRDs). The paper highlights these key insights for addressing the problem:
Development actors are in a position to take a strong role in this. The collective capacity of development actors to recognize and collaboratively address religious fundamentalisms is vital for advancing social, economic, and gender justice and the human rights of all people in sustainable development. It is vital to promote intersectional feminist understandings of power and privilege, and to apply these to questions of religion and culture. Women’s organizations already have knowledge and strategies to counter fundamentalisms development actors should build on this, and invest in cross-issue coalitions to help them reach new heights.
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Every three to four years, AWID hosts its flagship international event. It is the world’s largest event that wholeheartedly centers feminist and gender justice movements in all their diversity. It is a global gathering of feminist activists, allied movements, scholars, funders and policymakers. The Forums rotate between different regions and countries in the global South.
Building on initial desk research and consultations with allies that led us to rule out many other options in the region, we organized a thorough round of site visits to Nepal, Malaysia, Sri Lanka, Thailand, Indonesia and (later) Taiwan.
Each site visit included not just scoping the logistical infrastructure but meeting with local feminist groups and activists to better understand the context, and their sense of potential opportunities and risks of an AWID forum in their context.
They often expressed conflicted feelings about the opportunities and risk that the visibility of an event like the Forum could bring to them. In one, during the first 30 minutes of our meeting we heard unanimously from the activists gathered that an AWID Forum would be subject to huge backlash, that LGBTQ rights were a particular political hot-button and that fundamentalist groups would turn out in full force to interrupt the event. When our response was “ok, then you don’t feel it’s a good idea”, again the unanimous response was “of course it is, we want to change the narrative!”.
It was difficult to hear and see in some of these places how many feminist activists wanted to leverage the opportunity of a visible big event and were prepared to face the local risks; but our considerations as hosts of close to 2,000 people from around the world impose a different calculation of risk and feasibility.
We also grappled with questions of what it means to organize a feminist forum that is aligned to principles around inclusion, reciprocity and self-determination, when state policy and practice is usually directly counter to that (although officials in the ministries of Tourism work very hard to smooth that over).
In many of these places, monitoring the context felt like an exercise on a pendulum that could swing from open and safe for feminist debates in one moment to stark repression and xenophobia the next, sacrificing feminist priorities as political bargaining chips to pacify right wing, anti-rights forces.
Our challenges in Asia Pacific led us to consider: would it be easier if we moved the Forum to a different region? Yet today, we would not be able to organize an AWID Forum in Istanbul as we did in 2012; nor would we be able to do one in Brazil as we did in 2016.
With all of this complexity, AWID selected Taipei as the Forum location because:
In organizing the AWID Forum, we are trying to build and hold space as best we can for the diverse expressions of solidarity, outrage, hope and inspiration that are at the core of feminist movements.
At this moment, we see Taipei as the location in the Asia Pacific region that will best allow us to build that safe and rebelious space for our global feminist community.
The fact is, there is no ideal location in today’s world for a Forum that centers Feminist Realities. Wherever we go, we must build that space together!
We believe so! It is still very early in the planning process, so please stay tuned as plans are forming.
Anti-rights discourses continue to evolve. As well as using arguments related to religion, culture, and tradition, anti-rights actors co-opt the language of social justice and human rights to conceal their true agendas and gain legitimacy.
Three decades ago, a US television evangelist and Republican candidate famously said that feminism is an “anti-family political movement that encourages women to leave their husbands, kill their children, practice witchcraft, destroy capitalism and become lesbians.” Today, this conspirative notion gains unprecedented grasp and legitimacy in the form of “gender ideology” discourse, a catch-all bogey-man created by anti-rights actors for them to oppose.
Across a range of discourses employed by anti-rights actors - including notions of “cultural imperialism” and “ideological colonization”, appeals to “conscientious objection” and the idea of a “pre-natal genocide” - a key theme is co-optation. Anti-rights actors take legitimate issues, or select parts of them, and twist them in service of their oppressive agenda.
لأول مرة، يعرض منتدى جمعية حقوق المرأة في التنمية ثلاثة طرق للمشاركة
سيجتمع المشاركون/ات في بانكوك، تايلاند. ننتظر بفارغ الصبر!
Mona was an economist and an independent consultant on gender and development issues.
She was a former Professor of Economics and Director of the Institute for Women's Studies in the Arab World at the Lebanese American University.
She passed away suddenly on January 6, 2018.
Friends and former colleagues say of Mona: “When we celebrate her life, the best thing we can do is commit to continuing what she started: gender equality no matter what.”
การเสวนา: ในการเสวนาให้สำรวจปัญหาหรือความท้าทายจากมุมมองที่แตกต่างกัน หรือแบ่งปัน การเรียนรู้หรือประสบการณ์ ตามด้วยคำถามของผู้ฟังหากมีเวลา
รายการทอล์คโชว์: สนทนาแบบเป็นไปเองในรูปแบบรายการทอล์คโชว์ โดยอาจเป็นการสนทนา ร่วมกันหลายคน มีพิธีกรเป็นผู้ดำเนินรายการ คำถามของผู้ฟังสามารถกำหนดทิศทางของการสนทนาได้
การอภิปราย: วงสนทนาอภิปรายอาจอยู่ในรูปแบบเวิร์ลคาเฟ่ วงอ่างปลา (fishbowls) และรูปแบบอื่นๆ ที่เอื้อให้ผู้เข้าร่วมมีส่วนร่วมในการสนทนามากขึ้น
การประชุมเชิงปฏิบัติการ (workshop): เป็นกิจกรรมเชิงโต้ตอบที่เชิญชวนผู้เข้าร่วมสร้างทักษะใหม่ๆในทุกด้านของชีวิตและการเคลื่อนไหวผ่านกิจกรรมและการปฏิบัติ
หัวข้อยุทธศาสตร์: เป็นการเชิญชวนให้คิดผ่านประเด็นหรือยุทธศาสตร์ในเชิงลึกร่วมกับคนอื่น เปิดพื้นที่ สำหรับเรียนรู้กันและกัน สิ่งใดได้ผล ไม่ได้ผล และเราจะพัฒนายุทธศาสตร์ใหม่ๆร่วมกันเพื่อสร้างโลกที่ เราใฝ่ฝันได้อย่างไร
วงแลกเปลี่ยนของคนแนวเดียวกัน: (หรือที่เรียกว่า "Birds of a Feather") เหมาะสำหรับกลุ่มเล็กๆ ในบรรยากาศที่ใกล้ชิดยิ่งขึ้น เพื่อรับฟังความคิดเห็นของกันและกัน จุดประกาย การอภิปราย และ หยิบยกประเด็นหัวข้อที่เฉพาะเจาะจง ละเอียดอ่อน และซับซ้อนอย่างระมัดระวัง
ศิลปะ - การประชุมเชิงปฏิบัติการแบบมีส่วนร่วม: กิจกรรมศิลปะอย่างมีส่วนร่วม และการแสดงออก อย่างสร้างสรรค์ ไม่ว่าจะเป็นทัศนศิลป์ การละคร ภาพยนตร์ จิตรกรรมฝาผนัง การเต้นรำ ดนตรี งานฝีมือ หรือการสร้างงานศิลปะ ฯลฯ เรายินดีรับทุกแนวคิดที่เชิดชูศิลปะ และความคิดสร้างสรรค์แนวสตรีนิยมใน รูปแบบของการเปลี่ยนแปลงทางสังคม การเยียวยา การแสดงออก และการเปลี่ยนแปลง
ศิลปะ - การแสดง ศิลปะจัดวาง และนิทรรศการ: เรายินดีรับผลงานที่นำเสนอประสบการณ์ และมุมมองใหม่ๆแก่ผู้เข้าร่วมประชุมในเวทีนี้เพื่อขยายขอบเขตของเรา สร้างความท้าทายและสร้าง แรงบันดาลใจ ให้เราคิด รู้สึก และจัดการด้วยวิธีใหม่ๆ
การเยียวยาและบำบัด: กิจกรรมหลากหลายที่เหมาะกับกลุ่มและปัจเจกบุคคล ตั้งแต่การเรียนรู้เทคนิค การผ่อนคลาย ไปจนถึงการพูดคุยถึงการป้องกันภาวะหมดไฟ และตั้งแต่การดูแลร่างกาย จิตใจและ จิตวิญญาณ โดยคำนึงถึงบาดแผลทางจิตใจ ไปจนถึงการเยียวยารอยร้าวในขบวนการเคลื่อนไหวของเรา
By: Marianne Mesfin Asfaw
I have many fond memories in my journey with feminism, but one in particular that stands out. It was during my time at graduate school, at a lecture I attended as part of a Feminist Theory course. This lecture was on African feminism and in it the professor talked about the history of Pan Africanism and the ways in which it was patriarchal, male-centric, and how Pan Africanist scholars perpetuated the erasure of African women. She talked about how African women’s contributions to the anti-colonial and decolonial struggles on the continent are rarely, if ever, discussed and given their due credit. We read about the African feminist scholars challenging this erasure and actively unearthing these stories of African women led movements and resistance efforts. It seems so simple but what stood out to me the most was that somebody put the words African and feminist together. Better yet, that there were many more of us out there wrestling with the complicated history, politics and societal norms in the various corners of the continent and we were all using a feminist lens to do this. I came out of that lecture feeling moved and completely mind-blown. After the lecture three of my friends (all African feminists) and I spent some time debriefing outside the classroom. We were all so struck by the brilliance of the lecture and the content but, more than anything, we all felt so seen. That feeling stood out to me.
Falling in love feminism was thrilling. It felt like finally getting to talk to your longtime crush and finding out that they like you back. I call it my crush because in high school I referred to myself as a feminist but I didn’t feel like I knew enough about it. Was there a right way to be feminist? What if I wasn’t doing it right? Attending my first Women’s Studies lecture answered some of these questions for me. It was thrilling to learn about stories of feminist resistance and dismantling the patriarchy. I felt so affirmed and validated, but I also felt like something was missing.
Deepening my relationship with feminism through academia, at an institution where the students and teaching staff were mostly white meant that, for those first few years, I noticed that we rarely had discussions about how race and anti-blackness show up in mainstream feminist movements. In most courses we had maybe 1 week, or worse 1 lecture, dedicated to race and we would usually read something by bell hooks, Kimberly Crenshaw’s work on intersectionality, and maybe Patricia Hill Collins. The following week we were back to sidelining the topic. I dealt with this by centring race and black feminism in almost all my assignments, by writing about black hair and respectability politics, the hypersexualization of black women’s bodies, and so much more. Over time I realized that I was trying to fill a gap but didn’t quite know what it was.
Encountering and learning about African feminism was a full circle moment. I realized that there was so much more I had to learn.
Mainly that my Africanness and my feminist politics did not have to be separate. In fact, there was so much that they could learn from each other and there were African feminists out there already doing this work. It was the missing piece that felt so elusive during my exploration of feminism throughout my academic journey.
Feminism to me is the antithesis to social and political apathy. It also means once you adopt a feminist lens, nothing can ever be the same. My friends and I used to talk about how it was like putting on glasses that you can never take off because you now see the world for what it is, mess and all. A mess you can’t simply ignore or walk away from. Therefore my vow to the feminist movement is to never stop learning, to keep stretching the bounds of my empathy and to never live passively. To dedicate more time and space in my life to feminist movements and to continue to amplify, celebrate, document and cite the work of African feminists. I also commit to centring care and prioritizing pleasure in this feminist journey because we can’t sustain our movements without this.
Juana was an Indigenous Mayan Ixil, professional nurse and coordinator of the Farmers’ Development Committee (Comité de Desarrollo Campesino – CODECA).
CODECA is a human rights organisation of Indigenous farmers dedicated to promoting land rights and rural development for Indigenous families) in the Nebaj Quiché micro-region. She first joined CODECA as a member of its youth branch (Juventud de CODECA). At the time of her death had been elected to be part of the Executive Committee of the Movement for the Liberation of Peoples (MLP).
Juana’s body was found by neighbours by a small river on the road near Nebaj and Acambalam Village, Guatemala. According to CODECA, her body showed signs of torture.
You are welcome to submit up to 2 activities as the organizer. You can still be a partner on other applications.
I never knew I have a close family who loves me and wants me to grow, My mum has always been there for me, but I never imagined I would have thousands of families out there who are not related to me by blood.
I found out family are not just people related by blood ties, but people who love you unconditionally, not minding your sexual orientation, your health status, social status, or your race.
Thinking about the precious moments I listened to all my sisters around the world who are strong feminists, people I have not meet physically, but who support me, teach me, fight for me: I am short of words, words cannot express how much I love you mentors and other feminists, you’re a mother, a sister, a friend to millions of girls.
You are amazing, you fought for people you don’t know - and that is what makes you so special.
It gladdens my heart to express this through writing.
I love you all and will continue to love you. I have not seen any one of you physically but it seems we have known each other for decades.
We are feminists and we are proud to be women.
We will keep letting the world know that our courage is our crown.
A love letter from FAITH ONUH, a young feminist from Nigeria
Stella began her career at the Ministry of Gender and Community Development in Uganda engaging with policymakers for law reform, including the 1995 Ugandan Constitution, which established some of the most progressive reforms for women in the region.
She is revered throughout the region for her tireless efforts to create and enforce gender-responsive laws and policies. She played a key role in drafting Uganda’s Domestic Violence Act and in mobilizing support for gender-responsive constitutions in both Uganda and in Rwanda.
Through her work with International Center for Research on Women (ICRW), she worked on violence against children, and worked to strengthen the capacities of grassroots organizations addressing gender-based violence. She was a lecturer on gender rights and the law at Makerere University and served on the boards of Akina Mama wa Afrika, ActionAid International Uganda and the Open Society Initiative for Eastern Africa.
