Adolfo Lujan | Flickr (CC BY-NC-ND 2.0)
Mass demonstration in Madrid on International Women's Day
Multitudinaria manifestación en Madrid en el día internacional de la mujer

Priority Areas

Supporting feminist, women’s rights and gender justice movements to thrive, to be a driving force in challenging systems of oppression, and to co-create feminist realities.

Advancing Universal Rights and Justice

Uprooting Fascisms and Fundamentalisms

Across the globe, feminist, women’s rights and gender justice defenders are challenging the agendas of fascist and fundamentalist actors. These oppressive forces target women, persons who are non-conforming in their gender identity, expression and/or sexual orientation, and other oppressed communities.


Discriminatory ideologies are undermining and co-opting our human rights systems and standards,  with the aim of making rights the preserve of only certain groups. In the face of this, the Advancing Universal Rights and Justice (AURJ) initiative promotes the universality of rights - the foundational principle that human rights belong to everyone, no matter who they are, without exception.

We create space for feminist, women’s rights and gender justice movements and allies to recognize, strategize and take collective action to counter the influence and impact of anti-rights actors. We also seek to advance women’s rights and feminist frameworks, norms and proposals, and to protect and promote the universality of rights.


Our actions

Through this initiative, we:

  • Build knowledge: We support feminist, women’s rights and gender justice movements by disseminating and popularizing knowledge and key messages about anti-rights actors, their strategies, and impact in the international human rights systems through AWID’s leadership role in the collaborative platform, the Observatory on the Universality of Rights (OURs)*.
  • Advance feminist agendas: We ally ourselves with partners in international human rights spaces including, the Human Rights Council, the Commission on Population and Development, the Commission on the Status of Women and the UN General Assembly.
  • Create and amplify alternatives: We engage with our members to ensure that international commitments, resolutions and norms reflect and are fed back into organizing in other spaces locally, nationally and regionally.
  • Mobilize solidarity action: We take action alongside women human rights defenders (WHRDs) including trans and intersex defenders and young feminists, working to challenge fundamentalisms and fascisms and call attention to situations of risk.  

 

Related Content

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Ours report 2021 summary

Today, a complex and evolving network of anti-rights actors is exerting more influence in international and regional spaces as well as domestic politics. Anti-rights actors are entering multilateral spaces (spaces where multiple countries come together for international collaboration) to transform and undermine them from the inside out. They employ a range of persuasive discourses to gain legitimacy, often co-opting the language of rights and justice to hide their true agendas.

This report is the second in a series on human rights trends reports produced by the Observatory on the Universality of Rights (OURs). As well as analysis of key anti-rights actors, discourses, strategies, and impacts, the report features inspiring short stories of feminist action, and knowledge-building exercises to help strengthen our collective resistance.

Read Full Report

The effect on our rights has already been grave, but this is not a done deal. We can all play a part in resisting anti-rights agendas and reclaiming our rights. 

Join the collective call-to-action today! 

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Membership why page - Paz Romero

"This community is a place for connections, to understand our individual fights as part of global struggles, and sometimes even dance! There aren’t places like this online where you can meet real grassroots activists from all over the world and build solidarity and sisterhood."

- Paz Romero, Argentina

فقدان الكلام | كلمة العدد

كلمة العدد

فقدان الكلام

بدأنا التخطيط لعدد المجلّة هذا مع نانا داركوا قُبيل مهرجان «ابدعي، قاومي، غيٍّري: مهرجان للحراكات النسوية» لجمعية «حقوق المرأة في التنمية» AWID، وانطلقنا وقتها من سؤالٍ هو بالأحرى ملاحظة حول حالة العالم، ورغبة في تغيير الاعتقادات السائدة: لماذا لا تزال جنسانيّاتنا وملذّاتنا تخضع للترويض والتجريم مع أنّه يتمّ تذكيرنا مراراً وتكراراً بأنّها لا تأتي بأيّ قيمة أو تطوّر؟ واستنتجنا أنّ جنسانيّاتنا، لمّا تتجسّد، فيها ما يتعارض مع النظام العالمي الذي ما زال يتجلّى من خلال ضوابط الحدود، والتمييز العنصري في توزيع اللقاح، والاستعمار الاستيطاني، والتطهير العرقي، والرأسمالية المُستشرية. هل يمكننا إذاً القول إنّ لجنسانيّاتنا قدرةٌ تعطيليّة؟ وهل يصحّ هذا القول عندما ننظر إلى واقع حركاتنا التي يتمّ الاستيلاء عليها ومأسستها في سعيها للتزوّد بالموارد؟

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A Feminist Community Evening

✉️ By registration only. Register here

📅 Wednesday, March 12, 2025
🕒 5.00-7.00pm EST

🏢 Chef's Kitchen Loft with Terrace, 216 East 45th St 13th Floor New York

Organizers: Women Enabled International and AWID

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Sexting Like a Feminist: Humor in the Digital Feminist Revolution

by Chinelo Onwualu

On September 2nd, 2021, the amazing feminist and social justice activists of AWID’s Crear | Résister | Transform festival came together not only to share resistance strategies, co-create, and transform the world, but also to talk dirty on Twitter.

 

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If the positions advertised have closed, or just don’t match your area of interest and expertise, we suggest the following resources for your job search.

Communicating Desire | Content Snippet

Communicating Desire

and Other Embodied Political Praxes


Communicating Desire

Host: We tend to think about communicating desire as something that is limited to the private intimacy of the bedroom and our personal relationships. But can we also think of this kind of communication as a structure, a praxis that informs our work, and how we are, how we do in the world?

Lindiwe
I believe that unfortunately in the past, expressing your sexuality has been limited. You were allowed to express it within the confines of your marriage, which was permitted, there have always been taboo and stigmas attached to expressing it any other way. When it comes to communicating, obviously the fact that certain stigmas are attached to expressing your sexuality or expressing your desire makes it a lot harder to communicate that in the bedroom or intimately with your partner. From my personal experience, I do believe that obviously if I feel more comfortable expressing myself outside of the bedroom on other matters or other topics, it’s easier for me to build that trust, because you understand conflict resolution with that particular person, you understand exactly how to make your communication special towards that particular person. It’s not easy. It’s something that is consistently done throughout whatever your engagement is, whether it’s your relationship or whether it’s casual and just in the moment. But I believe that confidence outside can definitely translate to how you communicate your desire.

Manal
Since childhood, a woman is raised with that, “you’re not allowed to talk about your body, you’re not allowed to talk about your desire,” which puts a heavy responsibility on women, especially girls in their teens when they need to express themselves and talk about these issues. So for me I think this is a big problem. You know, I have been married for more than 25 years, but still, until now, I cannot talk about my desires. I cannot say what I want or what I prefer, because it’s like I’m not allowed to go beyond this line. It’s like haram, despite it being my right. This is the case for all my friends, they just can’t express themselves in the right way.

Louise
Personally, I find that expressing our desires, my desires, however that expression comes in hand, has to do with the other, and the gaze that the other would have on me. So this is also something that we can link to cinema. And the gaze I would have on myself as well: what I think I am as an individual, but also what society expects of me and my sexuality. In the past, I somehow did the analogy between what happens in the bedroom and what happens in the workplace, because there is sometimes this dynamic of power, whether I want it or not. And oftentimes, verbal communication is harder than we think. But when it comes to representation in film, that’s a totally different game. We are very far away from what I guess all of us here would like to see on screen when it comes to just communicating sexual desires inside or outside the bedroom. 


Online and Embodied

Host: We can think about the digital world as embodied: while it might be virtual, it is not less real. And this was made clear in the context of AWID’s feminist realities festival, which took place entirely online. What does it mean then to talk about sexuality, collectively, politically, in online spaces? Do we navigate virtual spaces with our bodies and affects, and in this case, what are the different considerations? What does it do to communication and representation?


Lindiwe
Social media makes you feel community-based. When you express what it is that you want or like, there is someone who’s either going to agree or disagree, but those who do agree make you feel that you belong to a community. So it’s easier to throw it out into the universe, or for others to see, and potentially not get as much judgment. And I say this very loosely because sometimes, depending on what it is that you’re expressing, it either will get you vilified or celebrated. But when it comes to the bedroom, there is an intimacy and almost a vulnerability that is exposing you and different parts of you that is not as easy to give your opinion on. When it comes to expressing your desire, speaking it and saying it and maybe putting a Tweet or a social media post, or even liking and reading other communities that are same-minded is a lot easier than telling your partner, “this is how I want to be pleasured” or “this is how what I want you to do next,” because of the fear of rejection. But not only that, just the vulnerability aspect – allowing yourself to be bare enough to let the other person see into what you are thinking, feeling, and wanting – I think this is where the difference would come in for me personally. I feel it is a lot more community-based on social media, and it’s easier to engage in discourse. Whereas in the bedroom, you don’t want to necessarily kill the moment. But I think that also kind of helps you understand going forward, depending on the relationship with the person, how you would engage thereafter. So I always know that if I try to communicate something and I fail to do so in the moment, I can always try to bring it up outside of that moment and see what the reaction would be so I know how to approach it going forward.

Louise
You know the question in films is, I don’t know if the male gaze is done intentionally or not. Like we don’t really know that. What we know is that the reason why sexuality in general has been so heternormative and focused on penetration and not giving any space for women to actually ask for anything in films, is because most of the people who have been working in this industry and making decisions in terms of, you know, storytelling and editing have been white men. So rape revenge is this very weird film genre that was birthed in the 70s, and half of the story would be that a woman is being raped by one or multiple people, and in the other half, she would get her revenge. So usually she would murder and kill the people who have raped her, and sometimes other people next to them. At the beginning of the birth of this genre and for 30 years at least, those films were written, produced, and directed by men. This is why we also want so much representation. A lot of feminists and pioneers in queer filmmaking also used the act of filming in order to do that and to reclaim their own sexuality. I’m thinking about Barbara Hammer, who’s a feminist and queer pioneer in experimental cinema in the U.S. where she decided to shoot women having sex on 16mm, and by doing so reclaimed a space within the narrative that was exposed in film at that time. And there is also then the question of invisibilization: we know now, because of the internet and sharing knowledge, that women and queer filmmakers have been trying and making films since the beginning of cinema. We only realize it now that we have access to databases and the work of activists and curators and filmmakers.


Resisting Colonization

Host: And this opens up the conversation on the importance of keeping our feminist histories alive. The online worlds have also played a crucial role in documenting protests and resistance. From Sudan to Palestine to Colombia, feminists have taken our screens by storm, challenging the realities of occupation, capitalism, and oppression. So could we speak of communicating desire – the desire for something else – as decolonization?


Manal
Maybe because my village is just 600 residents and the whole village is one family – Tamimi – there are no barriers between men and women. We do everything together. So when we began our non-violent resistance or when we joined the non-violent resistance in Palestine, there was no discussion whether women should participate or not. We took a very important role within the movement here in the village. But when other villages and other places began to join our weekly protests, some men thought that if these women participate or join the protests, they will fight with soldiers so it will be like they’re easy women. There were some men who were not from the village who tried to sexually harass the women. But a strong woman who is able to stand in front of a soldier can also stand against sexual harassment. Sometimes, when other women from other places join our protest, they are shy at first; they don’t want to come closer because there are many men. If you want to join the protest, if you want to be part of the non-violent movement, you have to remove all these restrictions and all these thoughts from your mind. You have to focus on just fighting for your rights. Unfortunately, the Israeli occupation realizes this issue. For example, the first time I was arrested, I wear the hijab so they tried to take it off; they tried to take off my clothes, in front of everybody. There were like 300-400 people and they tried to do it. When they took me to the interrogation, the interrogator said: “we did this because we want to punish other women through you. We know your culture.” So I told him: “I don’t care, I did something that I believe in. Even if you take all my clothes off, everybody knows that Manal is resisting.”

Lindiwe
I think even from a cultural perspective, which is very ironic, if you look at culture in Africa, prior to getting colonized, showing skin wasn’t a problem. Wearing animal skin and/or hides to protect you, that wasn’t an issue and people weren’t as sexualized unless it was within context. But we conditioned ourselves to say, “you should be covered up” and the moment you are not covered up you are exposed, and therefore it will be sexualized. Nudity gets sexualized as opposed to you just being naked; they don’t want a little girl to be seen naked. What kind of society have we conditioned ourselves to be if you’re going to be sexualizing someone who is naked outside of the context of a sexual engagement? But environment definitely plays a big role because your parents and your grannies and your aunts say “no, don’t dress inappropriately,” or “no, that’s too short.” So you hear that at home first, and then the moment you get exposed outside, depending on the environment, whether it’s a Eurocentric or more westernized environment to what you are used to, then you are kind of free to do so. And even then, as much as you are free, there’s still a lot that comes with it in terms of catcalling and people still sexualizing your body. You could be wearing a short skirt, and someone feels they have the right to touch you without your permission. There is so much that is associated with regulating and controlling women’s bodies, and that narrative starts at home. And then you go out into your community and society and the narrative gets perpetuated, and you realize that you get sexualized by society at large too, especially as a person of color.

Decorative Element

Resistance as Pleasure

Host: And finally, in what ways can our resistance be more than what we are allowed? Is there a place for pleasure and joy, for us and our communities?


Louise
Finding pleasure as resistance and resistance in pleasure, first for me there is this idea of the guerrilla filmmaking or the action of filming when you’re not supposed to or when someone told you not to, which is the case for a lot of women and queer filmmakers in the world right now. For example, in Lebanon, which is a cinema scene that I know very well, most of the lesbian stories that I’ve seen were shot by students in very short formats with “no production value” as the west would say – meaning with no money, because of the censorship that happens on an institutional level, but also within the family and within the private sphere. I would think that filming whatever, but also filming pleasure and pleasure within lesbian storytelling is an act of resistance in itself. A lot of times, just taking a camera and getting someone to edit and someone to act is extremely hard and requires a lot of political stance.

Lindiwe
I have a rape support group. I’m trying to assist women to reintegrate themselves from a sexual perspective: wanting to be intimate again, wanting to not let their past traumas influence so much how they move forward. It’s not an easy thing, but it’s individual. So I always start with understanding your body. I feel the more you understand and love and are proud of it, the more you are able to allow someone else into that space. I call it sensuality training, where I get them to start seeing themselves as not sexual objects, but as objects of pleasure and desire that can be interchangeable. So you’re worthy of receiving as well as giving. But that’s not only from a psychological point of view; it is physical. When you get out of the shower, you get out of the bath, and you’re putting lotion on your body, look at every part of your body, feel every part of your body, know when there are changes, know your body so well that should you get a new pimple on your knee, you are so aware of it because just a few hours ago it wasn’t there. So things like that where I kind of get people to love themselves from within, so they feel they are worthy of being loved in a safe space, is how I gear them towards claiming their sexuality and their desire.

Manal
You know we began to see women coming from Nablus, from Jerusalem, from Ramallah, even from occupied 48, who have to drive for 3-4 hours just to come to join the protests. After that we tried to go to other places, talk with women, tell them that they don’t have to be shy, that they should just believe in themselves and that there is nothing wrong in what we are doing. You can protect yourself, so where is the wrong in participating or in joining? Once I asked some women, “why are you joining?” And they said, “if the Tamimi women can do it, we can do it also.” To be honest I was very happy to hear this because we were like a model for other women. If I have to stand for my rights, it should be all my rights, not just one or two. We can’t divide rights.

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Mariam Mekiwi Portrait

مريم مكيوي مخرجة أفلام ومصورة من الإسكندرية تعيش وتعمل في برلين.

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"Where is the money for feminist organizing?"

How much do you know about feminist resourcing? 📊 Take AWID's "Where is the Money for Feminist Organizing?" quiz to test your knowledge:

 

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مستشفى

ترجمة مارينا سمير

«الآن قد يكون وقتًا مناسبًا لإعادة التفكير في الشكل الذي يمكن للثورة أن تتّخذه. ربما لن تبدو كمسيرةٍ من الأجساد الغاضبة والقادرة في الشوارع. ربما ستبدو وكأنّ العالم واقفٌ في ثباتٍ لأن جميع الأجساد الموجودة فيه منهَكة – حيثُ أنّه يجب إعطاء الأولوية للرعاية قبل فوات الأوان». 
- جوانا هيدفا  

المستشفيات مؤسسات، ومواقع حيّة للرأسمالية، وما يحدث عندما يكون من المفترض أن يستريح شخصٌ ما ليس إلّا نموذجاً مصغّراً من النظام الأكبر. تَعمَد المؤسسات إلى فصلنا عن أنظمة رعايتنا – نَجِد أنفسنا معزولين في بُنى تراتبية راسخة، وغالبًا ما نشعر وكأنّ الرعاية هي شيء يُفعَل بنا بدلاً من أن تكون شيئًا يُعطى ويؤخَذ كجزء من محادثة. الرعاية المؤسسية معزولة بسبب اندماجها في الطلب الرأسمالي: شخص واحد يعالج رِجلك ورِجلك فقط، شخص آخر يعالج ضغط الدم وهكذا.

المستشفيات مؤسسات، ومواقع حيّة للرأسمالية، وما يحدث عندما يكون من المفترض أن يستريح شخصٌ ما ليس إلّا نموذجاً مصغّراً من النظام الأكبر. تَعمَد المؤسسات إلى فصلنا عن أنظمة رعايتنا – نَجِد أنفسنا معزولين في بُنى تراتبية راسخة، وغالبًا ما نشعر وكأنّ الرعاية هي شيء يُفعَل بنا بدلاً من أن تكون شيئًا يُعطى ويؤخَذ كجزء من محادثة. الرعاية المؤسسية معزولة بسبب اندماجها في الطلب الرأسمالي: شخص واحد يعالج رِجلك ورِجلك فقط، شخص آخر يعالج ضغط الدم وهكذا. 

اضطرّت المصوّرة مريم مكيوي لإجراء عملية جراحية الشهر الماضي، ووثّقت هذا المسار. صورها للبيئات المعقّمة بألوانها الباهتة – أضواء نيون بيضاء وصفوف تلو صفوف من التكوينات المتكرّرة – تعكس مكانًا استُنزفت منه الحياة والحركة. كانت هذه إحدى الطرق التي حافظت بها مريم على بقاء روحها. لقد كان أحد أشكال الاحتجاج من داخل حدود مؤسسةٍ كان عليها التعامل معها.

تُشكّل الصور وصفًا لشيءٍ واهنٍ بشدّة، فمشاهدة شخصٍ ما وهو يعايش انهيار جسده هو دائمًا تذكير جليل بهشاشتنا. إنه أيضًا تذكير بهشاشة أنظمة الرعاية هذه، والتي قد تُمنَع عنّا لأسباب متعدّدة – بدايةً من عدم امتلاك الأموال وصولًا إلى عدم التواجد في جسدٍ يُعتبَر ذا قيمة كافية، فربما يكون أنثويًا أكثر مما ينبغي أو كويريًا أكثر مما ينبغي أو ملوَّنًا أكثر مما ينبغي.

الرعاية الانفرادية والمجرّدة من جوهرها والتي قد تُسلَب منّا في أي لحظة لا تساعدنا على الازدهار. وهي مختلفة تمامًا عن الطريقة التي يسلكها البشر عند رعاية بعضهم البعض. كم سيبدو عالمنا مختلفًا إذا التزمنا بتفكيك الهياكل الرأسمالية الحالية حول صحّتنا؟ كيف سيبدو إذا أعَدنا تخيُّلَه بشكل جذريّ؟

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Resistance Hubs for Climate Justice

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Balloon Panel “un”Inclusive Feminism

حلقة نقاش | النسوية “غير” الشاملة: فتيات بلا صوت في الحركة النسوية الهايتية
مع نايكي ليدان وفيدورا بيير-لوي

YOUTUBE

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#4 - Sexting like a feminist Tweets Snippet AR

ان كنت نسوية عن حق، فإنك سترفضين التحقير الموجّه ضد الممارسات الجنسية الغرائبيّة

Image of a tweet. Text says: The revolution in your pants will not be televised... unless you're into that kind of thing. Which we can discuss... viva.

تَلفَزَتُنا للثورة تحت حزامك مشروطة بطبيعة رغباتك

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AWID at Women Deliver Conference

Add your own propositions

Please take a look at the existing propositions for inspiration before submitting your own idea. Someone might already be thinking along the same lines! Send your proposition to contribute@awid.org.

We will review and include new propositions on this webpage as they come.

Young Feminist Activism

Organizing creatively, facing an increasing threat

Young feminist activists play a critical role in women’s rights organizations and movements worldwide by bringing up new issues that feminists face today. Their strength, creativity and adaptability are vital to the sustainability of feminist organizing.

At the same time, they face specific impediments to their activism such as limited access to funding and support, lack of capacity-building opportunities, and a significant increase of attacks on young women human rights defenders. This creates a lack of visibility that makes more difficult their inclusion and effective participation within women’s rights movements.

A multigenerational approach

AWID’s young feminist activism program was created to make sure the voices of young women are heard and reflected in feminist discourse. We want to ensure that young feminists have better access to funding, capacity-building opportunities and international processes. In addition to supporting young feminists directly, we are also working with women’s rights activists of all ages on practical models and strategies for effective multigenerational organizing.

Our Actions

We want young feminist activists to play a role in decision-making affecting their rights by:

  • Fostering community and sharing information through the Young Feminist Wire. Recognizing the importance of online media for the work of young feminists, our team launched the Young Feminist Wire in May 2010 to share information, build capacity through online webinars and e-discussions, and encourage community building.

  • Researching and building knowledge on young feminist activism, to increase the visibility and impact of young feminist activism within and across women’s rights movements and other key actors such as donors.

  • Promoting more effective multigenerational organizing, exploring better ways to work together.

  • Supporting young feminists to engage in global development processes such as those within the United Nations

  • Collaboration across all of AWID’s priority areas, including the Forum, to ensure young feminists’ key contributions, perspectives, needs and activism are reflected in debates, policies and programs affecting them.

Related Content

Ending violence against women, "it's still worth a fight!"

Ending violence against women, "it's still worth a fight!"

Lina Abirafeh (an AWID individual member) is Lebanese and Palestinian, born into conflict, displacement and gender issues. She is committed to ending violence against women and says “we all should be! It is the most pervasive human rights violation in the world, and it has endured far too long. Even if we don’t see the results in our lifetime, it’s still worth a fight!

Lina received a PhD from the London School of Economics Department of International Development, her research being published in a book entitled Gender and International Aid in Afghanistan: The Politics and Effects of Intervention. For nearly 20 years she has been dedicated to working on issues pertaining to violence against women, specifically in emergency contexts and in over 20 countries including Afghanistan, Papua New Guinea, Democratic Republic of Congo, Haiti, Mali, Nepal, and Central African Republic. Lina has also worked with numerous UN agencies, the World Bank, as well as with diverse international and national non-governmental organizations. In September 2015, she joined the Lebanese American University (LAU) in Beirut as Director of the Institute for Women’s Studies (IWSAW) in the Arab World.
“We are all affected. So we are all responsible.” - Lina Abirafeh
Lina is also looking forward to connecting with other members!
 
Watch Lina’s talk for TEDx on her work regarding sexual violence in humanitarian emergencies
 

 

Region
West Asia
Source
AWID

Para terminar con la violencia contra las mujeres, ¡aún vale la pena luchar!

Para terminar con la violencia contra las mujeres, ¡aún vale la pena luchar!

Lina Abirafeh (afiliada individual de AWID) es libanesa y palestina. Nació en medio del conflicto, el desplazamiento y la discriminación de género y está comprometida con la eliminación de la violencia contra las mujeres. «¡Todas las personas deberíamos tener el mismo compromiso!», afirma. «Es la violación a los derechos humanos más generalizada en el mundo y persiste desde hace mucho tiempo. Aun cuando no veremos los resultados durante nuestra vida, vale la pena luchar».

Lina obtuvo un título de doctorado del departamento de desarrollo internacional de London School of Economics, para el que presentó una investigación publicada (en inglés) en el libro Gender and International Aid in Afghanistan: The Politics and Effects of Intervention [Género y ayuda internacional en Afganistán: La política y los efectos de la intervención]. Durante casi 20 años Lina se ha dedicado a trabajar por los temas referidos a la violencia contra las mujeres, especialmente a la ejercida en contextos de emergencia y en más de 20 países, incluidos Afganistán, Papua Nueva Guinea, República Democrática del Congo, Haití, Malí, Nepal y República Centroafricana. Ha trabajado también con numerosos organismos de las Naciones Unidas, el Banco Mundial y diversas organizaciones no gubernamentales nacionales e internacionales. En septiembre se incorporará a la Lebanese American University [universidad libanesa americana] de Beirut como directora del instituto para los estudios de la mujer en el mundo árabe (IWSAW).
 
«Todas las personas nos vemos afectadas; por eso todas somos responsables.» - Lina Abirafeh
 
Lina también anhela conectarse con otras/os afiliadas/os de AWID. 
 
Mira la charla de Lina (en inglés) por TEDx sobre su labor para evitar la violencia sexual en escenarios de emergencia humanitaria.
 
 

 

Source
AWID

Mettre fin aux violences faites aux femmes, « une bataille qui vaut toujours la peine d’être menée ! »

Mettre fin aux violences faites aux femmes, « une bataille qui vaut toujours la peine d’être menée ! »

D’origine libanaise et palestinienne, Lina Abirafeh (membre individuelle de l'AWID) est née dans un contexte de conflits, de déplacements de population et de problématiques de genre. Déterminée à mettre un terme à la violence à l’égard des femmes, elle dit : « Nous devrions tou-te-s lutter fermement contre la violence faite aux femmes ! C’est la violation des droits humains la plus répandue dans le monde, et elle dure depuis bien trop longtemps. C’est une bataille qui vaut la peine d’être menée, même si nous n’en voyons pas les résultats de notre vivant ! »

Lina, qui a obtenu un doctorat du Département pour le développement international de la London School of Economics, voit sa thèse actuellement publiée dans un ouvrage (en anglais) intitulé Gender and International Aid in Afghanistan: The Politics and Effects of Intervention (Genre et aide internationale en Afghanistan : les politiques et effets de l’intervention). Pendant près de 20 ans, elle s’est attachée à travailler sur des questions de violence contre les femmes, particulièrement dans des situations d’urgence et dans plus de 20 pays dont l’Afghanistan, la Papouasie-Nouvelle-Guinée, la République démocratique du Congo, Haïti, le Mali, le Népal et la République centrafricaine. Lina a également collaboré avec de nombreuses agences de l’ONU, avec la Banque Mondiale, et avec différentes organisations non-gouvernementales internationales et nationales. Elle intègrera au mois de septembre la Lebanese American University (LAU) à Beyrouth en tant que Directrice de l’Institute for Women’s Studies (IWSAW) in the Arab World (institut d’études des femmes dans le monde arabe).

 « Nous sommes tou-te-s concerné-e-s. Nous sommes donc tou-te-s responsables. » - Lina Abirafeh

Lina se fait aussi une joie de communiquer avec d’autres membres ! 

Vous pouvez voir la présentation (en anglais) TEDx de Lina sur son travail concernant la violence sexuelle au cours de crises humanitaires.
 

 

Source
AWID

Astitva Trust defiende los derechos de los grupos de las minorías sexuales

Astitva Trust defiende los derechos de los grupos de las minorías sexuales

En abril de 2014, el Astitva Trust y su Presidenta Laxmi Narayan Tripathi, destacada activista por los derechos de las personas trans*, presentaron una petición apoyando el reconocimiento de un tercer género por parte de la Corte Suprema de la India. Fue una decisión histórica y a través de ella la Corte reconoció todos los derechos constitucionales a las personas trans*, afirmando que: «Todo ser humano tiene derecho a elegir su género».


Pero aunque para la ley las personas trans* son ciudadanas en pie de igualdad, todavía se enfrentan a una discriminación social extrema. Astitva Trust es una organización comunitaria de minorías sexuales (en su mayoría hijras[1]) cuyo objetivo es erradicar el estima y la discriminación contra las personas LGBTQ* y particularmente contra la comunidad trans*. Trabaja con grupos de las minorías sexuales, defiende sus derechos, promueve su salud y su bienestar integral, y ayuda a mejorar su calidad y sus estándares de vida.

Entre los objetivos de Astitva se cuentan generar conciencia y difundir conocimientos acerca del VIH, el SIDA y otras enfermedades de transmisión sexual entre las minorías sexuales, promover el sexo más seguro, e incrementar el acceso a servicios de salud sexual comunitaria amigables. Hasta el momento, hay 4652 personas trans* registradas en Astitva y la organización mantiene contacto con 56 organizaciones trans* de la India, a las que apoya en numerosos aspectos.

Astitva es una de las fundadoras de la Integrated Network for Sexual Minorities [Red Integrada de Minorías Sexuales] cuyo consejo directivo integra; también es fundadora del Maharashtra Transgender Welfare Board [Comité para el Bienestar de la Población Trans* en Maharashtra], e integrante de su grupo de trabajo; y forma parte de la Asia - Pacific Transgender Network [Red Trans* de Asia y el Pacífico], y de la Asia Pacific Network of Sex Workers [Red de Trabajadoras/es Sexuales de Asia y el Pacífico].

En abril de 2015 y junto con el parlamentario Trichy Shiva, Astitva trabajó para lograr una histórica aprobación unánime del Proyecto de Ley por los Derechos de las Personas Trans* en la Rajya Sabha,[2] que reconoce la igualdad de derechos para las personas tras*. El paso siguiente es lograr su aprobación por parte de la Lok Sabha[3], para que se convierta en ley.


Escucha la charla de TEDx de Laxmi Narayan Tripathi (en inglés)


[1] Hijra es un término que se utiliza particularmente en la India para referirse a una persona trans*
[2] Cámara Alta del Parlamento de la India
[3] Cámara Baja del Parlamento de la India
Source
AWID

Astitva Trust travaille avec des groupes représentant diverses minorités sexuelles

Astitva Trust travaille avec des groupes représentant diverses minorités sexuelles

En avril 2014, l’Astitva Trust et son présidente Laxmi Narayan Tripathi, une éminente activiste des droits des personnes transgenres, ont lancé une pétition pour soutenir un jugement rendu par la Cour suprême de l’Inde qui reconnaissait l’existence d’un troisième genre. Cette décision est historique,  elle prouve que la Cour a accordé l’intégralité des droits constitutionnels à des personnes transgenres. Par ce décret, la Cour affirme ainsi que « tout être humain a le droit de choisir son genre ».


Si la loi leur confère le même statut qu’aux autres citoyen-ne-s, les personnes transgenres sont encore confrontées à une discrimination extrêmement forte dans la société indienne dominante. L’Astitva Trust, une organisation communautaire qui rassemble différentes minorités sexuelles (principalement des hijras[1]), vise à supprimer la stigmatisation et la discrimination qui frappe les LGBTQ* et tout particulièrement la communauté transgenre. L’organisation travaille avec des groupes représentant diverses minorités sexuelles pour mener des campagnes en faveur de leurs droits, de leur santé et de leur bien-être au sens large. Elle contribue également à l’amélioration de la qualité de leur niveau de vie.

Parmi les objectifs du Trust figurent notamment la sensibilisation des minorités sexuelles au VIH/SIDA et aux autres maladies sexuellement transmissibles et la diffusion des connaissances sur ce thème, la promotion de pratiques sexuelles plus sûres et la transformation des services de santé sexuelle pour la communauté en services plus accueillants. Pour l’instant, Astitva compte 4 652 membres transgenres et travaille en réseau avec 56 organisations transgenres indiennes qu’elle aide dans de nombreux domaines.

L’organisation est co-fondatrice et membre du conseil d’administration de l’Integrated Network for Sexual Minorities (réseau intégré pour les minorités sexuelles). Elle a également fondé le Maharashtra Transgender Welfare Board (conseil de la protection sociale des personnes transgenres du Maharashtra), auquel elle participe au titre de membre du groupe de travail. Enfin, le Trust est membre du Réseau transgenre d'Asie-Pacifique (site en anglais) et du Réseau des professionnel-le-s du sexe d’Asie-Pacifique (site en anglais).

En avril 2015, Astitva (avec l’appui du parlementaire Trichy Shiva) a plaidé en faveur de l’adoption historique et unanime du « Rights of Transgender Persons Bill » (« projet de loi sur les droits des personnes transgenres ») à la Rajya Sabha[2], appelant ainsi à l’égalité des droits des personnes transgenres. L’étape suivante consiste désormais à faire adopter ce projet de loi par la Lok Sabha[3] pour qu’il devienne une véritable loi.


Écouter le discours de Laxmi Narayan Tripathi sur TEDx (en anglais)


[1] Le terme Hijra est utilisé, particulièrement en Inde, pour faire référence aux personnes transgenres
[2] La Chambre haute du Parlement indien
[3] La Chambre basse du Parlement indien
Region
Asie
Asie du Sud
Source
AWID