Flickr/Leonardo Veras (CC BY 2.0)

Analyses Spéciales

L´AWID est une organisation féministe mondiale qui consacre ses efforts à la justice de genre, au développement durable et aux droits humains des femmes

Protection de la famille

Contexte

Au cours des dernières années, nous avons observé une nouvelle tendance inquiétante dans les espaces internationaux consacrés aux droits humains. Les discours axés sur « la protection de la famille » sont en effet utilisés pour défendre des violations des droits de membres de la famille, pour renforcer et justifier l’impunité des auteurs de ces violations et pour restreindre l’égalité des droits au niveau de la vie familiale. 

La campagne en faveur de la « Protection de la famille » est motivée par une volonté conservatrice d’imposer des conceptions « traditionnelles » et patriarcales de la famille et de priver les membres de la famille de leurs droits pour les transférer à « l’institution familiale ».

Les initiatives visant à la « Protection de la famille » reposent sur :

  • la montée du traditionalisme,
  • la montée du conservatisme culturel, social et religieux,
  • l’existence d’une hostilité vis-à-vis des droits humains des femmes, des droits sexuels, des droits des enfants et enfin des droits des personnes dont l’identité de genre et l’orientation sexuelle ne sont pas conformes aux normes.

Depuis 2014, un groupe d’Etats travaille de front dans les espaces dédiés aux droits humains sous le nom de « Group of Friends of the Family » (Groupe des ami-e-s de la famille) ; des résolutions sur la « Protection de la famille » ont été adoptées chaque année depuis 2014.

Ce programme s’est propagé au-delà du Conseil des droits humains. Nous avons observé l’introduction d’un discours régressif autour de la « famille » à la Commission sur la condition de la femme, ainsi que des tentatives d’introduction dans les négociations sur les Objectifs de développement durable.


Notre approche

L’AWID travaille avec des partenaires et des allié-e-s pour s’opposer ensemble à la « Protection de la famille » et à d’autres programmes régressifs et défendre l’universalité des droits humains.

En réponse à l’influence croissante d’acteurs régressifs au sein des espaces dédiés aux droits humains, l’AWID a rejoint des allié-e-s afin de créer l’Observatoire sur l'Universalité des droits (OURs) (site en anglais). L’OURs est un projet de collaboration qui surveille, analyse et diffuse les informations concernant les initiatives anti-droits telles que la « Protection de la famille ».

Le premier rapport de l’OURs, Nos droits en danger, trace une cartographie des acteurs et actrices qui constituent le lobby mondial anti-droits et identifie leur réthorique et stratégies clés ainsi que leur impact sur les droits humains.  

Le rapport précise que le programme de « Protection de la famille » a développé une collaboration entre un large éventail d’acteurs régressifs aux Nations Unies, qu’il décrit comme « un cadre stratégique abritant des positions anti-droits et patriarcales multiples, où le cadre vise entre autres à légitimer et institutionnaliser ces positions. »

Contenu lié

Snippet FEA Lohana Berkins (EN)

One of the founding leaders of the cooperative was Lohana Berkins, an activist, defender and promoter of transgender identity. Lohana played a crucial role in the struggle for the rights of trans and travesti people. 

This brought about, among many other things, the passing of the Gender Identity Law. It is one of the most progressive legislations in the world, guaranteeing fundamental rights to trans and travesti people. Now, people can change their names and genders only with an affidavit, and have access to comprehensive healthcare without judicial or medical intervention/approval (Outright International, 2012).

Snippet - WITM Who should - AR

من يجب أن يجيب على الاستطلاع؟

الاستطلاع هذا مخصّص للمجموعات، المنظمات والحركات التي تعمل بالأساس أو فقط على حقوق النساء، أفراد مجتمع الميم - عين، والحقوق الجندرية، في جميع السياقات، على جميع المستويات، وفي جميع المناطق. إن كان واحد من هذه المبادئ اساسًا لمجموعتكم/ن، تنظيمكم/ن أو شبكتكم/ن، أو أي نوع تنظيم آخر، إن كان مسجلاً أم لا، جديداً أو طويل العمر، ندعوكم/ن للإجابة على الاستطلاع.

exclamation mark

*في الوقت الحالي، لا نطلب من الأفراد أو الصناديق النسوية أو النسائية تعبئة الاستطلاع.

 

تعرف على المزيد حول الاستطلاع: راجع/ي الأسئلة الشائعة

راجع/ي الأسئلة الشائعة

Alternative framework for economic governance

Context

The current global economic crisis provides stark evidence that the economic policies of the last 3 decades have not been working.

The devastation that the crisis has wrought on the most vulnerable households in the Global North and Global South is a reminder that the formulation of economic policy and the realization of human rights (economic, social, political, civil and cultural) have for too long been divorced from one another. Economic policy and human rights do not have to be opposing forces, but can exist symbiotically.

Macroeconomic policies affect the operation of the economy as a whole, shaping the availability and distribution of resources. Within this context, fiscal and monetary policies are key.

Definition

  • Fiscal policy refers to both public revenue and public expenditure, and the relationships between them as expressed in the government budget.
  • Monetary policy includes policies on interest and exchange rates and the money supply, as well as the regulation of the financial sector.
  • Macroeconomic policies are implemented using instruments such as taxation, government spending, and control over the supply of money and credit.

These policies affect key prices such as interest and exchange rates that directly influence, among other things, the level of employment, access to affordable credit, and the housing market.

Applying a human rights framework to macroeconomic policy allows States to better comply with their obligation to respect, protect, and fulfill economic and social rights. Human rights are internationally agreed-upon universal standards. These legal norms are articulated in United Nations treaties including, the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR), the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), and the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (ICESCR).

Article 1 of the UDHR states that, “All human beings are born free and equal in dignity and rights.”

Although the UDHR was written about six decades ago its relevance is enduring. Many of the ideas address concerns and critical issues that people continue to face globally. Issues regarding inhuman punishment (Art. 5), discrimination (Art. 7), property ownership (Art. 17), equal pay for equal work (Art. 23/2), and access to education (Art. 26/1) are pertinent matters in countries South and North of the equator.

More specifically, States have an obligation under international law to respect, protect and fulfill human rights, including the economic and social rights of people within their jurisdiction. This is particularly relevant now given the financial crisis. In the U.S., regulation is skewed in favor of certain interests. The failure to extend government’s supervisory role in the context of social and economic change is a failure with regard to the obligation to protect human rights.

Feminist perspective

States should abide by key human rights principles to achieve economic and social rights. Some of the principles have potentially important implications for governance of financial institutions and markets, yet these possibilities have been underexplored.

Economic and social rights have a concrete institutional and legal grounding. Global declarations, international treaties, covenants, and, in a number of cases, national constitutions have incorporated aspects of the economic and social rights framework—providing an institutional infrastructure in national and international law.

Some have suggested that a consideration of global justice may not be a useful pursuit because of the institutional complexities involved. However, this does not get around that fact that global institutions already have an impact on social justice, both positive and negative.

It is useful to tease out the implications that elements of alternative frameworks have for economic governance, specifically those supported by existing institutions. Economic and social rights represent one such concrete framework. The framework is an evolving one, and ongoing discussion and deliberation is necessary to address underdeveloped areas and potential deficiencies.


Learn more about this proposition

This section is based on CWGL’s blog “Applying a Human Rights Framework to Macroeconomic Policies” (2012).

Part of our series of


  Feminist Propositions for a Just Economy

Claudia Montserrat Arévalo Alvarado

Biography

Claudia is a feminist psychologist with a Masters degree in Development Equality and Equity. She has been a human rights activist for 30 years, and a women’s rights activist for the last 24.

Claudia works in El Salvador as the co-founder and Executive Director of Asociación Mujeres Transformando. For the past 16 years she has defended labour rights of women working within the textile and garment maquila sector. This includes collaborations to draft legislative bills, public policy proposals and research that aim to improve labour conditions for women workers in this sector. She has worked tirelessly to support organizational strengthening and empowerment of women workers in the textile maquilas and those doing embroidery piece-work from home.

She is an active participant in advocacy efforts at the national, regional and international levels to defend and claim labour rights for the working class in the global South from a feminist, anti-capitalist and anti-patriarchy perspective and class and gender awareness raising. She is a board member with the Spotlight Initiative and its national reference group. She is also part of UN Women’s Civic Society Advisory Group. 

Position
Co-President
Add to stories
Off

Madiha El Safty

Madiha était une éminente professeure de sociologie qui s’est activement engagée auprès de la société civile en tant que défenseure des droits des femmes dans les pays arabes.

Elle a présidé l'Alliance pour les femmes arabes et a été membre du Comité sur la société civile et du Comité sur le développement du gouvernorat de Minia auprès du Conseil national pour les femmes. Elle a publié de nombreux articles qui ont éclairé et analysé les inégalités de genre et la discrimination à l'égard des femmes.

Ses collègues, étudiant-e-s et ami-e-s se souviennent d'elle avec tendresse.


 

Madiha El Safty, Egypt

Snippet FEA Exclusion and Stigma (ES)

Una ilustración de un megáfono en azul marino. Líneas que representan ondas de sonido salen del extremo del altavoz, en color rojo vino.

LA EXCLUSIÓN, ESTIGMA Y ABUSO INSTITUCIONAL
que las personas trans y travesti siguen enfrentando diariamente

Snippet - WITM To Strengthen - RU

Укрепить наш коллективный голос и влияние на увеличение и улучшение финансирования феминистских организаций, организаций по защите прав женщин, ЛГБТКИ+ и смежных организаций по всему миру

Key impacts on the international human rights system

Anti-rights actors have had a substantive impact on our human rights framework and the progressive interpretation of human rights standards, especially rights related to gender and sexuality.

When it comes to the impact of conservative actors in international policy spaces, the overall picture today is of stasis and regressions.


We have witnessed the watering down of existing agreements and commitment; deadlock in negotiations; sustained undermining of UN agencies, treaty review bodies and Special Procedures; and success in pushing through regressive language in international human rights documents.

Commission on the Status of Women (CSW)

The CSW, held annually in March, has long been one of the most contested sites in the UN system. In March 2015, conservative efforts set the tone before events or negotiations even began; the outcome document of the Commission was a weak Declaration negotiated before any women’s rights activists even arrived on the ground.

At 2016’s CSW, the new Youth Caucus was infiltrated by large numbers of vocal anti-abortion and anti-SRHR actors, who shouted down progressive youth organizations. Again, intensive negotiations resulted in a lacklustre text, which included regressive language on ‘the family.’

Precisely when addressing women’s human rights is of urgent importance, the CSW has been rendered a depoliticized and weakened space. Using it to advance rights has become harder and harder since progressives’ energy is taken up trying to hold the ground against conservative backlash.

Human Rights Council (HRC)

As the intergovernmental body responsible for the promotion and protection of human rights around the globe, the HRC is a key entry point for conservative actors. In recent years, this mechanism has been the scene for a number of damaging anti-human rights moves.

In conversation with other anti-rights actors, one strategy of conservative states, and blocs of states, is to aggressively negotiate out positive language and to introduce hostile amendments to resolutions, most often resolutions focusing on rights related to gender and sexuality.

To take one example, during the June 2016 session of the HRC, opposition was mounted towards a resolution on discrimination against women by the member states of the Organization of Islamic Cooperation (OIC) and allies. During contentious negotiations, multiple provisions were removed, including women’s and girls’ right to have control over their sexuality, sexual and reproductive health, and reproductive rights; and the need to repeal laws which perpetuate the patriarchal oppression of women and girls in families, and those criminalizing adultery or pardoning marital rape.

The HRC has also been the site of pernicious conservative initiatives to co-opt human rights norms and enact conservative “human rights” language, such as that of the Russia-led “traditional values” resolutions, and more recently the “Protection of the Family” agenda.

Human Rights Committee

In 2015, moving their sights to another front, a number of religious right organizations began to target the Human Rights Committee, the treaty monitoring body for the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), a pivotal human rights instrument.

Anti-human rights groups mobilized in hopes of cementing their anti-abortion rhetoric into the treaty.

When the Committee announced it was drafting a new authoritative interpretation of the right to life, over 30 conservative non-state actors sent in written submissions, advocating their misleading discourse on ‘right to life’ - that life begins at conception and that abortion is a violation of the right - be incorporated in the Committee’s interpretation of article 6.

Conservative groups targeting the Human Rights Committee was a shift considering that historically anti-human rights actors have repeatedly attempted to undermine and invalidate the essential work of the treaty monitoring bodies, including the Human Rights Committee.

SDG negotiations and Agenda 2030

Anti-human rights actors were involved in lobbying towards the development of the new Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) in 2015, focusing again on rights relating to gender and sexuality. These efforts had limited traction in their attempts to embed regressive language in Agenda 2030.

However, after successfully pushing back against progressive language in the final text, conservative actors then pivoted to another strategy. In an attempt to evade state accountability and undermine the universality of rights, several states have repeatedly made reservations to the Goals.

On behalf of the African Group, Senegal claimed that African states would only “implement the goals in line with the cultural and religious values of its countries.”

The Holy See also made a number of reservations, stating it was “confident that the related pledge ‘no one will be left behind’ would be read” as meaning “the right to life of the person, from conception until natural death.”

Saudi Arabia went one step further, declaring that the country would not follow any international rules relating to the SDGs that reference sexual orientation or gender identity, describing them as running “counter to Islamic law.”

General Assembly (GA)

Anti-rights actors have made increasing headway at the UN General Assembly (GA).  Most recently, during the 71st session in 2016, the GA was the scene of feverish anti-rights organizing in opposition to the new mandate created by the Human Rights Council resolution on sexual orientation and gender identity in June 2016: the Independent Expert on SOGI. Four separate attempts were made to undercut the mandate in GA spaces.

One approach was to introduce a hostile resolution at the Third Committee[1], led by the African Group, which in essence aimed to indefinitely defer the new mandate. While this approach was not successful, such an attempt in the GA to retroactively block the creation of a mandate brought forward by the Human Rights Council represented a new and troubling tactic - anti-right actors are now working to directly undermine the HRC’s authority respective to the General Assembly.

Another approach targeted the Fifth Committee (responsible for administration and budgetary matters) as an entry point to attack the mandate. In an unprecedented move a number of States attempted (again, unsuccessfully) to block the funding of UN human rights experts, including the new IE on SOGI[2],.

While these multiple efforts were unsuccessful in blocking the creation and continuation of the new mandate, the significant support they received, the novel strategizing employed, and the strong alliances built along regional lines through negotiations point to difficulties ahead.


[1] The Third Committee of the GA deals with agenda items relating to a range of social, humanitarian affairs, and human rights issues.  Each year it discusses and issues resolutions on issues including the advancement of women, the protection of children, family, and youth.

[2] While UN Special Procedures experts (i.e. Special Rapporteurs, Working Group members and Independent Experts) work pro bono, some funds are generally allocated to facilitate country visits on the invitation of the national government, and support staff.

 


Other Chapters

Read the full report

Sanyu Awori

Biography

Sanyu es una feminista que reside en Nairobi (Kenia). Ha dedicado los últimos 10 años a apoyar a los movimientos obreros, feministas y por los derechos humanos, promoviendo la rendición de cuentas empresarial, la justicia económica y la justicia de género. Ha trabajado con el Centro de Información sobre Empresas y Derechos Humanos, en International Women’s Rights Action Watch Asia y el Pacífico (IWRAW, Observatorio Internacional de los Derechos de las Mujeres) y la Iniciativa de Derechos Humanos de la Commonwealth. Posee una maestría en Leyes y Derechos Humanos y una licenciatura en Derecho de la Universidad de Nottingham. Sus escritos se han publicado en el Business and Human Rights Journal, Human Rights Law Review, y plataformas como Open Global Rights, Democracia Abierta, entre otras. En sus ratos libres, le gusta caminar por el bosque y perseguir mariposas.

Position
Gerente Construcción de Economías Feministas
Add to stories
Off

Mridula Prasad

Mridula was a strong advocate for the advancement for women’s health at a time when the topic of women’s sexual and reproductive health were considered taboo in Fiji.

The initial works of the Fiji Women’s Rights Movement about sexual and reproductive rights were under her guidance, and in September 1999, the United Nations Population Fund presented her with a regional award for Reproductive Health and Rights. Mridula was a strong, dedicated and tireless campaigner who was passionate about women’s health and empowerment.

She was a valued member of the women’s and feminist movement in Fiji and her contributions will always be remembered. Mridula passed away due to natural causes in 2017.

Mridula Prasad, Fiji

Snippet FEA Audio Story 3 (FR)

Snippet - WITM About the survey - AR

عن الاستطلاع

  • عالمي ومتنوع يعكس وقائع التمويل للتنظيم النسوي على المستوى العالمي ومقسّم حسب المناطق
  • مقسم حسب النطاق يضع أصوات، وجهات النظر والتجارب المعاشة للحركات النسوية في المركز ويسلط الضوء على ثروتها، شجاعتها وتنوّعها، كل واحدة في نطاقها
  • مشترك: تم تطوير وتجربة الاستطلاع باستشارة أعضاء/ عضوات جمعية حقوق المرأة في التنمية والشركاء/ الشريكات في الحركة
  • تكميلي يساهم ويعزّز الأدلة المتواجدة عن وضع التمويل للحركات النسوية والنسائية وحركات العدالة الجندرية من النشطاء/ الناشطات، الممولين/ات النسويين/ات والحلفاء/ الحليفا
  • متعدد اللغات متاح باللغة العربية، الانجليزية، الفرنسية، البرتغالية، الروسية والاسبانية
  • إعطاء الأولوية للخصوصية والأمان نحن ملتزمون/ات بالحفاظ على سرية وسلامة بياناتك. اقرأ/ي سياسة الخصوصية الخاصة بنا لمعرفة المزيد حول التدابير التي نتخذها لضمان حماية معلوماتك.
  • متاح متاح لأشخاص مع درجات سمع، حركة، رؤية، وقدرات فكرية مختلفة، ويحتاج تقريباً 30 دقيقة لإتمامه.
  • قابل للنسخ يمكن للحركات نسخ الاستطلاع لما يتناسب مع نطاقاتها. ستكون أدوات الاستطلاع متاحة لإجراء أبحاث إضافية ومناصرة مشتركة.

Sala de prensa

AWID en los medios

Compilación de noticias sobre la organización y/o el trabajo de AWID


 

 


Notas de prensa

Notas de prensa, dosieres y kits


 

Kits de social media

Contacto para medios

Email de contacto

+1 416 594 3773

Veena Singh

Biography

Originaire des Fidji, Veena Singh est féministe et femme de couleur. Élevée dans une petite commune rurale de ces îles, elle tire sa force de la richesse de son héritage mixte (sa mère est une femme autochtone fidjienne et son père est de descendance indo-fidjienne). L’identité et le vécu de Veena ont largement façonné son engagement envers la justice, l’équité et l’inclusion.  Avec plus d’une vingtaine d’années d’expérience dans les droits humains, l’égalité des genres, l’épanouissement de la communauté et l’inclusion sociale, Veena croit passionnément qu’il faut faire bouger les lignes du pouvoir pour provoquer le changement transformateur qui permettra de construire l’économie de la bienveillance. Elle travaille dans des domaines très divers, notamment l’épanouissement de la communauté ; les femmes, la paix et la sécurité ; les politiques sociales ; les droits humains ; et le plaidoyer politique.

Elle est profondément engagée à faire avancer l’inclusion, la paix et la justice, la santé et les droits sexuels et reproductifs, la justice climatique, la justice transitionnelle et les droits humains. Elle possède une vaste expérience des réseaux de terrain, des organisations internationales et des institutions gouvernementales, et elle place toujours au centre les approches pilotées à l’échelle locale et par les communautés ainsi que les principes féministes.

En dehors de sa « vie de bureau », Veena est une défenseuse de l’environnement, de la santé mentale et c’est aussi une écrivaine. Mère de 11 chats, elle ne jure que par les saris et a un gros faible pour le courrier traditionnel et les cartes postales. Observatrice attentive des mouvements féministes aux Fidji et dans le Pacifique, Veena est en plein parcours personnel pour « décoloniser sa pensée et soi-même, en entreprenant une introspection radicale ». Par-dessus tout, elle est animée par le désir et le rêve de livrer des écrits auxquels pouvoir s’identifier, qui résonnent auprès des autres, en connectant avec la diaspora du Pacifique et en amplifiant les voix marginalisées.

Position
Co-président
Add to stories
Off

Amal Bayou

Amal fue una destacada política y parlamentaria de Libia.

Fue docente de la Universidad de Benghazi desde 1995 hasta su muerte, en 2017. Amal fue activista de la sociedad civil e integrante de varias iniciativas sociales y políticas. Asistió a las familias de lxs mártires y de lxs desaparecidxs y fue una de lxs fundadorxs de una iniciativa juvenil llamada «Juventud de Benghazi Libia».

En las elecciones parlamentarias de 2014, Amal fue elegida para la Cámara de Representantes con más de 14.000 votos (el mayor número de votos recibido por unx candidatx en las elecciones de 2014). Permanecerá en la memoria de muchxs como una mujer que actuó en política para garantizar un futuro mejor en uno de los contextos de la región más difíciles y afectados por los conflictos.


 

Amal Bayou, Libya

Snippet FEA Georgia's minimum wage (EN)

Georgia's minimum wage is in the bottom percent of all countries in the world. This reality affects mostly women.

The country not only has a significant gender pay gap, but women also work longer, more unregulated hours before going home to take care of housework and their families. There is no maternity pay, no wage increase for overtime work, no unemployment insurance, and no pay for sick leave or other social protection. Pressured by Western organizations, Georgian oligarchic political parties have been implementing reforms that are destroying the welfare state, increasing austerity measures, and worsening worker exploitation - all for the benefits of big corporations which are applauding the country for its “ease of doing business”. Mass media, coerced by private and corporate interests, either remain silent or biased on these issues. Union organizing remains one of the very few options to fight for basic human rights, and for holding the State and corporations accountable in the face of daily, pervasive violations and persecutions, especially against women.

Sources: Minimum-Wage and Interview with Sopo Japaridze to OpenDemocracy

Qual é o objetivo do inquérito WITM?

O objetivo principal do inquérito WITM é chamar a atenção para o estado financeiro dos diversos movimentos feministas, de direitos das mulheres, de justiça de género, de LBTQI+ e de aliados globalmente, e com base nisto, fortalecer ainda mais o argumento para transferir mais recursos de melhor qualidade e poder para os movimentos feministas.