Rachel Bhagwan
Activisme des jeunes féministes
S'organiser de manière créative face à des menaces croissantes
Les jeunes activistes féministes jouent un rôle crucial au sein des organisations et des mouvements pour les droits des femmes à travers le monde. Ce sont elles qui soulèvent les nouveaux problèmes auxquels les féministes sont confrontées aujourd'hui. Leur force, leur créativité et leur adaptabilité sont vitales pour assurer la viabilité des organisations féministes.
Pourtant, elles sont confrontées à toute une série d’obstacles particuliers, notamment l'accès limité au financement et au soutien, le manque de possibilités de renforcement des capacités et une augmentation considérable des agressions sur les jeunes défenseuses des droits humains. Ces obstacles entraînent un manque de visibilité qui rend leur intégration et leur participation effective au sein des mouvements pour les droits des femmes encore plus difficiles.
Une approche multigénérationnelle
Le Programme d’activisme des jeunes féministes de l'AWID a été mis en place pour veiller à ce que les voix des jeunes femmes soient entendues et représentées dans le discours féministe. Nous voulons faire en sorte que les jeunes féministes aient un meilleur accès à du financement, à des opportunités de renforcer leurs capacités et aux processus internationaux.
En plus de soutenir directement les jeunes féministes, nous travaillons également avec des activistes des droits des femmes de tout âge pour élaborer des modèles et des stratégies d’organisation multigénérationnelles plus efficaces.
Nos actions
Nous souhaitons que les jeunes féministes puissent jouer un rôle actif dans les prises de décisions qui concernent leurs droits. Nos actions incluent :
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Favoriser la mise en commun et le partage d'informations par la Plateforme de jeunes féministes. Étant donné l'importance des médias en ligne pour le travail des jeunes féministes, notre équipe a lancé la Plateforme de jeunes féministes en mai 2010. Elle a pour objectifs d’échanger des renseignements, de renforcer les capacités des membres par le truchement de webinaires et de discussions en ligne, et d'encourager la consolidation d’une communauté de jeunes féministes.
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Soutenir la recherche et le renforcement des connaissances sur l'activisme des jeunes féministes, pour accroître la visibilité et l'influence de leur activisme au sein et entre les mouvements pour les droits des femmes et auprès d'autres acteurs-trices clés, tels les donateurs.
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Faire la promotion de la collaboration multigénérationnelle, en explorant de meilleures façons de travailler ensemble.
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Inciter les jeunes féministes à s’engager dans les processus internationaux relatifs au programme de développement, notamment ceux des Nations Unies.
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S’assurer leur collaboration dans tous les domaines prioritaires de l'AWID, y compris le Forum, pour faire en sorte que leurs contributions, leurs perspectives, leurs besoins et leur activisme se traduisent dans les débats, les politiques et les programmes qui les concernent.
Contenu lié
Snippet - Homepage CSW69_FR
AWID à la CSW69 Beijing+30 | #FreezeFascisms
Notre présence collective perturbe les mécanismes d’exclusion des institutions dans ces espaces tout en soutenant les mouvements qui s’organisent autour d’alternatives féministes aux systèmes d’oppression.
Participez aux conversations du 10 au 21 mars 2025 pour, collectivement, faire de la CSW69 un espace de résistance et de solidarité.
Leah Tumbalang
Leah Tumbalang was a Lumad woman of Mindanao in the Philippines. The story of Lumad Indigenous peoples encompasses generations of resistance to large-scale corporate mining, protection of ancestral domains, resources, culture, and the fight for the right to self-determination.
Leah was a Lumad leader as well as a leader of Kaugalingong Sistema Igpasasindog to Lumadnong Ogpaan (Kasilo), a Lumad and peasant organization advocating against the arrival of mining corporations in Bukidnon, Mindanao province. She was unwavering in her anti-mining activism, fervently campaigning against the devastating effects of mineral extraction on the environment and Indigenous peoples’ lands. Leah was also an organizer of the Bayan Muna party-list, a member of the leftist political party Makabayan.
For almost a decade, Leah (along with other members of Kasilo) had been receiving threats for co-leading opposition against the deployment of paramilitary groups believed to be supported by mining interests.
“Being a Lumad leader in their community, she is at the forefront in fighting for their rights to ancestral land and self-determination.” - Kalumbay Regional Lumad Organization
Being at the forefront of resistance also often means being a target of violence and impunity and Leah not only received numerous death threats, but was murdered on 23 August 2019 in Valencia City, Bukidnon.
According to a Global Witness report, “the Philippines was the worst-affected country in sheer numbers” when it comes to murdered environmental activists in 2018.
Read the Global Witness report, published July 2019
Alternative framework for economic governance
Context
The current global economic crisis provides stark evidence that the economic policies of the last 3 decades have not been working.
The devastation that the crisis has wrought on the most vulnerable households in the Global North and Global South is a reminder that the formulation of economic policy and the realization of human rights (economic, social, political, civil and cultural) have for too long been divorced from one another. Economic policy and human rights do not have to be opposing forces, but can exist symbiotically.
Macroeconomic policies affect the operation of the economy as a whole, shaping the availability and distribution of resources. Within this context, fiscal and monetary policies are key.
Definition
- Fiscal policy refers to both public revenue and public expenditure, and the relationships between them as expressed in the government budget.
- Monetary policy includes policies on interest and exchange rates and the money supply, as well as the regulation of the financial sector.
- Macroeconomic policies are implemented using instruments such as taxation, government spending, and control over the supply of money and credit.
These policies affect key prices such as interest and exchange rates that directly influence, among other things, the level of employment, access to affordable credit, and the housing market.
Applying a human rights framework to macroeconomic policy allows States to better comply with their obligation to respect, protect, and fulfill economic and social rights. Human rights are internationally agreed-upon universal standards. These legal norms are articulated in United Nations treaties including, the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR), the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), and the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (ICESCR).
Article 1 of the UDHR states that, “All human beings are born free and equal in dignity and rights.”
Although the UDHR was written about six decades ago its relevance is enduring. Many of the ideas address concerns and critical issues that people continue to face globally. Issues regarding inhuman punishment (Art. 5), discrimination (Art. 7), property ownership (Art. 17), equal pay for equal work (Art. 23/2), and access to education (Art. 26/1) are pertinent matters in countries South and North of the equator.
More specifically, States have an obligation under international law to respect, protect and fulfill human rights, including the economic and social rights of people within their jurisdiction. This is particularly relevant now given the financial crisis. In the U.S., regulation is skewed in favor of certain interests. The failure to extend government’s supervisory role in the context of social and economic change is a failure with regard to the obligation to protect human rights.
Feminist perspective
States should abide by key human rights principles to achieve economic and social rights. Some of the principles have potentially important implications for governance of financial institutions and markets, yet these possibilities have been underexplored.
Economic and social rights have a concrete institutional and legal grounding. Global declarations, international treaties, covenants, and, in a number of cases, national constitutions have incorporated aspects of the economic and social rights framework—providing an institutional infrastructure in national and international law.
Some have suggested that a consideration of global justice may not be a useful pursuit because of the institutional complexities involved. However, this does not get around that fact that global institutions already have an impact on social justice, both positive and negative.
It is useful to tease out the implications that elements of alternative frameworks have for economic governance, specifically those supported by existing institutions. Economic and social rights represent one such concrete framework. The framework is an evolving one, and ongoing discussion and deliberation is necessary to address underdeveloped areas and potential deficiencies.
Learn more about this proposition
- How to Apply a Human Rights Framework to Macroeconomic Strategies by Center for Women’s Global Leadership (CWGL)
This section is based on CWGL’s blog “Applying a Human Rights Framework to Macroeconomic Policies” (2012).
Part of our series of
Feminist Propositions for a Just Economy
Snippet FEA We are living in a world right (FR)
Nous vivons dans un monde où la destruction de la Nature alimente notre économie mondiale actuelle. Même en période de crise climatique, les gouvernements continuent d'encourager les industries agricoles à grande échelle à se développer. Ces activités empoisonnent la terre, menacent la biodiversité et détruisent la production alimentaire et les moyens de subsistance locaux. Pendant ce temps, alors que les femmes produisent la majorité de la nourriture dans le monde, elles ne possèdent presque aucune terre.
Et si nous percevions la terre et la Nature non pas comme une propriété privée à exploiter, mais comme une totalité avec laquelle vivre, apprendre et coexister harmonieusement ? Et si nous réparions nos relations avec la terre et adoptions des alternatives plus durables qui nourrissent à la fois la planète et ses communautés?
Nous Sommes la Solution (NSS) est l'un des nombreux mouvements dirigés par des femmes qui s'efforcent d'atteindre cet objectif.
Voici leur histoire.
FRMag - Resistance from the Kitchen
Notre arepa: Cuisine en résistance
par Alejandra Laprea
Je vis dans le pays de l’impossible, où les bombes ne tombent pas alors que nous connaissons la guerre. (...)
illustration : « Entretejidas » (« Entrelacées »), par Surmercé >Jacky Sutton
Snippet - WCFM Content Body - EN
In response to these challenges, we collaborated with Impactmapper to co-create a comprehensive resource that combines two powerful tools to strengthen the funding ecosystem for social justice movements.
Stacey Park Milbern
"No sé mucho sobre la espiritualidad o lo que sucede cuando morimos, pero mi vida de coreana crip queer me hace pensar que nuestros cuerpos terrenales son sólo una fracción de lo que somos, y no considerar a nuestros antepasadxs es quedarse con solo un atisbo de lo que somos". - Stacey Park Milbern
Stacey Park Milbern fue una mujer autodefinida como queer, con discapacidad y de color, además de una pionera. Líder y organizadora respetada y de amplia trayectoria en el movimiento por los derechos y la justicia para las personas con discapacidad, también defendió los derechos de muchas otras comunidades, y no solo los de la suya propia. El activismo de Stacey tenía raíces poderosas en su experiencia personal con las intersecciones del género, la discapacidad, la sexualidad y la raza.
Stacey, junto con algunxs amigxs, co-creó el Club de Cultura de Justicia para la Discapacidad, un grupo dedicado a apoyar a varias comunidades, especialmente aquellas más vulnerables, que, entre otras cosas, está ayudando a las personas sin hogar a acceder a recursos durante la pandemia del COVID-19.
También fue coproductora de una campaña con mucho impacto para el documental de Netflix "Crip Camp", integrante de la junta directiva de la Fundación WITH, y dirigió organizaciones a nivel local, estatal y nacional. Stacey escribió además de manera hermosa y poderosa:
"Mis antepasadxs son personas forzosamente separadas de sus amores a causa de la guerra y el desplazamiento. Es gracias a ellxs que hoy conozco el poder de construir un hogar con lo que tienes, dondequiera que estés, con quien quiera que estés. Mis antepasadxs son queers que vivieron en el sur de América. Es gracias a ellxs que entiendo la importancia de las relaciones, del lugar y de vivir la vida al máximo, aunque sea peligroso. Todxs mis antepasadxs conocen el anhelo. El anhelo es a menudo nuestro lugar de conexión..." - Stacey Park Milbern
Stacey nació en Seúl, Corea, y creció en Carolina del Norte, para después continuar con su viaje en el área de la bahía de San Francisco. Stacey falleció por complicaciones de una cirugía en su cumpleaños número 33, el 19 de mayo de 2020.
Para leer un ensayo de Stacey Park Milbern (en inglés)
Para escuchar una entrevista con Stacey Park Milbern (en inglés)
#StaceyTaughtUs: Record your story for the Disability Visibility Project (en inglés)
Tributos:
"Ella fue, como mucha gente diría, una líder nata. En cierta medida, ella lo abarcó todo. ¿Sabes? Ella supo liderar desde la primera línea, desde el medio y también desde atrás. Era capaz de hacer todo eso de alguna manera." - Andraéa LaVant, activista por los derechos de las personas con discapacidad.
"Qué golpe perder a Stacey cuando nuestras comunidades necesitan de su liderazgo más que nunca, y en un momento en que su fuerza, perspicacia y agallas estaban recibiendo un mayor reconocimiento, más allá de los círculos de las personas con discapacidad, y le ofrecían una plataforma mayor para avanzar con el trabajo de su vida... No tendremos la suerte de aprender hasta dónde su carismático liderazgo nos habría llevado. Pero, sin ningún tipo de dudas: Lo que Stacey nos dio, en un tiempo relativamente corto, continuará beneficiando a otrxs en los próximos años". - Fondo de Educación y Defensa de los Derechos de las Personas con Discapacidad (DREDF, por sus siglas en inglés).
Key opposition discourses
Ultra conservative actors have developed a number of discourses at the international human rights level that call on arguments manipulating religion, culture, tradition, and national sovereignty in order to undermine rights related to gender and sexuality.
Anti-rights actors have increasingly moved away from explicitly religious language. Increasingly, we see regressive actors - who may previously have derided human rights concepts - instead manipulating and co-opting these very concepts to further their objectives.
Protection of the family
This emerging and successful discourse appears innocuous, but it functions as a useful umbrella theme to house multiple patriarchal and anti-rights positions. The ‘protection of the family’ theme is thus a key example of regressive actors’ move towards holistic and integrated advocacy.
The language of ‘protection of the family’ works to shift the subject of human rights from the individual and onto already powerful institutions.
It also affirms a unitary, hierarchical, and patriarchal conception of the family that discriminates against family forms outside of these rigid boundaries. It also attempts to change the focus from recognition and protection of the rights of vulnerable family members to non-discrimination, autonomy, and freedom from violence in the context of family relations.
The Right to Life
The Holy See and a number of Christian Right groups seek to appropriate the right to life in service of an anti-abortion mission. Infusing human rights language with conservative religious doctrine, they argue that the right to life, as set out in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, applies at the moment of conception.
The discourse has no support in any universal human rights instrument. Yet this is an appealing tactic for anti-rights actors, because the right to life cannot be violated under any circumstances and is a binding legal standard.
Sexual rights
Anti-rights actors use a number of rhetorical devices in their campaign to undermine sexual rights: they argue that sexual rights do not exist or are ‘new rights,’ that they cause harm to children and society, and/or that these rights stand in opposition to culture, tradition or national laws.
Conservative actors engaged in advocacy at the UN attack the right to comprehensive sexuality education from several directions. They claim that CSE violates ‘parental rights’, harms children, and that it is not education but ideological indoctrination. They also claim that comprehensive sexuality education is pushed on children, parents, and the United Nations by powerful lobbyists seeking to profit from services they provide to children and youth.
Attempts to invalidate rights related to sexual orientation and gender identity have proliferated. Ultra conservative actors argue that application of long-standing human rights principles and law on this issue constitutes the creation of ‘new rights’; and that the meaning of rights should vary radically because they should be interpreted through the lens of ‘culture’ or ‘national particularities.’
Reproductive Rights
Christian Right organizations have been mobilizing against reproductive rights alongside the Holy See and other anti-rights allies for several years. They often argue that reproductive rights are at heart a form of Western-imposed population control over countries in the global South. Ironically, this claim often originates from U.S. and Western Europe-affiliated actors, many of whom actively work to export their fundamentalist discourses and policies.
Regressive actors also cite to ‘scientific’ arguments from ultra-conservative think tanks, and from sources that rely on unsound research methodologies, to suggest that abortion causes an array of psychological, sexual, physical, and relational side effects.
Protection of children and parental rights
Just as anti-rights actors aim to construct a new category of ‘protection of the family,’ they are attempting to construct a new category of ‘parental rights,’ which has no support in existing human rights standards.
This discourse paradoxically endeavours to use the rights protections with which children are endowed, as articulated in the Convention on the Rights of the Child, to support the rights of parents to control their children and limit their rights.
Violence against women
Increasingly, anti-rights actors are attempting to infiltrate and subvert standards and discourses developed by women human rights defenders, such as violence against women (VAW).
At the Commission on the Status of Women and other spaces, one rhetorical move is to treat VAW as a concept in which to embed anti-reproductive rights and patriarchal arguments. Ultra conservative actors, for example, have argued that non-heteronormative or traditional intimate partner relationships are a risk factor for violence, and emphasize that fathers are necessary to protect families from violence.
Gender and ‘gender ideology’
The Holy See has set off a sustained critique of gender, ‘gender ideology’, ‘gender radicals,’ and gender theory, and anti-rights actors often read the term as code for LGBTQ rights. Gender is used by the religious right as a cross-cutting concept that links together many of their discourses. Increasingly, the hysteria on this subject fixates on gender identity and trans rights.
Complementarity and human dignity
Complementarity of the sexes is a discourse employed by a number of ultra-conservative actors today. Its rhetoric is structured around an assumption of difference: men and women are meant to have differing but complementary roles in marriage and family life, and with respect to their engagement in the community and political and economic life.
Reference to ‘natural’ roles is meant to fundamentally reject universal human rights to equality and non-discrimination.
It is also used to justify State and non-State violations of these rights, and non-compliance with respect to State obligations to eliminate prejudices and practices based on stereotyped roles for men or women.
National sovereignty and anti-imperialism
This discourse suggests that national governments are being unjustly targeted by UN bodies, or by other States acting through the UN. This is an attempt to shift the subject of human rights from the individual or marginalized community suffering a rights violation to a powerful and/or regressive institution - i.e. the state, in order to justify national exceptions from universal rights or to support state impunity.
Religious freedom
Anti-rights actors have taken up the discourse of freedom of religion in order to justify violations of human rights. Yet, ultra-conservative actors refer to religious freedom in a way that directly contradicts the purpose of this human right and fundamentally conflicts with the principle of the universality of rights. The inference is that religious liberty is threatened and undermined by the protection of human rights, particularly those related to gender and sexuality.
The central move is to suggest that the right to freedom of religion is intended to protect a religion rather than those who are free to hold or not hold different religious beliefs.
Yet under international human rights law, the right protects believers rather than beliefs, and the right to freedom of religion, thought and conscience includes the right not to profess any religion or belief or to change one’s religion or belief.
Cultural rights and traditional values
The deployment of references to culture and tradition to undermine human rights, including the right to equality, is a common tactic amongst anti-rights actors. Culture is presented as monolithic, static, and immutable, and it is is often presented in opposition to ‘Western norms.’
Allusions to culture by anti-rights actors in international policy debates aim to undermine the universality of rights, arguing for cultural relativism that trumps or limits rights claims. Regressive actors’ use of cultural rights is founded on a purposeful misrepresentation of the human right. States must ensure that traditional or cultural attitudes are not used to justify violations of equality, and human rights law calls for equal access, participation and contribution in all aspects of cultural life for all, including women, religious, and racial minorities, and those with non-conforming genders and sexualities.
Subverting ‘universal’
Anti-rights actors in international policy spaces increasingly manipulate references to universal or fundamental human rights to reverse the meaning of the universality of rights.
Rather than using the term universal to describe the full set of indivisible and interrelated human rights, ultra conservative actors employ this term to instead delineate and describe a subset of human rights as ‘truly fundamental.’ Other rights would thus be subject to State discretion, ‘new’ rights or optional. This discourse is especially powerful as their category of the truly universal remains unarticulated and hence open to shifting interpretation.
Other Chapters
Snippet - That Feminist Fire Podcast Trailer (ES)
FRMag - Armenians
Armenians, Feminism is our Past and Future
by Sophia Armen
Like it or not fierce ungerhouis have been part and parcel to our histories of resistance and are here to stay. (...)
Paula Kantor
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Registration status:
Search for funders based on their requirements for groups to be registered.
When development initiatives, religious fundamentalisms and the state of women’s rights collide
Nuestro nuevo documento de investigación El diablo se esconde en los detalles aborda la falta de conocimientos sobre los fundamentalismos religiosos en el sector del desarrollo, y se propone comprender mejor de qué manera estos fundamentalismos inhiben el desarrollo y, en particular, los derechos de las mujeres. Propone recomendaciones para que quienes trabajan en temas de desarrollo desafíen la labor de los fundamentalismos y eviten fortalecerlos inadvertidamente. [CTA download link: Leer el documento completo]
Seven pointers to consider
| Graphic1 | 1. Control of women’s bodies, sexuality, and choice are “warning signs” of rising fundamentalisms. |
| 2. Neoliberal economic policies have a particularly negative impact on women, and fuel the growth of religious fundamentalisms. | Graphic2 |
| Graphic3 | 3. Choosing religious organizations as default for partnerships builds their legitimacy and access to resources, and supports their ideology, including gender ideology. |
| 4.Everyone has multiple identities and should be defined by more than just their religion. Foregrounding religious identities tends to reinforce the power of religious fundamentalists. | Graphic4 |
| Graphic5 | 5. Religion, culture, and tradition are constantly changing, being reinterpreted and challenged. What is dominant is always a question of power. |
| 6. Racism, exclusion, and marginalization all add to the appeal of fundamentalists’ offer of a sense of belonging and a “cause”. | Graphic6 |
| Graphic7 | 7. There is strong evidence that the single most important factor in promoting women’s rights and gender equality is an autonomous women’s movement. |
Auge global de los fundamentalismos religiosos.
El Diablo se esconde en los detalles proporciona detalles de las graves violaciones a los derechos humanos y, en particular, de las violaciones a los derechos de las mujeres, causados por los fundamentalismos auspiciados por los Estados, así como por actores fundamentalistas no estatales como milicias, organizaciones comunitarias confesionales e individuos. La profundización fundamentalista de normas sociales atávicas y patriarcales está provocando el aumento de la violencia contra las mujeres, las niñas y las defensoras de derechos humanos (WHRDs). El informe propuesta estas ideas clave para abordar el problema:
- [icon] Fundamentalismos religiosos están ganando terreno en el seno de las comunidades
- [icon] Sistemas políticos
- [icon] Escenarios internacionales, con efectos devastadores para la gente común y para las mujeres en particular.
Los agentes de desarrollo deben actuar urgentemente.
Quienes trabajan en el desarrollo están de capacidad de asumir una posición más firme. Su capacidad colectiva para reconocer y enfrentar conjuntamente a los fundamentalismos religiosos resulta crucial para promover la justicia social, económica y de género y los derechos humanos de todas las personas en el marco del desarrollo sostenible. Resulta fundamental promover que el poder y los privilegios se entiendan desde la óptica del feminismo interseccional y aplicar esta comprensión a los interrogantes sobre religión y cultura. Las organizaciones de mujeres ya poseen conocimientos y estrategias para oponerse a los fundamentalismos. Quienes trabajan en el desarrollo deberían apoyarse en estos e invertir en coaliciones enfocadas en múltiples temáticas. Lo anterior, les ayudará a alcanzar nuevos horizontes.
Snippet Stories of Change Full - Download (EN)
FRMag - Dieula and the Black Dolls
Dieula y las Muñecas Negras
por Ana María Belique
El Batey Naranjo es una comunidad un poco retirada de la ciudad, pero repleta de personas trabajadoras, llenas de entusiasmo. (...)
< arte: «Tejedoras de sueños», Diana Mar