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Análisis Especiales

AWID es un organización feminista internacional de membresía, que brinda apoyo a los movimientos que trabajan para lograr la justicia de género y los derechos de las mujeres en todo el mundo.

Activismo Joven Feminista

Una organización creativa, frente a una creciente amenaza

El activismo joven feminista juega un papel fundamental en las organizaciones y los movimientos por los derechos de las mujeres a nivel mundial, ya que aborda los nuevos problemas a los que las feministas se enfrentan en la actualidad. Esta fuerza, creatividad y adaptabilidad son esenciales para la sostenibilidad de la organización feminista.

A la vez, enfrentan obstáculos específicos para ejercer su activismo, como acceso limitado al financiamiento y al apoyo, falta de oportunidades de capacitación, un incremento considerable de los ataques contra las jóvenes defensoras de los derechos humanos. Esto crea una falta de visibilidad que hace más complicada su inclusión y participación efectiva en los movimientos por los derechos de las mujeres.

Un enfoque multigeneracional

El programa de activismo joven feminista fue creado para garantizar que las voces de las jóvenes sean escuchadas y se vean reflejadas en el discurso feminista. Queremos garantizar que las jóvenes feministas tengan un mejor acceso al financiamiento, a las oportunidades de desarrollo de las capacidades y a los procesos internacionales.

Además de apoyar directamente a las jóvenes feministas, estamos trabajando con activistas por los derechos de las mujeres de todas las edades, con modelos y estrategias prácticas para procesos efectivos de organización intergeneracionales.

Nuestras acciones

Queremos que las activistas jóvenes feministas jueguen un papel en el proceso de toma de decisiones que afectan sus derechos a través de:

  • Fomento de la comunidad e intercambio de información a través de la Conexión Joven Feminista. Dada la importancia de los medios virtuales para el trabajo de las jóvenes feministas, nuestro equipo lanzó la Conexión Joven Feminista en mayo de 2010 para compartir información, construir capacidades a través de seminarios web y discusiones electrónicas y para alentar la construcción de la comunidad.

  • Investigación y generación de conocimientos sobre el activismo joven feminista, que aumenten la visibilidad y el impacto del activismo joven feminista en los movimientos por los derechos de las mujeres y otros actores clave, como los donantes.

  • Promoción de procesos más efectivos de organización intergeneracional, explorando mejores formas de trabajar en conjunto.

  • Apoyo a la participación de las jóvenes feministas en los procesos globales de desarrollo, por ejemplo en los procesos de Naciones Unidas.

  • Colaboración con todas las áreas prioritarias de AWID, incluyendo el Foro, para garantizar así que las contribuciones clave de las jóvenes feministas, así como sus perspectivas, necesidades y activismo se reflejen en los debates, políticas y programas que las afectan.

Contenido relacionado

Snippet FEA Meet the Solidarity Network (FR)

SYNDICAT RÉSEAU SOLIDARITÉ

Nous vous présentons le syndicat Réseau Solidarité, un syndicat de la santé et des services dirigé majoritairement par des femmes. Émergeant en réponse à la précarité croissante, aux salaires insuffisants et aux environnements de travail hostiles auxquels les travailleur·euses géorgien·es sont confrontés quotidiennement, le Syndicat Réseau Solidarité se bat pour des lieux et des conditions de travail décents.

Son objectif? Créer un mouvement syndical national démocratique. Pour ce faire, il s'est associé à d'autres syndicats locaux et régionaux et a lentement constitué un réseau de syndicats, permettant à de plus en plus de travailleuses de devenir dirigeantes syndicales en cours de route.

Son approche politique est holistique. Pour le syndicat Réseau Solidarité, les questions relatives aux droits du travail sont directement liées aux programmes et réformes politiques et économiques nationaux plus larges. C'est pourquoi iels font pression pour la justice fiscale, les droits des femmes et des personnes LGBTQIA+, et luttent contre le démantèlement de l'État-providence géorgien.

Le syndicat Réseau Solidarité fait également partie de Grève Sociale Transnationale (Transnational Social Strike, TSS), une plate-forme et infrastructure politique inspirée par l'organisation des migrant·e·s, des femmes et des travailleur·euses essentiel·les qui s'efforcent de créer des liens entre les mouvements ouvriers à travers le monde et de fomenter la solidarité globale.

Snippet - WITM RESOURCES - PT

Recursos

(Disponível em inglês)

Key impacts on the international human rights system

Anti-rights actors have had a substantive impact on our human rights framework and the progressive interpretation of human rights standards, especially rights related to gender and sexuality.

When it comes to the impact of conservative actors in international policy spaces, the overall picture today is of stasis and regressions.


We have witnessed the watering down of existing agreements and commitment; deadlock in negotiations; sustained undermining of UN agencies, treaty review bodies and Special Procedures; and success in pushing through regressive language in international human rights documents.

Commission on the Status of Women (CSW)

The CSW, held annually in March, has long been one of the most contested sites in the UN system. In March 2015, conservative efforts set the tone before events or negotiations even began; the outcome document of the Commission was a weak Declaration negotiated before any women’s rights activists even arrived on the ground.

At 2016’s CSW, the new Youth Caucus was infiltrated by large numbers of vocal anti-abortion and anti-SRHR actors, who shouted down progressive youth organizations. Again, intensive negotiations resulted in a lacklustre text, which included regressive language on ‘the family.’

Precisely when addressing women’s human rights is of urgent importance, the CSW has been rendered a depoliticized and weakened space. Using it to advance rights has become harder and harder since progressives’ energy is taken up trying to hold the ground against conservative backlash.

Human Rights Council (HRC)

As the intergovernmental body responsible for the promotion and protection of human rights around the globe, the HRC is a key entry point for conservative actors. In recent years, this mechanism has been the scene for a number of damaging anti-human rights moves.

In conversation with other anti-rights actors, one strategy of conservative states, and blocs of states, is to aggressively negotiate out positive language and to introduce hostile amendments to resolutions, most often resolutions focusing on rights related to gender and sexuality.

To take one example, during the June 2016 session of the HRC, opposition was mounted towards a resolution on discrimination against women by the member states of the Organization of Islamic Cooperation (OIC) and allies. During contentious negotiations, multiple provisions were removed, including women’s and girls’ right to have control over their sexuality, sexual and reproductive health, and reproductive rights; and the need to repeal laws which perpetuate the patriarchal oppression of women and girls in families, and those criminalizing adultery or pardoning marital rape.

The HRC has also been the site of pernicious conservative initiatives to co-opt human rights norms and enact conservative “human rights” language, such as that of the Russia-led “traditional values” resolutions, and more recently the “Protection of the Family” agenda.

Human Rights Committee

In 2015, moving their sights to another front, a number of religious right organizations began to target the Human Rights Committee, the treaty monitoring body for the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), a pivotal human rights instrument.

Anti-human rights groups mobilized in hopes of cementing their anti-abortion rhetoric into the treaty.

When the Committee announced it was drafting a new authoritative interpretation of the right to life, over 30 conservative non-state actors sent in written submissions, advocating their misleading discourse on ‘right to life’ - that life begins at conception and that abortion is a violation of the right - be incorporated in the Committee’s interpretation of article 6.

Conservative groups targeting the Human Rights Committee was a shift considering that historically anti-human rights actors have repeatedly attempted to undermine and invalidate the essential work of the treaty monitoring bodies, including the Human Rights Committee.

SDG negotiations and Agenda 2030

Anti-human rights actors were involved in lobbying towards the development of the new Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) in 2015, focusing again on rights relating to gender and sexuality. These efforts had limited traction in their attempts to embed regressive language in Agenda 2030.

However, after successfully pushing back against progressive language in the final text, conservative actors then pivoted to another strategy. In an attempt to evade state accountability and undermine the universality of rights, several states have repeatedly made reservations to the Goals.

On behalf of the African Group, Senegal claimed that African states would only “implement the goals in line with the cultural and religious values of its countries.”

The Holy See also made a number of reservations, stating it was “confident that the related pledge ‘no one will be left behind’ would be read” as meaning “the right to life of the person, from conception until natural death.”

Saudi Arabia went one step further, declaring that the country would not follow any international rules relating to the SDGs that reference sexual orientation or gender identity, describing them as running “counter to Islamic law.”

General Assembly (GA)

Anti-rights actors have made increasing headway at the UN General Assembly (GA).  Most recently, during the 71st session in 2016, the GA was the scene of feverish anti-rights organizing in opposition to the new mandate created by the Human Rights Council resolution on sexual orientation and gender identity in June 2016: the Independent Expert on SOGI. Four separate attempts were made to undercut the mandate in GA spaces.

One approach was to introduce a hostile resolution at the Third Committee[1], led by the African Group, which in essence aimed to indefinitely defer the new mandate. While this approach was not successful, such an attempt in the GA to retroactively block the creation of a mandate brought forward by the Human Rights Council represented a new and troubling tactic - anti-right actors are now working to directly undermine the HRC’s authority respective to the General Assembly.

Another approach targeted the Fifth Committee (responsible for administration and budgetary matters) as an entry point to attack the mandate. In an unprecedented move a number of States attempted (again, unsuccessfully) to block the funding of UN human rights experts, including the new IE on SOGI[2],.

While these multiple efforts were unsuccessful in blocking the creation and continuation of the new mandate, the significant support they received, the novel strategizing employed, and the strong alliances built along regional lines through negotiations point to difficulties ahead.


[1] The Third Committee of the GA deals with agenda items relating to a range of social, humanitarian affairs, and human rights issues.  Each year it discusses and issues resolutions on issues including the advancement of women, the protection of children, family, and youth.

[2] While UN Special Procedures experts (i.e. Special Rapporteurs, Working Group members and Independent Experts) work pro bono, some funds are generally allocated to facilitate country visits on the invitation of the national government, and support staff.

 


Other Chapters

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Juana Ramírez Santiago

Ayant co-fondé le réseau Red de Mujeres Ixiles de Nebaj, une organisation de défense des droits des femmes autochtones, membre de l’Initiative mésoaméricaine des femmes défenseur-e-s des droits humains (IM-Defensoras en espagnol), Juana était actuellement membre de son conseil d’administration.

Elle était également sage-femme et mère de 7 enfants. Juana avait reçu des menaces de mort qui avaient été signalées au bureau du procureur. Juana est la troisième défenseure autochtone assassinée dans la région en 2018. L'Ombudsman pour le Guatemala a signalé qu'au total 20 défenseur-e-s ont été tué-e-s dans le pays cette année.

Juana Ramírez Santiago a été abattue par des assaillants non identifiés alors qu'elle traversait un pont à Nebak, Quiché, au Guatemala. Les enquêtes visant à identifier les auteurs sont en cours. 


 

Juana Ramírez Santiago, Guatemala

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DECENT PAY

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Безусловно, мы хотим услышать ваше мнение и о вашем опыте привлечения ресурсов.

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AWID en los medios

Compilación de noticias sobre la organización y/o el trabajo de AWID


 

 


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+1 416 594 3773

Reason to join 1

Be part of an international feminist membership organization and community. Our members are based in all regions of the world, learning and supporting each other in a global network based on solidarity.

Diakite Fatoumata Sire

Diakite was actively involved in advocating for women in political and public life in Mali.

She worked to support training of women candidates in elections, and spoke out against the practice of Female Genital Mutilation (FGM). She was a strong proponent of reproductive health and rights. 


 

Diakite Fatoumata Sire, Mali

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Snippet FEA Sopo Japaridze Quote (ES)

"Sabemos que todo está en nuestra contra y hay muy pocas posibilidades de cambiar eso. Pero creemos en la intervención y creo que tenemos una oportunidad y deberíamos usarla. Es por eso que estamos haciendo todo lo que estamos haciendo. Estamos dispuestos a presionar por cosas inauditas".

- Sopo Japaridze para OpenDemocracy

Photo @სოლიდარობის ქსელი / Solidarity Network

Qual é a definição de financiamento externo?

Financiamento externo inclui subsídios e outras formas de financiamento de fundações filantrópicas, governos, financiadores bilaterais, multilaterais ou empresariais, e doadores individuais, tanto a nível nacional como internacional. Não inclui recursos gerados autonomamente por grupos, organizações e/ou movimentos, como, por exemplo, quotas de membres, contribuições voluntárias de colaboradores, membres e/ou apoiantes, angariações de fundos comunitários, aluguer de espaços ou venda de serviços. Para facilitar a consulta, estão incluídas no inquérito definições dos diferentes tipos de financiamento e descrições resumidas de diferentes doadores.

Here are your report and infographics: Toward a feminist funding ecosystem

Reason to join 6

Participa en el Foro Internacional de AWID - un importante encuentro feminista global—, y accede a descuentos especiales para afiliadxs de AWID y puntos de entrada para el diálogo virtual. Creado en conjunto por los movimientos feministas, el Foro es un espacio único para una discusión profunda y para dejar correr la imaginación, donde desafiamos y fortalecemos nuestros procesos organizativos, donde conectamos nuestras luchas y las realidades feministas.

Andaiye

Andaiye in Swahili means ‘a daughter comes home’. Born Sandra Williams on 11 September 1942 in Georgetown, Guyana, she changed her name to ‘Andaiye’ in 1970 as the Black Power movements swept her country and the wider Caribbean region. 

Andaiye was seen as a transformative figure on the frontlines of the struggles for liberation and freedom. She was an early member and active in the leadership of the Working People’s Alliance (WPA), a socialist party in Guyana which fought against authoritarian rule and continued throughout her life to focus on justice for the working-class and rural women’s rights and on bridging ethnic barriers between Indo and Afro-Guyanese women. 

Andaiye was a founding member of Red Thread Women, an organization that advocated for women’s care work to be fairly remunerated, worked at the University of the West Indies and with CARICOM. Never afraid to challenge governments, she pointed out gender imbalances in state boards, laws that discriminated against sex workers, called for abortion rights in Jamaica and spoke out against trade agreements such as the Caribbean Single Market and Economy (CSME) that allowed for the free movement of women domestic migrant workers but did not give their children the same rights.  

Andaiye published several scholarly essays, wrote newspaper columns and also edited the last books of Walter Rodney, the Guyanese political activist and fellow WPA leader, who was assassinated in 1980. A cancer survivor, Andaiye was one of the founders of the Guyana Cancer Society and the Cancer Survivors’ Action Group. She also served on the executive of the Caribbean Association for Feminist Research and Action (CAFRA), as a Director of Help and Shelter and as Board Member of the Guyana National Commission on Women. She received a number of awards, including the Golden Arrow of Achievement in Guyana (the fourth highest national award).

Andaiye passed away on 31 May 2019 at the age of 77. The subsequent tributes that flowed in from activists, friends and those inspired by her life spoke eloquently to her amazing legacy and her beautiful humanity.

Here are but a few: 

“Andaiye had a profound effect on me...she was so many things, an educator, fighter, she taught me to be self-critical, to think more clearly, she taught me about survival, about incredible courage, about compassion, about going beyond external appearances and treating people as people and not being distracted by status, class, race...anything.”
- Peggy Antrobus, Feminist Activist, Author, Scholar, Barbados

“The kind of confident idealism Andaiye expressed, this willingness to confront the world and a stubborn belief that you could actually change it... That politics of hope...How else to honour her life, legacy and memory but to keep doing the work ethically and with ongoing self-critique? And to put women’s caring work at the center of it.”
- Tonya Haynes, Barbados

“I can hear her quip at our collective keening. So through the tears I can laugh. Deep bows to you beloved Andaiye, thank you for everything. Love and light for your spirit’s journey. Tell Walter and all the ancestors howdy.” - Carol Narcisse, Jamaica

Read more tributes to Andaiye

Pourquoi l’AWID a-t-elle choisi de tenir le Forum à Taipei ?

Taipei nous semble être l’emplacement de la région Asie-Pacifique qui nous permet au mieux de bâtir un espace sécurisé et désobéissant pour notre communauté féministe mondiale. 

Taipei offre un certain niveau de stabilité et de sécurité aux divers·es participant·e·s du Forum que nous voulons rassembler. La ville dispose aussi de capacités logistiques importantes, en plus d’être accessible pour beaucoup de voyageurs·ses (avec une facilitation de procédure de visa électronique pour les conférences internationales). 

Le mouvement féministe sur place est accueillant vis-à-vis du Forum et désire s’engager avec des féministes du monde entier.  

En savoir plus sur le choix de Taipei