WHRDs are self-identified women and lesbian, bisexual, transgender, queer and intersex (LBTQI) people and others who defend rights and are subject to gender-specific risks and threats due to their human rights work and/or as a direct consequence of their gender identity or sexual orientation.
WHRDs are subject to systematic violence and discrimination due to their identities and unyielding struggles for rights, equality and justice.
The WHRD Program collaborates with international and regional partners as well as the AWID membership to raise awareness about these risks and threats, advocate for feminist and holistic measures of protection and safety, and actively promote a culture of self-care and collective well being in our movements.
Risks and threats targeting WHRDs
WHRDs are exposed to the same types of risks that all other defenders who defend human rights, communities, and the environment face. However, they are also exposed to gender-based violence and gender-specific risks because they challenge existing gender norms within their communities and societies.
By defending rights, WHRDs are at risk of:
Physical assault and death
Intimidation and harassment, including in online spaces
Judicial harassment and criminalization
Burnout
A collaborative, holistic approach to safety
We work collaboratively with international and regional networks and our membership
to raise awareness about human rights abuses and violations against WHRDs and the systemic violence and discrimination they experience
to strengthen protection mechanisms and ensure more effective and timely responses to WHRDs at risk
We work to promote a holistic approach to protection which includes:
emphasizing the importance of self-care and collective well being, and recognizing that what care and wellbeing mean may differ across cultures
documenting the violations targeting WHRDs using a feminist intersectional perspective;
promoting the social recognition and celebration of the work and resilience of WHRDs ; and
building civic spaces that are conducive to dismantling structural inequalities without restrictions or obstacles
Our Actions
We aim to contribute to a safer world for WHRDs, their families and communities. We believe that action for rights and justice should not put WHRDs at risk; it should be appreciated and celebrated.
Promoting collaboration and coordination among human rights and women’s rights organizations at the international level to strengthen responses concerning safety and wellbeing of WHRDs.
Supporting regional networks of WHRDs and their organizations, such as the Mesoamerican Initiative for WHRDs and the WHRD Middle East and North Africa Coalition, in promoting and strengthening collective action for protection - emphasizing the establishment of solidarity and protection networks, the promotion of self-care, and advocacy and mobilization for the safety of WHRDs;
Increasing the visibility and recognition of WHRDs and their struggles, as well as the risks that they encounter by documenting the attacks that they face, and researching, producing, and disseminating information on their struggles, strategies, and challenges:
Mobilizing urgent responses of international solidarity for WHRDs at risk through our international and regional networks, and our active membership.
Related Content
ماذا عن العدالة المناخية، هل هذا حقًا هو الوقت المناسب للعديد من الرحلات الجوية الدولية؟
ونحن نسأل أنفسنا نفس السؤال، ونعتقد أنه لا توجد إجابات بسيطة. بالنسبة للعديد من المشاركين/ات، قد يكون منتدى جمعية حقوق المرأة في التنمية (AWID) أحد الرحلات الدولية القليلة التي يقومون بها في حياتهم/ن. علمتنا الجائحة الإمكانيات والقيود التي تفرضها المساحات الافتراضية لبناء الحركة: لا يوجد شيء أفضل من الاتصال الشخصي. تحتاج الحركات إلى التواصل عبر الحدود لبناء قوتنا الجماعية في مواجهة التهديدات التي نواجهها، ولا سيما أزمة المناخ. نعتقد أن منتدى حقوق المرأة في التنمية القادم يمكن أن يكون مساحة استراتيجية لعقد هذه المحادثات واستكشاف بدائل للسفر الدولي. ويشكل العنصر المختلط للمنتدى جزءًا مهمًا من هذا الاستكشاف.
Agroecology and Food Sovereignty
Context
The search for alternative means of food production based on environmental sustainability is gaining ground across regions. This worldwide search comes with a common characteristic: the need to involve rural people and particularly women, building on their local priorities and knowledge by employing the principle of agroecology.
Definition
Agroecology is a way of practicing agriculture or using technologies that do not harm the environment. It proposes breaking with the hegemonic rural development model based on large landed estates and single-crop plantations that benefit mostly agricultural businesses and entrenches social exclusion.
In family farming, agroecology manifests as a resistance to the current development model and its social, cultural, environmental, and economic problems. It opposes the lack of the farmer’s financial capital autonomy; and it symbolizes a resistance to the current agribusiness model.
Feminist perspective
Efforts based solely on agroecology may not be sufficient to solve all problems of women’s marginalization and invisibility. A feminist perspective is then crucial to analyze the norms associated with the idea of family as currently constituted as the perfect institution, as well as with the condition of women’s subordination.
In simpler terms, it is important to include in this debate a reflection on socially constructed gender roles to advance the emancipatory potential of agroecology.
Lorsque vous arriverez au centre-ville de São Paulo, vous verrez le bâtiment Ocupação 9 de Julho (Occupation de l’Avenue du 9 Juillet), un espace culturel et un site important dans la lutte pour le logement social.
C'est le travail du Mouvement des Travailleur·euses Sans-Abri (Movimento dos Sem-Teto do Centro, MSTC), un mouvement de plus de 2000 personnes qui agit dans le centre-ville et convertit les espaces abandonnés en logements pour les travailleur·euses à faible revenu, les enfants, femmes, adultes, personnes âgées, migrant·e·s et réfugié·e·s. Dans ce bâtiment en particulier, 122 familles sont nourries et logées.
L’AWID a commencé à préparer ce rapport annuel au moment même où la pandémie mondiale commençait à bouleverser nos modes de rassemblement, d’organisation et de vie. Nous ne pouvons donc passer en revue notre travail sans prendre en compte l’influence de la COVID-19 dans notre évaluation.
La cocréation de réalités féministes n’est plus seulement le thème du Forum l’AWID – elle est un cri de ralliement suite à une pandémie démontrant les failles des systèmes économiques, politiques et sociaux.
Elle est une affirmation urgente de l’existence d’autres façons, plus justes, d’organiser nos vies. En 2019, des centaines de groupes ont partagé avec nous leurs expériences et leurs propositions : des réseaux radicaux de soutien communautaire en Amérique latine, qui facilitent l’avortement autogéré, aux pratiques économiques centrées sur les communautés en Indonésie et aux systèmes alimentaires communautaires en Inde et aux États-Unis, en passant par une réinvention et une nouvelle pratique de rites de passage sans danger en Sierra Leone. Ce sont ces expériences qui traceront la voie d’une « nouvelle norme ».
Pour autant, les historiques d'oppression et de violence peuvent rendre l'imagination des possibles compliquée. Un élément clé de notre travail en 2019 a été d’initier ces pistes via la boîte à outils visant à soutenir les groupes qui cherchent à dénicher des histoires et des aspirations, piliers de propositions féministes.
Tandis que nous focalisons sur nos propositions pour un autre monde, nous reconnaissons le contexte difficile qui nous entoure.
Au sein de l'Observatoire de l'universalité des droits (OURs), de Feminists for a Bing Treaty (Féministes pour un traité contraignant), de Count Me In ! (Comptez sur moi!) et d’autres alliances, l’AWID n’a pas cessé de contrer le pouvoir débridé des entreprises et les agendas fascistes et fondamentalistes qui mettent à mal les droits des femmes et la justice de genre. Dans un contexte de perspectives sombres pour un changement transformateur par les processus multilatéraux et de capacités limitées à réagir pour la plupart des États, nous redoublons d'efforts pour nous assurer que les mouvements féministes, dans toute leur diversité, soient dotés de ressources adaptées aux rôles majeurs qu'ils jouent – en soutenant leurs communautés, en réclamant des droits et en répondant aux crises. En 2019, nous avons introduit des principes et des approches féministes aux fonds révolutionnaires tels que l'Initiative Spotlight et le Fonds Égalité. Nous avons de plus réussi à mobiliser des ressources via des aides à l’amorçage de réalités féministes, financées par des bailleurs féministes.
À l’heure où nous nous penchons vers l'avenir, le contexte appelle clairement à une transformation de nos stratégies d'organisation :
nous apprenons à naviguer dans un plaidoyer mondial se limitant aux canaux en ligne,
nous composons avec l'incertitude du moment et des modalités de réunions en face à face, et
nous utilisons les outils à notre disposition pour accentuer les connexions entre les sphères locales et mondiales.
L’AWID se lance dans un nouveau modèle d'adhésion qui permet un meilleur accès et met l'accent sur les opportunités d'engagement et de connexion entre membres. Nous continuerons d'expérimenter différents outils et processus en ligne pour renforcer notre communauté. Et l'engagement inter-mouvements restera au cœur de notre travail. Nos actions solidaires envers les mouvements et les identités opprimées, même et surtout lorsqu’ils sont marginalisés, sont importantes pour conduire le changement et soutenir des mouvements, inclusifs pour tou·te·s.
La crise n'est pas nouvelle pour les mouvements féministes et sociaux.
Nous sommes résilient·e·s, nous nous adaptons et nous sommes présent·e·s les un·e·s pour les autres. Nous devrons continuer à faire encore mieux. Merci à toutes les personnes qui nous accompagnent dans cette aventure.
Member states and women's rights advocates and organisations are gathering at the United Nations Headquarters in New York from 13 - 24 March for the 61st Commission on the Status of Women to address ‘women’s economic empowerment’ in the context of Sustainable Development Goal 5.
Whilst AWID is looking forward to physically meeting those of you who will be in New York, we want to engage with all those who cannot attend CSW, and as much as possible, amplify your voices in relevant spaces.
Continue reading to find out how to engage with AWID around CSW, whether you are attending physically or not.
Participate in an artistic takeover!
We are thrilled that AWID member Nayani Thiyagarajah is attending CSW this year and will take over the AWID Instagram. She will be available onsite to connect with other members for a possible feature on our Instagram. She will also explore possibilities of including some AWID members in a short film on the theme, ‘The personal is political’, a story of Nayani’s participation in this year’s CSW.
Nayani Thiyagarajah
Who is Nayani?
Nayani Thiyagarajah is a director, producer, and writer, dedicated to stories for the screen. A daughter of the Tamil diaspora, she calls Toronto home. For over 10 years, Nayani has worked in the arts and cultural industries. Her first independent feature documentary Shadeism: Digging Deeper (2015) had its World Premiere at the 2015 Zanzibar International Film Festival, where it won a Special Jury Prize. Nayani recently launched [RE]FRAME, with her producing partner Camaro West, a production company based out of Atlanta and Toronto, focused on re-framing the narratives around Black, Indigenous, and other people of colour through storytelling on screen.
On a more serious note, it should be noted that Nayani has a strange laugh, she's quite awkward, and her head is always in the clouds. She feels blessed beyond belief to create stories for the screen and play make believe for a living. Above all else, she believes in love.
Interested in meeting Nayani and being considered for inclusion in the film?
Send an email to membership@awid.org with the subject line “CSW Artistic Takeover”
By 13 March 2017
Please include your full name and country information.
Can't attend? Voice it!
If you are not able to attend CSW61 because of a travel ban, either due to the one imposed by the Trump administration or one you are facing from your own government, please share your story with us.
Send us messages you want heard in the United Nations spaces concerning funding, the impact of the reinstatement of the Global Gag Rule, and the need to push back against all types of religious fundamentalisms. You can send these in the following formats:
Video: no longer than two minutes and sent through a file sharing folder (for example dropbox, google drive)
Audio: no longer than two minutes and sent through a file sharing folder (for example dropbox, google drive)
Image: you can share a photo or a poster of your message
Text: no longer than 200 words and sent in the body of an email or in a word document
AWID members tell us that connecting with other members at CSW is valuable. In such a huge advocacy space, it is useful to connect with others including activists working on similar issues, or originating from the same country or region. Recognising the importance of connecting for movement building, we invite you to:
Interested in connecting with other members @CSW61?
If you are attending the CSW, we’d love to see what’s going on through your eyes!
Show us by capturing a moment you find speaks to the energy in the CSW space, be it on or off site. We hope to publish some of your ‘images’ on our social media channels and share on awid.org.
You can send us:
colour and/ or black and white photographs with a title (if you wish) and
a caption (no longer than 100 words) about the story your image tells.
Please also include:
your full name and country of origin and
let us know if we can publish the information you shared (in part or in full).
Association of Afro-Descendant Women of the Northern Cauca
Black women community organizing in the Cauca Valley in Colombia can be traced back to the country's colonial past, which is marked by the racism, patriarchy, and capitalism that sustained slavery as a means to exploit the region’s rich soils. These organizers are the heroines of a broad movement for black autonomy - one that fights for the sustainable use of the region's forests and natural resources as vital to their culture and livelihood.
For 25 years, the Association of Afro-Descendant Women of the Northern Cauca (Asociación de Mujeres Afrodescendientes del Norte del Cauca, ASOM) has been dedicated to bringing power to Afro-Colombian women’s organizing in northern Cauca.
They became established in 1997 as a response to ongoing human rights violations, the absence of public policies, inadequate management of natural resources, and the lack of opportunities for women in the territory.
They have forged the struggle to secure ethnic-territorial rights, to end violence against women, and gain recognition of women’s roles change-making peace-building in Colombia.
La montée de la droite dans nombre de pays et le déluge de coupes dans les financements frappent durement la société civile de la Majorité mondiale ; le génocide en cours à Gaza, l’intensification des conflits violents au Soudan, la crise climatique à de nombreux endroits de notre planète : nous faisons face à des fascismes qui reviennent en force et un ordre mondial de l’impunité.
a gathering for feminist activists attending CSW68
(with special guests!)
📅Tuesday, March 12
🕒6-9.30pm EST
🏢 Blue Gallery, 222 E 46th St, New York
RSVP required
Background
Why this resource?
While active participants on the front lines of protests and uprisings in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA), women became invisible, absent from processes of formation of the new states, and excluded from decision-making roles, responsibilities, and positions in the aftermath of the uprisings. Except in rare cases, men dominated leadership positions in transitional structures, including the constitutional reform and electoral committees[i]. Subsequent elections brought very few women to parliamentary and ministerial positions.
Additionally, a strong and immediate backlash against women and women’s rights has clearly emerged in the aftermath. The rise of new religious fundamentalist groups with renewed patriarchal agendas aiming to obliterate previous gains of the women’s movements even in countries with longer histories of women’s rights, such as Tunisia, has been very alarming.
The varying contexts of governance and transition processes across the MENA countries presents an important opportunity for women human rights defenders to shape the future of these democracies. However, the lack of prioritization of women’s rights issues in the emerging transitions and the aforementioned backlash have posed a variety of complex challenges for the women’s movements. Faced with these enormous challenges and possibilities, women’s rights activists have been struggling to forge ahead a democratic future inclusive and only possible with women’s rights and equality. The particular historical and contextual legacies that impact women’s movements in each country continue to bear on the current capacities, strategies, and overall preparedness of the women’s movements to take on such a challenge. Burdened with daily human rights violations in one context, with lack of resources and tools in another, with organizational tensions in a third, in addition to the constant attacks on them as activists, women human rights defenders have voiced their desire to be more equipped with knowledge and tools to be effective and proactive in engaging with these fast-changing environments. Conceptual clarity and greater understanding of notions and practices of democratization, transitional justice tools and mechanisms, political governance and participation processes, international and local mechanisms, movement building strategies, constitutional reform possibilities, and secularization of public space and government are important steps to defining future strategic action.
It is clear that feminists and women’s rights activists cannot wait for women’s rights to be addressed after transitions – issues must be addressed as the new power configurations are forming. Experiences of earlier moments of transition, namely from colonial rule, have clearly demonstrated that women’s rights have to be inherently part of the transition movement towards a more just and equal society.
What is included?
This publication represents a research mapping of key resources, publications and materials on transitions to democracy and women’s rights in different countries of the world that have undergone such processes, such as: Indonesia, Chile, South Africa, Nepal, Mexico, Argentina, Poland, Ukraine, as well as within the Middle East and North Africa (MENA). It provides bibliographic information and short summaries of resources which succinctly identify the contextual changes and challenges facing women in those particular transitional moments, as well as clearly delineates the ways in which women’s rights activists sought to confront those challenges and what lessons were learned.
A key criterion in the selection process was the primacy of a women’s rights/feminist perspective; the few exceptions to this rule offer a unique and, we hope, useful, perspective on the issues that women’s rights organizations and activists face in the region. The texts have been selected to provide a wide range of information, relevant to women human rights defenders working from the grassroots to the international level, across issues (including different case studies and examples), from different perspectives (international human rights bodies, academic institutions, NGO contributions, activists’ experiences, etc.), and at a wide range of levels of complexity, in order to respond to the needs of as many readers as possible.
The mapping clusters resources under six major categories:
Transitions to Democracy
Political Participation
Movement Building
Transitional Justice
Constitutional/Legal Reform
Responses to Fundamentalisms
[i]This and other context points are drawn from the report from Pre AWID Forum meeting on Women’s Rights in Transitions to Democracy: Achieving Rights, Resisting Backlash, collaboratively organized by AWID, the Equality Without Reservation Coalition, Global Fund for Women and Women’s Learning Partnership
Inna es una activista y socióloga feminista queer. Posee muchos años de profundo compromiso con las luchas feministas y LGBTQI+, la educación en política y en procesos de organización de y para las mujeres migrantes, así como por la liberación de y la solidaridad con Palestina. Se incorporó a AWID en 2016 y cumplió diferentes funciones, la más reciente como Directora de Programas. Reside en Berlín (Alemania), creció en Haifa (Palestina/Israel), nació en San Petersburgo (Rusia), y ha puesto todo ese recorrido geográfico político y de resistencia a los colonialismos pasados y presentes al servicio del activismo feminista y la solidaridad transnacional.
Inna es autora de Women's Economic Empowerment: Feminism, Neoliberalism, and the State (Empoderamiento económico de las mujeres: Feminismo, neoliberalismo y Estado. Palgrave Macmillan, 2022), basado en la tesis que le valió un doctorado de la Universidad Humboldt de Berlín. Como académica, impartió cursos sobre globalización, producción de conocimientos, identidad y pertenencia. Inna posee una maestría en Estudios Culturales de la Universidad Hebrea de Jerusalén. Integra la Junta de Jewish Voice for a Just Peace in the Middle East (Voces Judías por una Paz Justa en Medio Oriente, Alemania) y, con anterioridad, fue miembro de la Junta de +972 Advancement of Citizen Journalism (+972 Avance del Periodismo Ciudadano). Antes, Inna trabajó con la Coalición de Mujeres por la Paz y es una apasionada de la movilización de recursos para el activismo de base.
Position
Codirectora Ejecutiva
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¿Quién debería responder la encuesta?*
La encuesta está orientada a agrupaciones, organizaciones y movimientos que trabajan específica o primordialmente por los derechos de las mujeres, las personas LBTQI+ y la justicia de género, en todos los contextos, en todos los ámbitos y en todas las regiones. Si alguno de estos es el pilar fundamental de tu agrupación, colectivo, red o cualquier otro tipo de organización —ya sea que esté registrada, sea de reciente creación o de larga data—, te invitamos a responder la encuesta.
*En esta oportunidad, no estamos solicitando respuestas de individuos ni de fondos feministas o de mujeres.
@shalinikonanur sharing a comment by her colleague debbie @salco "we can talk about shattering the glass ceiling, but we have to talk about who are sweeping those broken glasses?" challenging the #G7 to truly see who's vulnerable domestically & globally #W7Canada@kramdas@AWIDpic.twitter.com/1rs0SpLYHp
