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Special Focus

AWID is an international, feminist, membership organisation committed to achieving gender equality, sustainable development and women’s human rights

Women Human Rights Defenders

WHRDs are self-identified women and lesbian, bisexual, transgender, queer and intersex (LBTQI) people and others who defend rights and are subject to gender-specific risks and threats due to their human rights work and/or as a direct consequence of their gender identity or sexual orientation.

WHRDs are subject to systematic violence and discrimination due to their identities and unyielding struggles for rights, equality and justice.

The WHRD Program collaborates with international and regional partners as well as the AWID membership to raise awareness about these risks and threats, advocate for feminist and holistic measures of protection and safety, and actively promote a culture of self-care and collective well being in our movements.


Risks and threats targeting WHRDs  

WHRDs are exposed to the same types of risks that all other defenders who defend human rights, communities, and the environment face. However, they are also exposed to gender-based violence and gender-specific risks because they challenge existing gender norms within their communities and societies.

By defending rights, WHRDs are at risk of:

  • Physical assault and death
  • Intimidation and harassment, including in online spaces
  • Judicial harassment and criminalization
  • Burnout

A collaborative, holistic approach to safety

We work collaboratively with international and regional networks and our membership

  • to raise awareness about human rights abuses and violations against WHRDs and the systemic violence and discrimination they experience
  • to strengthen protection mechanisms and ensure more effective and timely responses to WHRDs at risk

We work to promote a holistic approach to protection which includes:

  • emphasizing the importance of self-care and collective well being, and recognizing that what care and wellbeing mean may differ across cultures
  • documenting the violations targeting WHRDs using a feminist intersectional perspective;
  • promoting the social recognition and celebration of the work and resilience of WHRDs ; and
  • building civic spaces that are conducive to dismantling structural inequalities without restrictions or obstacles

Our Actions

We aim to contribute to a safer world for WHRDs, their families and communities. We believe that action for rights and justice should not put WHRDs at risk; it should be appreciated and celebrated.

  • Promoting collaboration and coordination among human rights and women’s rights organizations at the international level to  strengthen  responses concerning safety and wellbeing of WHRDs.

  • Supporting regional networks of WHRDs and their organizations, such as the Mesoamerican Initiative for WHRDs and the WHRD Middle East and North Africa  Coalition, in promoting and strengthening collective action for protection - emphasizing the establishment of solidarity and protection networks, the promotion of self-care, and advocacy and mobilization for the safety of WHRDs;

  • Increasing the visibility and recognition of  WHRDs and their struggles, as well as the risks that they encounter by documenting the attacks that they face, and researching, producing, and disseminating information on their struggles, strategies, and challenges:

  • Mobilizing urgent responses of international solidarity for WHRDs at risk through our international and regional networks, and our active membership.

Related Content

8. Finalización y formato

Ya tienes el producto final y completo de la investigación organizado y editado. Ahora querrás facilitar la difusión de los resultados y para ello necesitarás que sean visualmente accesibles e interesantes.

En esta sección

Prepara el informe para la difusión pública

Considera la posibilidad de elaborar productos más breves además del informe extenso.

Como dijéramos en «Sintetiza los resultados de la investigación», AWID muchas veces prepara productos más breves a partir del informe de investigación completo. Esto permite difundirlo más y mejor entre audiencias específicas de importancia clave.

Siempre ten presente cuál es la población a la que te diriges: ¿quién va a leer tu informe?

Ejemplos de productos breves derivados de un informe más extenso:

  • Infografías
  • Galería en línea
  • Una secuencia animada que presente los argumentos

1. Piensa tal como lo hace tu público

Todo el tiempo nos bombardean con información. Para conservar el interés de la audiencia, el producto deberá tener un atractivo visual. Una vez más, saber qué quieres lograr y a quién esperas llegar, permitirá que quien se encargue del diseño pueda crear productos para audiencias específicas.

Un informe escrito de muchas páginas en PDF tal vez te parezca la única forma posible de presentar la investigación, pero a mucha gente le puede resultar abrumador — sobre todo en Internet.

Si quieres compartir el producto con una comunidad en línea, piensa en crear memes e infografías para usar en las redes sociales, blogs y plataformas virtuales.

Para decidir si vas a crear o no productos más breves, piensa si podrás dividir los resultados en varios productos más breves para compartirlos con poblaciones específicas o en distintos momentos del año, reavivando así el interés por el producto.

2. Trabaja con profesionales del diseño

Si cuentas con un tiempo limitado y el presupuesto te lo permite, te recomendamos contratar a profesionales del diseño.

Por razones económicas puedes sentir la tentación de pedirle al personal de tu organización que le dé formato al informe. Pero un diseño gráfico profesional puede marcar una gran diferencia en el aspecto del producto final y por lo tanto en el impacto que podrá alcanzar.

Las personas que se encarguen del diseño (ya sean de tu organización o contratadxs) deben ser capaces de:

  • Acercarte muestras de trabajos suyos previos que sean similares a lo que estás buscando.
  • Brindarte consejos claros acerca de cómo presentar la investigación a partir de los contenidos que les aportes y del público al que te diriges.
  • Sugerir materiales adicionales o diferentes para presentar el producto.

¿Qué necesitarás aportarles a quienes se encarguen del diseño?

  • Una idea general de lo que te gustaría destacar del informe extenso utilizando herramientas visuales y gráficos (cuáles son los elementos más importantes sobre los que quieres informar, por ejemplo, los resultados principales) y algunas ideas acerca de qué clase de productos más breves quisieras producir (por ejemplo, un folleto, una infografía, una serie de memes virales). Si puedes, muéstrale a las personas encargadas del diseño ejemplos de documentos similares elaborados por otras organizaciones.
  • Tu presupuesto y cronograma.
  • Las pautas visuales de la organización, si es que las tienes (logo, colores y tipos de letra oficiales, etc.)
  • Algunas fotos de uso libre o acceso a tu banco de fotos si lo tienes.
  • Las principales herramientas visuales que deben ser incluidas: gráficos, tablas y otras figuras tomadas de la investigación.

Recuerda que estarás trabajando con profesionales del diseño, que no necesariamente conocen las temáticas de las mujeres ni tampoco los resultados de la investigación, sobre todo si son personas contratadas y que no forman parte de tu organización.

Comunícales qué elementos del informe son importantes para ti y cuál es tu audiencia. Ellxs te sugerirán formas de destacar esos elementos y de hacer que todo el producto resulte atractivo a lxs usuarixs.

3. Asegura la consistencia de los productos

Cuando hayas creado un conjunto de productos informativos más breves, no olvides vincularlos entre sí:

  • Una versión breve del informe centrada solo en los resultados finales y las recomendaciones deberá incluir un vínculo al informe completo, en su versión final.
  • Una infografía visualmente atractiva que comunique un mensaje acerca de la situación del financiamiento de acuerdo a la temática que investigaste tendrá que incluir un vínculo a tu sitio de Internet y a la correspondiente sección en el informe completo. También deberá incluir una invitación a compartir la infografía en las redes sociales.
  • Una breve secuencia animada que utilice la información, los resultados y recomendaciones del informe deberá incluir un vínculo al sitio de tu organización en Internet y a sus redes sociales
  • Una serie de memes virales que se puedan difundir por Internet deberá incluir un vínculo al informe, a las infografías, a la versión breve del informe, etc.

También es importante que el personal que hizo la investigación se involucre en este estadio del proceso, para garantizar que todos los productos derivados sean consistentes con los resultados de la investigación.

Volver al comienzo


Controla la calidad de las traducciones

Una vez que hayas completado el diseño y la presentación del informe de investigación en su versión final, asegúrate de volver a enviar a traducir cualquier modificación que se haya producido en la terminología o el contenido.

Si además creaste productos breves, una vez que estén diseñados y listos para ser difundidos también necesitarás contar con copias en los idiomas a los que se tradujo el informe. Las traducciones deben ser lo suficientemente claras como para que quien se encarga del diseño pueda elaborar los productos aun si no habla el idioma en que están escritos.

Una vez completadas las traducciones, asegúrate de que una persona que sea hablante nativa del/los idioma/s que corresponda/n las revise, antes de difundirlas.

Volver al comienzo


Paso previo

7. Sintetiza los resultados de la investigación

Paso siguiente

9. Haz incidencia y cuéntale al mundo


Duración estimada

• 2 - 3 meses

Personas que se necesitan

• 1 persona (o más) de investigación
• 1 Editor (editor web o si crea un producto en línea)
• Personal o empresa de diseño
• Traductores, de ofrecer encuesta en varios idiomas

Recursos necesarios

• Lista de los espacios en línea para la difusión


Paso previo

7. Sintetiza los resultados de la investigación

Paso siguiente

9. Haz incidencia y cuéntale al mundo


Planilla «¿Estoy listx?»

Descargar el manual en PDF

Snippet FEA collaborator and allies Photo 4 (ES)

La foto muestra a Sopo hablando en un evento público en el interior. Sostiene el micrófono mientras lee sus notas y está sentada en una silla entre otras tres personas que son oradores o moderadores.

على من يجب تعبئة الاستطلاع؟

المجموعات، المنظمات والحركات التي تعمل خصوصاً وبالأساس على حقوق النساء، حقوق الفتيات، العدالة الجندرية، حقوق مجتمعات الميم - عين وحلفائها/يفاتها في جميع المناطق وعلى جميع المستويات، إن كانت مجموعات جديدة أو قديمة.

Carmen de la Cruz

Carmen a consacré sa carrière à la défense des droits des femmes au sein de diverses ONG, ainsi qu’au sein des Nations Unies.

Elle a enseigné dans plusieurs universités espagnoles et latino-américaines et publié de nombreux articles et rapports sur les femmes, le genre et la paix dans les pays en développement. Ses écrits et ses réflexions critiques ont touché toute une génération de jeunes femmes.

Son dernier mandat auprès du centre régional du Programme des Nations Unies pour le développement (PNUD) de l'Amérique latine, fut comme responsable du département de mise en pratique des politiques de genre, lors duquel elle a soutenu de très précieuses initiatives en faveur de l'égalité de genre et des droits fondamentaux des femmes.


 

Carmen de la Cruz, Argentina/ Spain

Notre vision : La justice économique dans un monde féministe

En tant que féministes luttant pour la justice de genre, la paix, la justice économique, sociale et environnementale, nous savons qu'il n'existe pas de recette miracle, mais plutôt un éventail de possibilités qui peuvent faire changer les choses, et qui les font changer.


Cet éventail d’options est aussi diversifié que nos mouvements et les communautés dans lesquelles nous vivons et nous luttons.

Avant de vous présenter quelques-unes de ces propositions féministes pour un autre monde, voici les principes qui encadrent nos propositions :

1. Un développement autodéterminé, du local au global

Nous croyons qu'il ne doit pas y avoir un seul modèle pour tous, et que chacun-e doit avoir le droit de revendiquer et de contribuer à la construction d'un autre monde possible, comme le formule le slogan du Forum social mondial.

Cela inclut le droit de participer à la gouvernance démocratique et d'influer sur son avenir, politiquement, économiquement, socialement et culturellement.

L'autodétermination économique permet aux peuples de prendre le contrôle de leurs ressources naturelles et d'utiliser ces ressources pour atteindre leurs propres objectifs ou pour un usage collectif. En outre, le pouvoir d’agir des femmes dans la sphère économique est fondamental pour atténuer le caractère souvent cyclique de la pauvreté, le déni de l'éducation, de la sécurité et de la sûreté.

2. Les droits, l'égalité réelle et la justice au cœur de l'économie

Le principe de l'égalité réelle est énoncé dans la Convention sur l'élimination de toutes les formes de discrimination à l'égard des femmes (CEDAW) et d'autres instruments internationaux relatifs aux droits humains. Ce principe est fondamental pour le développement et la transformation vers une économie juste, car il affirme que tous les êtres humains naissent libres et égaux.

La non-discrimination fait partie intégrante du principe d'égalité, qui veille à ce que personne ne soit privé de ses droits en raison de facteurs tels que la race, le sexe, la langue, la religion, l'orientation sexuelle, l'identité sexuelle, une opinion politique ou autre, l’origine nationale ou sociale, la fortune ou la naissance.

La dignité inhérente à toute personne sans distinction doit être maintenue et respectée. Alors que les États doivent veiller à l'utilisation d’un maximum de ressources disponibles pour la réalisation des droits humains, le fait d’exiger ces droits et la dignité est un enjeu clé pour la lutte de la société civile et la mobilisation populaire.

3. Une redistribution juste pour tous et toutes, sans monopolisation ou accaparement (le principe d’anti-avidité)

Ce principe, mis en œuvre par les efforts coordonnés visant à transformer les institutions injustes, soutient le rétablissement de l’équilibre entre la « participation » (entrées) et la « distribution » (sorties), lorsque celui-ci est rompu.

Il permet de poser des limites à l'accumulation monopolistique de capital et d'autres abus liés à la propriété. Ce concept est fondé sur un modèle économique qui repose sur l'équité et la justice.

4. La solidarité féministe et inter-mouvements est fondamentale

Pour changer les choses, nous avons besoin de réseaux féministes solides et diversifiés. Nous avons besoin de mouvements qui renforcent la solidarité du niveau personnel au niveau politique, du niveau local au niveau global, et inversement.
 
Construire le pouvoir collectif grâce aux mouvements permet de convertir la lutte pour les droits humains, l'égalité et la justice en une force politique pour le changement qui ne peut être ignorée.

 « Seuls les mouvements sont en mesure de créer des changements durables à des niveaux que la politique et les lois seules ne permettraient pas d’atteindre. »

 


Pour en savoir plus sur ce sujet, consulter S. Batliwala, 2012 Changer leur monde. Mouvements féministes, concepts et pratiques.


Voir également

Le projet

5 menaces principales

Snippet FEA different lines of work S4 (FR)

Lignes de travail :

CONTRE

Что подразумевается под внешним финансированием?

Внешнее финансирование включает гранты и другие формы финансирования от благотворительных фондов, правительств, двусторонних, многосторонних или корпоративных спонсоров и индивидуальных доноров – как внутри вашей страны, так и из-за рубежа. Сюда не входят ресурсы, которые группы, организации и/или движения генерируют самостоятельно, такие как, например, членские взносы, добровольные взносы "сотрудниц(-ков), участниц(-ков) и/или сторонниц(-ков), сборы через сообщество, сдача помещений в аренду или продажа услуг. Для удобства в опрос включены определения различных видов финансирования и краткие описания различных доноров.

Dora Nkem Akunyili

Dora was born in Benue State, Nigeria. She was a globally acclaimed pharmacist, technocrat, erudite scholar and community leader.

Dora’s revolutionary work created a paradigm shift in the Nigerian public service when she served as Director General of National Agency for Food and Drugs Administration and Control (NAFDAC) from 2001-2008. She spearheaded reforms in policy and regulatory enforcement that radically reduced the measure of fake drugs that plagued the Nigerian pharmaceutical sector during her tenure.

Having exemplified the reality of a courageous, competent woman who challenged the ills of a dominantly patriarchal society and drove change, she became an icon for women’s empowerment. She was appointed the Minister of Information and Communication between 2008 and 2010.

She died after a battle with cancer and is survived by her husband, six children and three grandchildren.


 

Dora Nkem Akunyili, Nigeria

Alternative framework for economic governance

Context

The current global economic crisis provides stark evidence that the economic policies of the last 3 decades have not been working.

The devastation that the crisis has wrought on the most vulnerable households in the Global North and Global South is a reminder that the formulation of economic policy and the realization of human rights (economic, social, political, civil and cultural) have for too long been divorced from one another. Economic policy and human rights do not have to be opposing forces, but can exist symbiotically.

Macroeconomic policies affect the operation of the economy as a whole, shaping the availability and distribution of resources. Within this context, fiscal and monetary policies are key.

Definition

  • Fiscal policy refers to both public revenue and public expenditure, and the relationships between them as expressed in the government budget.
  • Monetary policy includes policies on interest and exchange rates and the money supply, as well as the regulation of the financial sector.
  • Macroeconomic policies are implemented using instruments such as taxation, government spending, and control over the supply of money and credit.

These policies affect key prices such as interest and exchange rates that directly influence, among other things, the level of employment, access to affordable credit, and the housing market.

Applying a human rights framework to macroeconomic policy allows States to better comply with their obligation to respect, protect, and fulfill economic and social rights. Human rights are internationally agreed-upon universal standards. These legal norms are articulated in United Nations treaties including, the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR), the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), and the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (ICESCR).

Article 1 of the UDHR states that, “All human beings are born free and equal in dignity and rights.”

Although the UDHR was written about six decades ago its relevance is enduring. Many of the ideas address concerns and critical issues that people continue to face globally. Issues regarding inhuman punishment (Art. 5), discrimination (Art. 7), property ownership (Art. 17), equal pay for equal work (Art. 23/2), and access to education (Art. 26/1) are pertinent matters in countries South and North of the equator.

More specifically, States have an obligation under international law to respect, protect and fulfill human rights, including the economic and social rights of people within their jurisdiction. This is particularly relevant now given the financial crisis. In the U.S., regulation is skewed in favor of certain interests. The failure to extend government’s supervisory role in the context of social and economic change is a failure with regard to the obligation to protect human rights.

Feminist perspective

States should abide by key human rights principles to achieve economic and social rights. Some of the principles have potentially important implications for governance of financial institutions and markets, yet these possibilities have been underexplored.

Economic and social rights have a concrete institutional and legal grounding. Global declarations, international treaties, covenants, and, in a number of cases, national constitutions have incorporated aspects of the economic and social rights framework—providing an institutional infrastructure in national and international law.

Some have suggested that a consideration of global justice may not be a useful pursuit because of the institutional complexities involved. However, this does not get around that fact that global institutions already have an impact on social justice, both positive and negative.

It is useful to tease out the implications that elements of alternative frameworks have for economic governance, specifically those supported by existing institutions. Economic and social rights represent one such concrete framework. The framework is an evolving one, and ongoing discussion and deliberation is necessary to address underdeveloped areas and potential deficiencies.


Learn more about this proposition

This section is based on CWGL’s blog “Applying a Human Rights Framework to Macroeconomic Policies” (2012).

Part of our series of


  Feminist Propositions for a Just Economy

Snippet FEA Wage Parity (EN)

Illustration of two a pair of white-skinned people in glasses, to the left in the background is a mand and to the right at the forefront is a woman. The background is turquoise.

WAGE PARITY

O meu idioma não é um dos oficiais do inquérito, e estou a ter dificuldades a preencher o mesmo. O que posso fazer?

A AWID compromete-se a alcançar a justiça linguística e lamentamos que, neste momento, não seja viável disponibilizar um inquérito do WITM em mais idiomas. No entanto, caso precise de apoio com traduções ou queira preencher o inquérito em qualquer outro idioma, entre em contacto connosco através de witm@awid.org.

Reason to join 2

Find and create connections. There are over 9,000 AWID members, all working to address complementary, interconnected issues. This diversity supports the sustainability of feminist movements and actors.

Su’ad Al-Ali

Su’ad fue una firme defensora de los derechos de las mujeres y lxs niñxs y estuvo al frente de Al-Weed Al-Alaiami, una organización de derechos humanos iraquí.

Participó en las manifestaciones que tuvieron lugar en julio de 2018 en Basra y en varias otras ciudades iraquíes, en protesta contra el desempleo y en demanda de trabajo y servicios públicos adecuados para la ciudadanía, y exigiendo también la eliminación de la corrupción generalizada.

Su’ad fue asesinada el 25 de septiembre de 2018, en el barrio de Al-Abbasiyah, en el centro de Basra. En un video del hecho, se veía a una persona que se le acercaba mientras ella se subía a su automóvil, le disparaba un tiro en la parte posterior de la cabeza y apuntaba el siguiente disparo a Hussain Hassan, su chofer, quien resultó herido en un hombro. Al-Ali tenía 46 años y era madre de cuatro hijxs.


 

Su'ad Al Ali, Iraq
Body

Key opposition discourses

Ultra conservative actors have developed a number of discourses at the international human rights level that call on arguments manipulating religion, culture, tradition, and national sovereignty in order to undermine rights related to gender and sexuality.

Anti-rights actors have increasingly moved away from explicitly religious language. Increasingly, we see regressive actors - who may previously have derided human rights concepts - instead manipulating and co-opting these very concepts to further their objectives.


Protection of the family

This emerging and successful discourse appears innocuous, but it functions as a useful umbrella theme to house multiple patriarchal and anti-rights positions. The ‘protection of the family’ theme is thus a key example of regressive actors’ move towards holistic and integrated advocacy.

The language of ‘protection of the family’ works to shift the subject of human rights from the individual and onto already powerful institutions.

It also affirms a unitary, hierarchical, and patriarchal conception of the family that discriminates against family forms outside of these rigid boundaries. It also attempts to change the focus from recognition and protection of the rights of vulnerable family members to non-discrimination, autonomy, and freedom from violence in the context of family relations.

The Right to Life

The Holy See and a number of Christian Right groups seek to appropriate the right to life in service of an anti-abortion mission.  Infusing human rights language with conservative religious doctrine, they argue that the right to life, as set out in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, applies at the moment of conception.

The discourse has no support in any universal human rights instrument. Yet this is an appealing tactic for anti-rights actors, because the right to life cannot be violated under any circumstances and is a binding legal standard.

Sexual rights

Anti-rights actors use a number of rhetorical devices in their campaign to undermine sexual rights: they argue that sexual rights do not exist or are ‘new rights,’ that they cause harm to children and society, and/or that these rights stand in opposition to culture, tradition or national laws.

Conservative actors engaged in advocacy at the UN attack the right to comprehensive sexuality education from several directions. They claim that CSE violates ‘parental rights’, harms children, and that it is not education but ideological indoctrination. They also claim that comprehensive sexuality education is pushed on children, parents, and the United Nations by powerful lobbyists seeking to profit from services they provide to children and youth.

Attempts to invalidate rights related to sexual orientation and gender identity have proliferated. Ultra conservative actors argue that application of long-standing human rights principles and law on this issue constitutes the creation of ‘new rights’; and that the meaning of rights should vary radically because they should be interpreted through the lens of ‘culture’ or ‘national particularities.’

Reproductive Rights

Christian Right organizations have been mobilizing against reproductive rights alongside the Holy See and other anti-rights allies for several years. They often argue that reproductive rights are at heart a form of Western-imposed population control over countries in the global South. Ironically, this claim often originates from U.S. and Western Europe-affiliated actors, many of whom actively work to export their fundamentalist discourses and policies.

Regressive actors also cite to ‘scientific’ arguments from ultra-conservative think tanks, and from sources that rely on unsound research methodologies, to suggest that abortion causes an array of psychological, sexual, physical, and relational side effects.

Protection of children and parental rights

Just as anti-rights actors aim to construct a new category of ‘protection of the family,’ they are attempting to construct a new category of ‘parental rights,’ which has no support in existing human rights standards.

This discourse paradoxically endeavours to use the rights protections with which children are endowed, as articulated in the Convention on the Rights of the Child, to support the rights of parents to control their children and limit their rights.

Violence against women

Increasingly, anti-rights actors are attempting to infiltrate and subvert standards and discourses developed by women human rights defenders, such as violence against women (VAW).

At the Commission on the Status of Women and other spaces, one rhetorical move is to treat VAW as a concept in which to embed anti-reproductive rights and patriarchal arguments. Ultra conservative actors, for example, have argued that non-heteronormative or traditional intimate partner relationships are a risk factor for violence, and emphasize that fathers are necessary to protect families from violence.

Gender and ‘gender ideology’

The Holy See has set off a sustained critique of gender, ‘gender ideology’, ‘gender radicals,’ and gender theory, and anti-rights actors often read the term as code for LGBTQ rights. Gender is used by the religious right as a cross-cutting concept that links together many of their discourses. Increasingly, the hysteria on this subject fixates on gender identity and trans rights.

Complementarity and human dignity

Complementarity of the sexes is a discourse employed by a number of ultra-conservative actors today. Its rhetoric is structured around an assumption of difference: men and women are meant to have differing but complementary roles in marriage and family life, and with respect to their engagement in the community and political and economic life.

Reference to ‘natural’ roles is meant to fundamentally reject universal human rights to equality and non-discrimination.

It is also used to justify State and non-State violations of these rights, and non-compliance with respect to State obligations to eliminate prejudices and practices based on stereotyped roles for men or women.

National sovereignty and anti-imperialism

This discourse suggests that national governments are being unjustly targeted by UN bodies, or by other States acting through the UN. This is an attempt to shift the subject of human rights from the individual or marginalized community suffering a rights violation to a powerful and/or regressive institution - i.e. the state, in order to justify national exceptions from universal rights or to support state impunity. 

Religious freedom

Anti-rights actors have taken up the discourse of freedom of religion in order to justify violations of human rights. Yet, ultra-conservative actors refer to religious freedom in a way that directly contradicts the purpose of this human right and fundamentally conflicts with the principle of the universality of rights. The inference is that religious liberty is threatened and undermined by the protection of human rights, particularly those related to gender and sexuality.

The central move is to suggest that the right to freedom of religion is intended to protect a religion rather than those who are free to hold or not hold different religious beliefs.

Yet under international human rights law, the right protects believers rather than beliefs, and the right to freedom of religion, thought and conscience includes the right not to profess any religion or belief or to change one’s religion or belief.

Cultural rights and traditional values

The deployment of references to culture and tradition to undermine human rights, including the right to equality, is a common tactic amongst anti-rights actors. Culture is presented as monolithic, static, and immutable, and it is is often presented in opposition to ‘Western norms.’

Allusions to culture by anti-rights actors in international policy debates aim to undermine the universality of rights, arguing for cultural relativism that trumps or limits rights claims. Regressive actors’ use of cultural rights is founded on a purposeful misrepresentation of the human right. States must ensure that traditional or cultural attitudes are not used to justify violations of equality, and human rights law calls for equal access, participation and contribution in all aspects of cultural life for all, including women, religious, and racial minorities, and those with non-conforming genders and sexualities.

Subverting ‘universal’

Anti-rights actors in international policy spaces increasingly manipulate references to universal or fundamental human rights to reverse the meaning of the universality of rights.

Rather than using the term universal to describe the full set of indivisible and interrelated human rights, ultra conservative actors employ this term to instead delineate and describe a subset of human rights as ‘truly fundamental.’ Other rights would thus be subject to State discretion, ‘new’ rights or optional. This discourse is especially powerful as their category of the truly universal remains unarticulated and hence open to shifting interpretation.


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Snippet FEA Sopo Japaridze Quote (ES)

"Sabemos que todo está en nuestra contra y hay muy pocas posibilidades de cambiar eso. Pero creemos en la intervención y creo que tenemos una oportunidad y deberíamos usarla. Es por eso que estamos haciendo todo lo que estamos haciendo. Estamos dispuestos a presionar por cosas inauditas".

- Sopo Japaridze para OpenDemocracy

Photo @სოლიდარობის ქსელი / Solidarity Network