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Special Focus

AWID is an international, feminist, membership organisation committed to achieving gender equality, sustainable development and women’s human rights

Women Human Rights Defenders

WHRDs are self-identified women and lesbian, bisexual, transgender, queer and intersex (LBTQI) people and others who defend rights and are subject to gender-specific risks and threats due to their human rights work and/or as a direct consequence of their gender identity or sexual orientation.

WHRDs are subject to systematic violence and discrimination due to their identities and unyielding struggles for rights, equality and justice.

The WHRD Program collaborates with international and regional partners as well as the AWID membership to raise awareness about these risks and threats, advocate for feminist and holistic measures of protection and safety, and actively promote a culture of self-care and collective well being in our movements.


Risks and threats targeting WHRDs  

WHRDs are exposed to the same types of risks that all other defenders who defend human rights, communities, and the environment face. However, they are also exposed to gender-based violence and gender-specific risks because they challenge existing gender norms within their communities and societies.

By defending rights, WHRDs are at risk of:

  • Physical assault and death
  • Intimidation and harassment, including in online spaces
  • Judicial harassment and criminalization
  • Burnout

A collaborative, holistic approach to safety

We work collaboratively with international and regional networks and our membership

  • to raise awareness about human rights abuses and violations against WHRDs and the systemic violence and discrimination they experience
  • to strengthen protection mechanisms and ensure more effective and timely responses to WHRDs at risk

We work to promote a holistic approach to protection which includes:

  • emphasizing the importance of self-care and collective well being, and recognizing that what care and wellbeing mean may differ across cultures
  • documenting the violations targeting WHRDs using a feminist intersectional perspective;
  • promoting the social recognition and celebration of the work and resilience of WHRDs ; and
  • building civic spaces that are conducive to dismantling structural inequalities without restrictions or obstacles

Our Actions

We aim to contribute to a safer world for WHRDs, their families and communities. We believe that action for rights and justice should not put WHRDs at risk; it should be appreciated and celebrated.

  • Promoting collaboration and coordination among human rights and women’s rights organizations at the international level to  strengthen  responses concerning safety and wellbeing of WHRDs.

  • Supporting regional networks of WHRDs and their organizations, such as the Mesoamerican Initiative for WHRDs and the WHRD Middle East and North Africa  Coalition, in promoting and strengthening collective action for protection - emphasizing the establishment of solidarity and protection networks, the promotion of self-care, and advocacy and mobilization for the safety of WHRDs;

  • Increasing the visibility and recognition of  WHRDs and their struggles, as well as the risks that they encounter by documenting the attacks that they face, and researching, producing, and disseminating information on their struggles, strategies, and challenges:

  • Mobilizing urgent responses of international solidarity for WHRDs at risk through our international and regional networks, and our active membership.

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Nilcéa Freire

Nilcéa Freire était une activiste, politicienne et universitaire brésilienne. Ardente défenseuse des droits des femmes et des minorités sous-représentées dans le pays, sa vie et son travail ont été marqués par une longue histoire de luttes et de victoires.

"Nous devons, tout en résistant, continuer à chercher à progresser, et ce que nous pouvons accomplir actuellement, je pense que nous le devons à la fantastique organisation des jeunes femmes blanches, et surtout des femmes noires, dans toutes les capitales d’États et les grandes villes brésiliennes.” - Nilcéa Freire

En 1999, elle est devenue la première femme à occuper le poste de doyenne de l'université d'État de Rio de Janeiro. Elle y a dirigé la mise en œuvre de la première politique d'action positive pour les étudiant·e·s des écoles publiques, demandant au sein d’une école publique que des places soient spécifiquement réservées aux étudiant·e·s noir·e·s à faible revenu. Ce système a été adopté dans des dizaines d'autres universités publiques. 

Quelques années plus tard, Nilcéa dirigea le Secrétariat spécial des politiques pour les femmes sous le gouvernement de l'ancien président Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva. C’est à ce titre qu’elle conduisit la première Conférence nationale des femmes. Plus de 12 000 femmes de tout le pays y participèrent et le résultat de ce travail collectif fut incorporé dans le Plan national des politiques pour les femmes. 

Son engagement envers les femmes, les Afro-Brésilien·ne·s et les populations autochtones se reflète aussi fortement dans son travail de défense de leurs droits, qu’elle a mené dans le cadre des initiatives du bureau de la Fondation Ford du Brésil, dont elle était la directrice régionale. 

L’activiste féministe Manoela Miklos a dit de Nilcéa qu'elle était "une femme sans égal·e".

Nilcéa s’est éteinte à Rio de Janeiro à l'âge de 66 ans, le 29 décembre 2019, des suites d’un cancer.


"Je n’ai pas de mots face à l’annonce de la mort de notre chère Nilcéa Freire. Il m’est trop triste de savoir qu’elle est partie si tôt. Elle s’est toujours rangée du côté de celleux qui ne tolèrent pas les injustices de ce monde. Elle était la ministre des femmes, sans cesse engagée dans la cause féministe. Elle nous manquera beaucoup!” - Jandira Feghali, Federal Deputy

Retrouvez sur YouTube la féministe brésilienne Nilcea Freire et pourquoi il importe de se montrer solidaires avec le Brésil

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Key opposition discourses

Ultra conservative actors have developed a number of discourses at the international human rights level that call on arguments manipulating religion, culture, tradition, and national sovereignty in order to undermine rights related to gender and sexuality.

Anti-rights actors have increasingly moved away from explicitly religious language. Increasingly, we see regressive actors - who may previously have derided human rights concepts - instead manipulating and co-opting these very concepts to further their objectives.


Protection of the family

This emerging and successful discourse appears innocuous, but it functions as a useful umbrella theme to house multiple patriarchal and anti-rights positions. The ‘protection of the family’ theme is thus a key example of regressive actors’ move towards holistic and integrated advocacy.

The language of ‘protection of the family’ works to shift the subject of human rights from the individual and onto already powerful institutions.

It also affirms a unitary, hierarchical, and patriarchal conception of the family that discriminates against family forms outside of these rigid boundaries. It also attempts to change the focus from recognition and protection of the rights of vulnerable family members to non-discrimination, autonomy, and freedom from violence in the context of family relations.

The Right to Life

The Holy See and a number of Christian Right groups seek to appropriate the right to life in service of an anti-abortion mission.  Infusing human rights language with conservative religious doctrine, they argue that the right to life, as set out in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, applies at the moment of conception.

The discourse has no support in any universal human rights instrument. Yet this is an appealing tactic for anti-rights actors, because the right to life cannot be violated under any circumstances and is a binding legal standard.

Sexual rights

Anti-rights actors use a number of rhetorical devices in their campaign to undermine sexual rights: they argue that sexual rights do not exist or are ‘new rights,’ that they cause harm to children and society, and/or that these rights stand in opposition to culture, tradition or national laws.

Conservative actors engaged in advocacy at the UN attack the right to comprehensive sexuality education from several directions. They claim that CSE violates ‘parental rights’, harms children, and that it is not education but ideological indoctrination. They also claim that comprehensive sexuality education is pushed on children, parents, and the United Nations by powerful lobbyists seeking to profit from services they provide to children and youth.

Attempts to invalidate rights related to sexual orientation and gender identity have proliferated. Ultra conservative actors argue that application of long-standing human rights principles and law on this issue constitutes the creation of ‘new rights’; and that the meaning of rights should vary radically because they should be interpreted through the lens of ‘culture’ or ‘national particularities.’

Reproductive Rights

Christian Right organizations have been mobilizing against reproductive rights alongside the Holy See and other anti-rights allies for several years. They often argue that reproductive rights are at heart a form of Western-imposed population control over countries in the global South. Ironically, this claim often originates from U.S. and Western Europe-affiliated actors, many of whom actively work to export their fundamentalist discourses and policies.

Regressive actors also cite to ‘scientific’ arguments from ultra-conservative think tanks, and from sources that rely on unsound research methodologies, to suggest that abortion causes an array of psychological, sexual, physical, and relational side effects.

Protection of children and parental rights

Just as anti-rights actors aim to construct a new category of ‘protection of the family,’ they are attempting to construct a new category of ‘parental rights,’ which has no support in existing human rights standards.

This discourse paradoxically endeavours to use the rights protections with which children are endowed, as articulated in the Convention on the Rights of the Child, to support the rights of parents to control their children and limit their rights.

Violence against women

Increasingly, anti-rights actors are attempting to infiltrate and subvert standards and discourses developed by women human rights defenders, such as violence against women (VAW).

At the Commission on the Status of Women and other spaces, one rhetorical move is to treat VAW as a concept in which to embed anti-reproductive rights and patriarchal arguments. Ultra conservative actors, for example, have argued that non-heteronormative or traditional intimate partner relationships are a risk factor for violence, and emphasize that fathers are necessary to protect families from violence.

Gender and ‘gender ideology’

The Holy See has set off a sustained critique of gender, ‘gender ideology’, ‘gender radicals,’ and gender theory, and anti-rights actors often read the term as code for LGBTQ rights. Gender is used by the religious right as a cross-cutting concept that links together many of their discourses. Increasingly, the hysteria on this subject fixates on gender identity and trans rights.

Complementarity and human dignity

Complementarity of the sexes is a discourse employed by a number of ultra-conservative actors today. Its rhetoric is structured around an assumption of difference: men and women are meant to have differing but complementary roles in marriage and family life, and with respect to their engagement in the community and political and economic life.

Reference to ‘natural’ roles is meant to fundamentally reject universal human rights to equality and non-discrimination.

It is also used to justify State and non-State violations of these rights, and non-compliance with respect to State obligations to eliminate prejudices and practices based on stereotyped roles for men or women.

National sovereignty and anti-imperialism

This discourse suggests that national governments are being unjustly targeted by UN bodies, or by other States acting through the UN. This is an attempt to shift the subject of human rights from the individual or marginalized community suffering a rights violation to a powerful and/or regressive institution - i.e. the state, in order to justify national exceptions from universal rights or to support state impunity. 

Religious freedom

Anti-rights actors have taken up the discourse of freedom of religion in order to justify violations of human rights. Yet, ultra-conservative actors refer to religious freedom in a way that directly contradicts the purpose of this human right and fundamentally conflicts with the principle of the universality of rights. The inference is that religious liberty is threatened and undermined by the protection of human rights, particularly those related to gender and sexuality.

The central move is to suggest that the right to freedom of religion is intended to protect a religion rather than those who are free to hold or not hold different religious beliefs.

Yet under international human rights law, the right protects believers rather than beliefs, and the right to freedom of religion, thought and conscience includes the right not to profess any religion or belief or to change one’s religion or belief.

Cultural rights and traditional values

The deployment of references to culture and tradition to undermine human rights, including the right to equality, is a common tactic amongst anti-rights actors. Culture is presented as monolithic, static, and immutable, and it is is often presented in opposition to ‘Western norms.’

Allusions to culture by anti-rights actors in international policy debates aim to undermine the universality of rights, arguing for cultural relativism that trumps or limits rights claims. Regressive actors’ use of cultural rights is founded on a purposeful misrepresentation of the human right. States must ensure that traditional or cultural attitudes are not used to justify violations of equality, and human rights law calls for equal access, participation and contribution in all aspects of cultural life for all, including women, religious, and racial minorities, and those with non-conforming genders and sexualities.

Subverting ‘universal’

Anti-rights actors in international policy spaces increasingly manipulate references to universal or fundamental human rights to reverse the meaning of the universality of rights.

Rather than using the term universal to describe the full set of indivisible and interrelated human rights, ultra conservative actors employ this term to instead delineate and describe a subset of human rights as ‘truly fundamental.’ Other rights would thus be subject to State discretion, ‘new’ rights or optional. This discourse is especially powerful as their category of the truly universal remains unarticulated and hence open to shifting interpretation.


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Snippet FEA how important essential workers are (ES)

La pandemia de COVID-19 le mostró al mundo la importancia de lxs trabajadorxs esenciales. Estamos hablando de limpiadorxs, enfermerxs, paramédicxs, trabajadorxs del hogar, transportistxs, las personas que trabajan en los supermercados, entre muchísimas otras. Su trabajo es atender y garantizar el bienestar de lxs demás y hacer funcionar nuestras economías.

Pero mientras ellxs nos cuidan…

Cristina Bautista

“If we stay quiet they kill us and if we talk [they kill us] too. So, let’s talk.” -  Cristina Bautista, 2019

Cristina Bautista was a member of the Nasa Indigenous people’s community whose home is situated in the region of Northern Cauca, Colombia. She was part of their resistance as a leader, land rights defender, social worker, and governor of the Nasa Tacueyó Indigenous reserve. 

A tireless defender of the rights of Nasa people, Cristina spoke strongly and loudly against the violence directed at her community. In a speech before the United Nations, she called for the protection of Indigenous women’s lives and their involvement in different spheres of life. In 2017, Cristina was a UN Human Rights Office Indigenous fellow and she was awarded a grant from the UN Voluntary Fund for Indigenous Peoples in 2019. 

“I would like to bring to light the current situation of the Indigenous people in Colombia, the killing of Indigenous leaders, the repression of social protest. Instead of helping, the peace deal has increased war and the exploitation of sacred territories in Colombia… In the current situation, in almost all Indigenous nations as women we have been working to find a better future for our families. I don’t want more women from the countryside to continue living under these circumstances. We need opportunities for Indigenous women to participate in politics, in the economy, in society and in culture. Today gives me true strength, to see all these women here and that I am not alone.” - Cristina Bautista, 2019

On 29 October 2019, Cristina was murdered along with four unarmed Indigenous guards in an attack which was allegedly carried out by armed members of “Dagoberto Ramos”, a FARC dissident group. 

According to Global Witness, “the murder of community and social leaders has risen dramatically in Colombia in recent years.” 

“The Nasa community has repeatedly raised the alarm with the authorities about threats to their safety. Despite efforts by successive Colombian Governments, indigenous peoples continue to face great risks, especially religious or community leaders like Cristina Bautista.” - UN press briefing, 1 November 2019


Watch a speech by Cristina Bautista in August 2019 in which she denounced previous murders of Indigenous guards (Spanish only)

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Clone of Snippet FEA Title Menu (FR)

Les Économies Féministes

QUE NOUS ADORONS

ÉCONOMIES DES SOINS AGROÉCOLOGIE ET SOUVERAINETÉ ALIMENTAIRECOOPÉRATIVISME FÉMINISTESYNDICALISME FÉMINISTE

When development initiatives, religious fundamentalisms and the state of women’s rights collide

Nuestro nuevo documento de investigación El diablo se esconde en los detalles aborda la falta de conocimientos sobre los fundamentalismos religiosos en el sector del desarrollo, y se propone comprender mejor de qué manera estos fundamentalismos inhiben el desarrollo y, en particular, los derechos de las mujeres. Propone recomendaciones para que quienes trabajan en temas de desarrollo desafíen la labor de los fundamentalismos y eviten fortalecerlos inadvertidamente. [CTA download link: Leer el documento completo]

 

Seven pointers to consider

 

Graphic1 1. Control of women’s bodies, sexuality, and choice are “warning signs” of rising fundamentalisms.
2. Neoliberal economic policies have a particularly negative impact on women, and fuel the growth of religious fundamentalisms. Graphic2
Graphic3 3. Choosing religious organizations as default for partnerships builds their legitimacy and access to resources, and supports their ideology, including gender ideology.
4.Everyone has multiple identities and should be defined by more than just their religion. Foregrounding religious identities tends to reinforce the power of religious fundamentalists. Graphic4
Graphic5 5. Religion, culture, and tradition are constantly changing, being reinterpreted and challenged. What is dominant is always a question of power.
6. Racism, exclusion, and marginalization all add to the appeal of fundamentalists’ offer of a sense of belonging and a “cause”. Graphic6
Graphic7 7. There is strong evidence that the single most important factor in promoting women’s rights and gender equality is an autonomous women’s movement.

 

Auge global de los fundamentalismos religiosos.

El Diablo se esconde en los detalles proporciona detalles de las graves violaciones a los derechos humanos y, en particular, de las violaciones a los derechos de las mujeres, causados por los fundamentalismos auspiciados por los Estados, así como por actores fundamentalistas no estatales como milicias, organizaciones comunitarias confesionales e individuos. La profundización fundamentalista de normas sociales atávicas y patriarcales está provocando el aumento de la violencia contra las mujeres, las niñas y las defensoras de derechos humanos (WHRDs). El informe propuesta estas ideas clave para abordar el problema:

  • [icon] Fundamentalismos religiosos están ganando terreno en el seno de las comunidades
  • [icon] Sistemas políticos
  • [icon] Escenarios internacionales, con efectos devastadores para la gente común y para las mujeres en particular.

 

Los agentes de desarrollo deben actuar urgentemente.

Quienes trabajan en el desarrollo están de capacidad de asumir una posición más firme. Su capacidad colectiva para reconocer y enfrentar conjuntamente a los fundamentalismos religiosos resulta crucial para promover la justicia social, económica y de género y los derechos humanos de todas las personas en el marco del desarrollo sostenible.   Resulta fundamental promover que el poder y los privilegios se entiendan desde la óptica del feminismo interseccional y aplicar esta comprensión a los interrogantes sobre religión y cultura. Las organizaciones de mujeres ya poseen conocimientos y estrategias para oponerse a los fundamentalismos. Quienes trabajan en el desarrollo deberían apoyarse en estos e invertir en coaliciones enfocadas en múltiples temáticas. Lo anterior, les ayudará a alcanzar nuevos horizontes.

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La représente cinq femmes (Sopo se tient au milieu) debout en haut d'un escalier, devant un mur de pierre, tenant des pancartes sur lesquelles sont écrits des slogans géorgiens.

Paulina Cruz Ruiz

Paulina Cruz Ruiz, de la región de Rabinal, Baja Verapaz, en Guatemala, fue una autoridad ancestral Maya Achí (Indígena) y una defensora de los derechos humanos. Paulina se involucró activamente en la organización comunitaria y la resistencia, lo cual incluyó la adopción de medidas legales contra los proyectos mineros en territorios Indígenas, proyectos que afectarían y perjudicarían severamente el tejido socio ambiental. 

"El modelo de industria extractiva promovido por el gobierno guatemalteco y la construcción de proyectos de desarrollo a gran escala en tierras indígenas, sin el consentimiento de la comunidad afectada, ha sido una fuente de disputas permanentes con los movimientos de resistencia". - Minority Rights Group International

Paulina también formó parte de la Marcha por la Dignidad, la Vida y la Justicia, del 1º de mayo de 2019, en la cual miles de guatemaltecxs iniciaron una marcha de ocho días contra la corrupción y la impunidad en la persecución y el asesinato de dirigentes de derechos humanos, líderes campesinxs e indígenas y defensorxs de la tierra. 

Paulina fue asesinada el 14 de septiembre de 2019 cerca de su casa en la aldea de Xococ.

Según el Grupo Internacional de Derechos de las Minorías: "actualmente, uno de los principales problemas que afectan a las comunidades mayas es la creciente actividad de la industria minera".


Para leer más sobre la comunidad Maya en Guatemala

Para leer más sobre la Marcha por la Dignidad, la Vida y la Justicia

WITM - Refreshed INFOGRAPHIC 1 FR

Vous êtes-vous déjà demandé à quoi ressemblaient les budgets des organisations féministes ?

En 2023, le budget annuel médian des organisations féministes et de défense des droits des femmes était de 22 000 USD. Cette médiane masque de profondes inégalités : quelques groupes accèdent à des ressources considérables, tandis que la grande majorité survit avec des budgets très limités.
Un examen plus attentif des budgets réels révèle une immense diversité et une grande disparité dans les revenus. 

Explorez les données relatives à la taille des budgets féministes

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