WHRDs are self-identified women and lesbian, bisexual, transgender, queer and intersex (LBTQI) people and others who defend rights and are subject to gender-specific risks and threats due to their human rights work and/or as a direct consequence of their gender identity or sexual orientation.
WHRDs are subject to systematic violence and discrimination due to their identities and unyielding struggles for rights, equality and justice.
The WHRD Program collaborates with international and regional partners as well as the AWID membership to raise awareness about these risks and threats, advocate for feminist and holistic measures of protection and safety, and actively promote a culture of self-care and collective well being in our movements.
Risks and threats targeting WHRDs
WHRDs are exposed to the same types of risks that all other defenders who defend human rights, communities, and the environment face. However, they are also exposed to gender-based violence and gender-specific risks because they challenge existing gender norms within their communities and societies.
By defending rights, WHRDs are at risk of:
Physical assault and death
Intimidation and harassment, including in online spaces
Judicial harassment and criminalization
Burnout
A collaborative, holistic approach to safety
We work collaboratively with international and regional networks and our membership
to raise awareness about human rights abuses and violations against WHRDs and the systemic violence and discrimination they experience
to strengthen protection mechanisms and ensure more effective and timely responses to WHRDs at risk
We work to promote a holistic approach to protection which includes:
emphasizing the importance of self-care and collective well being, and recognizing that what care and wellbeing mean may differ across cultures
documenting the violations targeting WHRDs using a feminist intersectional perspective;
promoting the social recognition and celebration of the work and resilience of WHRDs ; and
building civic spaces that are conducive to dismantling structural inequalities without restrictions or obstacles
Our Actions
We aim to contribute to a safer world for WHRDs, their families and communities. We believe that action for rights and justice should not put WHRDs at risk; it should be appreciated and celebrated.
Promoting collaboration and coordination among human rights and women’s rights organizations at the international level to strengthen responses concerning safety and wellbeing of WHRDs.
Supporting regional networks of WHRDs and their organizations, such as the Mesoamerican Initiative for WHRDs and the WHRD Middle East and North Africa Coalition, in promoting and strengthening collective action for protection - emphasizing the establishment of solidarity and protection networks, the promotion of self-care, and advocacy and mobilization for the safety of WHRDs;
Increasing the visibility and recognition of WHRDs and their struggles, as well as the risks that they encounter by documenting the attacks that they face, and researching, producing, and disseminating information on their struggles, strategies, and challenges:
Mobilizing urgent responses of international solidarity for WHRDs at risk through our international and regional networks, and our active membership.
Jaitun, commonly referred to as ‘Amma’, was committed to ensuring the reproductive rights of women and girls in India. She was particularly dedicated to advocating for those living in poverty and who are most marginalized, including Dalit and Muslim women and girls.
Jaitun was the vital force behind the case Jaitun v Janpura Maternity Home & Ors. Her perseverance for justice led to a ground-breaking judgment issued by the High Court of Delhi, holding the Indian government accountable for failing to deliver a number of its legally-binding obligations such as reproductive health care and the right to food.
Her daughter Fatema who was living under the poverty line was denied reproductive services and had to deliver her child in public, under a tree. At the time, both Jaitun and Fatema were homeless as a result of their home being demolished by the government as part of redevelopment and gentrification in New Delhi.
“The judgment has since been used by countless lawyers and activists globally, including the Former United Nations Special Rapporteur on the Right to Health, not only as a source of inspiration but as a solid springboard to further justice.” - Jameen Kaur
Jaitun has inspired many other women living in poverty to claim their rights. She passed away in 2017.
“In Jaitun’s death, we have now lost an inimitable warrior for justice, but her spirit of defiance lives on.” - Jameen Kaur
“In my 18 years as a human rights advocate, I have not met a woman that has inspired and moved my spirit in the same way Amma did. Her roaring courage; her imitable humour - we used to compare her to the Bollywood actress Hema Melini - as she would be upset we had spent so much time away from her - she would say, with a twinkle in her eye, ‘You have forgotten Amma, Amma is not speaking to you’ and then with great dramatics turn her back, only to turn around laughing and stretching her arms out for a hug. Her kindness and ultimately her love and joy for love and the right for all of us to live with dignity. I miss her terribly.” - Jameen Kaur
Nous croyons que l'économie, le marché, le système financier et les prémisses sur lesquelles ils reposent sont des domaines critiques pour la lutte féministe.
Ainsi, notre vision pour une économie juste dépasse la promotion des droits et de l'autonomisation des femmes sur le marché. Elle propose d'évaluer le rôle des oppressions liées au genre lors de l'élaboration de mesures économiques, afin de les modifier pour favoriser l'égalité de genre et la justice économique.
Processus
Nous ne partons pas de zéro et nous ne sommes pas seules à tenter de mettre en avant des propositions féministes pour une économie juste. Beaucoup des propositions formulées dans ce document existaient déjà en théorie et aussi dans la pratique, au sein de diverses communautés qui défient et résistent face aux systèmes économiques fondés sur la croissance et le marché.
Il est également très important de noter qu'il y a une prise de conscience croissante du fait que les micros solutions n’apportent pas toujours de réponses aux problèmes macros, même si elles représentent des espaces importants pour la construction de la résistance et des mouvements. Certaines alternatives spécifiques peuvent ne pas être en mesure de remédier aux injustices du système capitaliste actuel à l'échelle mondiale.
Objectifs
Cela dit, les alternatives féministes pour une économie juste sont essentielles pour ouvrir des brèches dans le système et pouvoir en tirer des leçons, en faveur d’un changement systémique transformateur. Nous n’avons pas la prétention de proposer un compte-rendu complet et exhaustif sur la manière de créer un modèle économique qui soit juste d’un point de vue féministe, ou même des modèles.
À partir d’un dialogue inter-mouvements avec des syndicats, des mouvements ruraux et paysans et des mouvements environnementaux, nous pouvons néanmoins formuler une série de propositions pour cheminer vers cette vision.
Que voulons-nous changer?
Le modèle néolibéral qui domine l'économie mondiale a démontré à maintes reprises son incapacité à traiter les causes profondes de la pauvreté, des inégalités et de l'exclusion. En réalité, le néolibéralisme a même contribué à provoquer et à exacerber ces injustices.
Caractérisées par la mondialisation, la libéralisation, la privatisation, la financiarisation et l'aide conditionnelle, les politiques générales de développement de ces trois dernières décennies ont fait des ravages dans la vie et les moyens de subsistance de tous et toutes. Ces politiques ont également contribué sans faillir à creuser le fossé des inégalités, aux injustices de genre et à une destruction de l'environnement que le monde ne peut plus se permettre de supporter.
Il y a encore des personnes qui affirment qu’en donnant carte blanche aux sociétés et aux entreprises pour favoriser la croissance économique, le vent finira par atteindre les voiles de tous les navires.
Cependant, la notion du développement dominante au cours des dernières décennies, qui repose en grande partie sur le principe d’une croissance économique illimitée, traverse actuellement une crise idéologique.
Le mythe de la croissance économique en tant que panacée capable de résoudre tous nos problèmes prend l’eau.
✉️ By Invite Only
📅Tuesday, March 12
🕒2-3.30pm EST Organiser: Observatory on the Universality of Rights (OURs) Consortium
🏢Blue Gallery, 222 E 46th St, New York
Snippet FEA Introducing Carmen Silva Ferreira (FR)
Nous avons l’énorme plaisir de vous présenter Carmen Silva Ferreira.
Née à Bahia, dans le nord-est du Brésil, Carmen est une immigrante, militante sociale et mère de 8 enfants.
Carmen a connu l'itinérance à l'âge de 35 ans, après avoir émigré seule à São Paulo. Cela l'a amenée à devenir une ardente défenseuse des communautés vulnérables, marginalisées et invisibles les plus touchées par la crise du logement. Elle est finalement devenue l'une des fondatrices de MSTC en 2000.
En tant qu'organisatrice politique visionnaire et actuelle dirigeante du MSTC, le travail de Carmen a révélé la crise du logement de la ville de São Paulo et inspiré d'autres personnes sur différentes façons d'organiser et de gérer les occupations.
Carmen a été fermement à l'avant-garde de diverses occupations. L'une d'elles est l’Ocupação 9 de Julho, qui sert désormais de scène à la démocratie directe et d'espace où chacun·e peut être soigné·e, entendu·e, apprécié·e et travailler ensemble.
Carmen a longtemps été célébrée pour son audace à redonner vie à des bâtiments abandonnés au cœur de São Paulo.
Pour en savoir plus sur sa vie, vous pouvez la suivre sur Instagram!
Isabel Cabanillas de la Torre fue una activista joven y una artista feminista muy querida de Ciudad Juárez, México, conocida por sus hermosos diseños evocadores de indumentaria pintada a manoen los que los ojos eran una característica emblemática de su trabajo. Sus murales transformaron los edificios abandonados y vacíos del centro de Ciudad Juárez, al sumarles vida y crítica política a sus paredes.
A través de su arte y de su activismo político, Isabel buscó llamar la atención sobre la violencia de género que se extendía por su ciudad natal. Colaboró como voluntaria con la red Mesa de Mujeres en el proyecto «Observatorio Ciudadano de Género», que monitoreaba la actuación de jueces, fiscales y defensorxs públicxs en casos de femicidios y otras violaciones a los derechos basadas en el género. Integró también «Hijas De Su Maquilera Madre», una colectiva feminista cuyo nombre alude a las hijas de madres que son trabajadoras de la maquila. Algunas de estas madres fueron las primeras víctimas de femicidio en Ciudad Juárez.
El último proyecto de Isabel (todavía en curso) fue una instalación artística para protestar contra una compañía canadiense que quería extraer cobre de los Médanos de Samalayuca.
El 18 de enero de 2020 Isabel fue atacada a balazos mientras volvía a su casa del centro de Ciudad Juárez en bicicleta, víctima, aparentemente, de un asesinato selectivo. Su cuerpo fue encontrado junto a su bicicleta.
El asesinato de Isabel desató una nueva ola de indignación contra los femicidios de la región: cientos de personas marcharon hacia el puente de la frontera entre EEUU y México, y lo bloquearon durante horas mientras cantaban «Ni una más», que es la protesta continua de las colectivas feministas contra los asesinatos de las mujeres en todo México. Solamente en 2019, 3.142 mujeres y niñas fueron asesinadas en el país; muchas de ellas fueron atacadas específicamente por su género.
Amaba andar en bicicleta.
«La bicicleta era un símbolo de libertad para ella. Simbolizaba ser libre en las calles.» - Marisol, amiga de Isabel
There are varied conceptualizations about the commons notes activist and scholar Soma Kishore Parthasarathy.
Conventionally, they are understood as natural resources intended for use by those who depend on their use. However, the concept of the commons has expanded to include the resources of knowledge, heritage, culture, virtual spaces, and even climate. It pre-dates the individual property regime and provided the basis for organization of society. Definitions given by government entities limit its scope to land and material resources.
The concept of the commons rests on the cultural practice of sharing livelihood spaces and resources as nature’s gift, for the common good, and for the sustainability of the common.
Context
Under increasing threat, nations and market forces continue to colonize, exploit and occupy humanity’s commons.
In some favourable contexts, the ‘commons’ have the potential to enable women, especially economically oppressed women, to have autonomy in how they are able to negotiate their multiple needs and aspirations.
Feminist perspective
Patriarchy is reinforced when women and other oppressed genders are denied access and control of the commons.
Therefore, a feminist economy seeks to restore the legitimate rights of communities to these common resources. This autonomy is enabling them to sustain themselves; while evolving more egalitarian systems of governance and use of such resources. A feminist economy acknowledges women’s roles and provides equal opportunities for decision-making, i.e. women as equal claimants to these resources.
Feminism And The Politics Of The Commons by Silvia Federici looks at the politics of the commons from a feminist standpoint shaped by the struggle against sexual discrimination and reproductive work, to clarify the conditions under which the principle of the common/s can become the foundation of an anti-capitalist program.
Ensuring the defense of human rights and Nature’s rights through alliance-building with local, national, regional and global actors and organizations.
Sustainable development
Ensuring all economic, cultural and environmental activities contribute to sustainable development, food security and income generation, while respecting the self-determination and self-government of Afro-descendant communities.
Education and training
Carrying out training for women and empowering them to carry out women’s rights advocacy in different political, social and economic spaces.
Aïssata Kane, surnommée affectueusement “Yaye Kadia” (Mère Kadia), a de tout temps été une féministe engagée dans la défense des droits des femmes africaines, et particulièrement mauritaniennes.
Au cours de sa carrière politique, en 1975, elle fut nommée ministre de la protection de la famille et des affaires sociales et travailla avec ardeur à l’amélioration du statut des femmes dans son pays; c’était la première fois qu'une femme occupait un tel poste.
Ce travail consista notamment à promouvoir l’éducation des filles et des femmes, à lutter contre la pratique du gavage sur les jeunes femmes, à faire pression pour l’inclusion d’une disposition sur les droits maritaux et à plaider en faveur de la création d’un quota de représentation féminine au Parlement.
“[Aïssata] a réalisé toutes ses passions avec humilité, courage et détermination. Elle ne voulait déranger personne avec ce combat qu’elle menait sur tous les fronts à la fois.” Ball Halimata Dem, la nièce d’Aïssata
Ayant fondé l'Union nationale des femmes de Mauritanie (UNFM), elle avait cocréé et publié pour elles le magazine Marienou, dédié à l’émancipation des femmes mauritaniennes. Aïssata dirigea également plusieurs organisations sous-régionales et locales, notamment en tant que présidente de l'Association internationale des femmes francophones (AIFF) et, en écologiste résolue, fut présidente de l'Association pour la protection de l'environnement en Mauritanie (APEM).
En 2018, on lui décerna le Prix de la Femme africaine pionnière. Ce prix honore son engagement à faire progresser le statut de la femme en Mauritanie et reconnaît son grand leadership et son sens de l'innovation.
Despite their rigidity in matters of doctrine and worldview, anti-rights actors have demonstrated an openness to building new kinds of strategic alliances, to new organizing techniques, and to new forms of rhetoric. As a result, their power in international spaces has increased.
There has been a notable evolution in the strategies of ultra conservative actors operating at this level. They do not only attempt to tinker at the edges of agreements and block certain language, but to transform the framework conceptually and develop alternative standards and norms, and avenues for influence.
Strategy 1: Training of UN delegates
Ultra conservative actors work to create and sustain their relationships with State delegates through regular training opportunities - such as the yearly Global Family Policy Forum - and targeted training materials.
These regular trainings and resources systematically brief delegates on talking points and negotiating techniques to further collaboration towards anti-rights objectives in the human rights system. Delegates also receive curated compilations of ‘consensus language’ and references to pseudo-scientific or statistical information to bolster their arguments.
The consolidated transmission of these messages explains in part why State delegates who take ultra-conservative positions in international human rights debates frequently do so in contradiction with their own domestic legislation and policies.
Strategy 2: Holding international convenings
Anti-rights actors’ regional and international web of meetings help create closer links between ultra conservative Civil Society Organizations (CSOs), States and State blocs, and powerful intergovernmental bodies. The yearly international World Congress of Families is one key example.
These convenings reinforce personal connections and strategic alliances, a key element for building and sustaining movements. They facilitate transnational, trans-religious and dynamic relationship-building around shared issues and interests, which leads to a more proactive approach and more holistic sets of asks at the international policy level on the part of anti-rights actors.
Strategy 3: Placing reservations on human rights agreements
States and State blocs have historically sought to undermine international consensus or national accountability under international human rights norms through reservations to human rights agreements, threatening the universal applicability of human rights.
The Convention on the Elimination of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW) has received by far the most reservations, most of which are based on alleged conflict with religious law. It is well-established international human rights law that evocations of tradition, culture or religion cannot justify violations of human rights, and many reservations to CEDAW are invalid as they are “incompatible with the object and purpose” of CEDAW. Nevertheless, reference to these reservations is continually used by States to dodge their human rights responsibilities.
‘Reservations’ to UN documents and agreements that are not formal treaties - such as Human Rights Council and General Assembly resolutions - are also on the rise.
Strategy 4: Creating a parallel human rights framework
In an alarming development, regressive actors at the UN have begun to co-opt existing rights standards and campaign to develop agreed language that is deeply anti-rights.
The aim is to create and then propagate language in international human rights spaces that validates patriarchal, hierarchical, discriminatory, and culturally relativist norms.
One step towards this end is the drafting of declarative texts, such as the World Family Declaration and the San Jose Articles, that pose as soft human rights law. Sign-ons are gathered from multiple civil society, state, and institutional actors; and they are then used a basis for advocacy and lobbying.
Strategy 5: Developing alternative ‘scientific’ sources
As part of a strategic shift towards the use of non-religious discourses, anti-rights actors have significantly invested in their own ‘social science’ think tanks. Given oxygen by the growing conservative media, materials from these think tanks are then widely disseminated by conservative civil society groups. The same materials are used as the basis for advocacy at the international human rights level.
While the goals and motivation of conservative actors derive from their extreme interpretations of religion, culture, and tradition, such regressive arguments are often reinforced through studies that claim intellectual authority. A counter-discourse is thus produced through a heady mix of traditionalist doctrine and social science.
Strategy 6: Mobilizing Youth
This is one of the most effective strategies employed by the religious right and represents a major investment in the future of anti-rights organizing.
Youth recruitment and leadership development, starting at the local level with churches and campuses, are a priority for many conservative actors engaged at the international policy level.
This strategy has allowed for infiltration of youth-specific spaces at the United Nations, including at the Commission on the Status of Women, and creates a strong counterpoint to progressive youth networks and organizations.
Key anti-rights strategies
Strategy 7: Defunding and delegitimizing human rights mechanisms
When it comes to authoritative expert mechanisms like the UN Special Procedures and Treaty Monitoring Bodies and operative bodies like the UN agencies, regressive groups realize their potential for influence is much lower than with political mechanisms[1].
In response, anti-rights groups spread the idea that UN agencies are ‘overstepping their mandate,’ that the CEDAW Committee and other Treaty Bodies have no authority to interpret their treaties, or that Special Procedures are partisan experts working outside of their mandate. Anti-rights groups have also successfully lobbied for the defunding of agencies such as the United Nations Population Fund (UNFPA).
This invalidation of UN mechanisms gives fuel to state impunity. Governments, when under international scrutiny, can defend their action on the basis that the reviewing mechanism is itself faulty or overreaching.
Strategy 8: Organizing online
Conservative non-state actors increasingly invest in social media and other online platforms to promote their activities, campaign, and widely share information from international human rights spaces.
The Spanish organization CitizenGo, for example, markets itself as the conservative version of Change.org, spearheading petitions and letter-writing campaigns. One recent petition, opposing the establishment of a UN international day on safe abortion, gathered over 172,000 signatures.
Overarching Trends:
Learning from the organizing strategies of feminists and other progressives.
Replicating and adapting successful national-level tactics for the international sphere.
Moving from an emphasis on ‘symbolic protest’ to becoming subversive system ‘insiders.’
By understanding the strategies employed by anti-rights actors, we can be more effective in countering them.
[1] The fora that are state-led, like the General Assembly, the Human Rights Council, and UN conferences like the Commission on the Status of Women and the Commission on Population and Development
Paseando por el barrio del Raval en Barcelona, puede que te encuentres con Metzineres, una cooperativa feminista por y para mujerxs que consumen drogas y que sobreviven múltiples situaciones de vulnerabilidad.
Imagínate un lugar libre de estigma, donde lxs mujerxs puedan consumir drogas de manera segura. Un lugar que brinda seguridad, apoyo y acompañamiento a mujerxs cuyos derechos son sistemáticamente vulnerados por la guerra contra las drogas y que sufren violencia, discriminacion y represión como consecuencia.
Justo afuera de la entrada, lxs transeúntes y visitantes son recibidxs con una enorme pizarra que describe consejos, trucos, deseos y dibujos de personas que usan drogas. También hay un calendario que cuenta con una serie de actividades auto-gestionadas por la comunidad de Metzineres. Ya sean talleres de peluquería y cosmética, radio, teatro, comidas comunales ofrecidas a la comunidad o clases de defensa personal, ¡siempre hay algo que hacer!
La cooperativa proporciona sitios de consumo seguros, así como servicios que cubren las necesidades básicas de las personas. Hay camas, espacios de almacenamiento, duchas, baños, lavadoras y una pequeña terraza al aire libre donde la gente puede relajarse o hacer un poco de jardinería.
Metzineres opera dentro de un marco de reducción de daños, que intenta reducir las consecuencias negativas del uso de drogas. Pero la reducción de daños es mucho más que un conjunto de prácticas: es una política anclada en la justicia social, la dignidad y los derechos de las personas que consumen drogas.
Barbara Allimadi was a political and human rights activist from Uganda. In 2012, she co-organized a protest against a televised police assault of Ingrid Turinawe, an opposition politician who had her breast squeezed by a police officer.
During the protest, Barbara, along with other fellow activists stripped to their bras in front of the Central Police Station in Kampala. This came to be known as the infamous ‘bra protest’ in Uganda.
“We settled on the bra protest. We thought it would be most appropriate for what had happened. It’s not like we were saying we don’t respect ourselves. We were disgusted by what had been done.” - Barbara Allimadi, 2013 (Daily Monitor)
With a Degree in Electronics and Communications Engineering from the London Metropolitan University, Barbara was a network engineer in the United Kingdom and an avid fan of reggae music. She returned to Uganda In 2007, when her mother passed away.
In 2019, she was appointed Coordinator for International and Diaspora Affairs at the Alliance for National Transformation (ANT), a political party launched that year by an opposition leader.
“We want security of life and property, not pain, injury and even death at the hands of security forces who are meant to protect us. Most importantly, we want a stable and enabling environment where we can realize our dreams and aspirations.” - Barbara Allimadi, ANT video
Barbara passed away on 27 April 2020.
Tributes:
“I was so proud of my sister for many things but in particular her fearless pursuit of peace, democracy, justice and equality in Uganda. At the height of her activism she led many marches on the streets of Kampala, to police stations, and Parliament.” - Doris Allimadi, Barbara’s sister
“It is with deep sadness that we have learnt of the untimely passing of Barbara Allimadi. She has been a valiant, relentless and courageous force for the liberation movement of Uganda. Our deepest condolences to her family. She will be sorely missed.” - Akina Mama wa Afrika (tweet on 28 April 2020)
“The passing on of Barbara is so sad for us and her entire family. She dedicated herself to fighting for justice, freedom and rights of others while serving in the civil society until she recently joined us at the party.” Maj Gen Mugisha Muntu, ANT national coordinator
“A beautiful, charming, funny, charismatic and inspirational sister. My children lost their aunty. Uganda lost a brave and courageous freedom fighter. Barbara once said, ‘As long as there is still breath in you, keep working towards your dreams.’” - Doris Allimadi, Barbara’s sister
