
Nadine Shams

WHRDs are self-identified women and lesbian, bisexual, transgender, queer and intersex (LBTQI) people and others who defend rights and are subject to gender-specific risks and threats due to their human rights work and/or as a direct consequence of their gender identity or sexual orientation.
WHRDs are subject to systematic violence and discrimination due to their identities and unyielding struggles for rights, equality and justice.
The WHRD Program collaborates with international and regional partners as well as the AWID membership to raise awareness about these risks and threats, advocate for feminist and holistic measures of protection and safety, and actively promote a culture of self-care and collective well being in our movements.
WHRDs are exposed to the same types of risks that all other defenders who defend human rights, communities, and the environment face. However, they are also exposed to gender-based violence and gender-specific risks because they challenge existing gender norms within their communities and societies.
We work collaboratively with international and regional networks and our membership
We aim to contribute to a safer world for WHRDs, their families and communities. We believe that action for rights and justice should not put WHRDs at risk; it should be appreciated and celebrated.
Promoting collaboration and coordination among human rights and women’s rights organizations at the international level to strengthen responses concerning safety and wellbeing of WHRDs.
Supporting regional networks of WHRDs and their organizations, such as the Mesoamerican Initiative for WHRDs and the WHRD Middle East and North Africa Coalition, in promoting and strengthening collective action for protection - emphasizing the establishment of solidarity and protection networks, the promotion of self-care, and advocacy and mobilization for the safety of WHRDs;
Increasing the visibility and recognition of WHRDs and their struggles, as well as the risks that they encounter by documenting the attacks that they face, and researching, producing, and disseminating information on their struggles, strategies, and challenges:
Mobilizing urgent responses of international solidarity for WHRDs at risk through our international and regional networks, and our active membership.
« Ma mission dans la vie n'est pas simplement de survivre, mais de prospérer; et de le faire avec un peu de passion, un peu de compassion, un peu d'humour et un peu de style. »
Le Forum international de l'AWID est à la fois un événement communautaire mondial et un espace de transformation personnelle radicale. Unique en son genre, le Forum rassemble les mouvements féministes, de défense des droits des femmes, de justice de genre, LBTQI+ et leurs allié.e.s dans toute leur diversité et leur humanité, afin qu'elles.ils se connectent, se soignent et s'épanouissent. Le Forum est un lieu où les féministes du Sud et les communautés historiquement marginalisées occupent le devant de la scène, élaborant des stratégies entre elles et avec les mouvements de justice sociale, afin de modifier le pouvoir, de créer des alliances stratégiques et d'ouvrir la voie à un monde différent et meilleur.
Lorsque les gens se rassemblent à l'échelle mondiale, en tant qu'individus et en tant que mouvements, nous générons une force considérable. Rejoignez-nous à Bangkok, en Thaïlande, en 2024. Venez danser, chanter, rêver et vous élever avec nous.
Quand : du 2 au 5 décembre 2024
Où : Bangkok, Thaïlande; et en ligne
Qui : Environ 2 500 féministes du monde entier participant en personne, et 3 000 participant virtuellement
An economic system in which production and consumption patterns are based on profit using privately owned capital goods and wage labour. The system builds on individual wealth and capital accumulation at the lowest cost to the investor, with little regard for the societal costs and exploitation of the workforce - both paid and unpaid.
The conversion of land and activities related to it (like agriculture) into commodities that can be bought or sold for profit.
Institutions (like the World Bank, International Monetary Fund, or regional development banks) that provide loans to countries lacking sufficient money to cover funding shortfalls or to finance development projects. Historically, the lending policies of these institutions have been determined by economically powerful Western countries and private enterprises. Loans to low-income countries in particular typically include conditionalities that prompt economic reforms in these countries to support neo-liberalism.
A set of economic and political theories in which market forces, rather than governments, determine key aspects of the economy with governments acting to support globalized markets and the interests of capital. Neo-liberal economic policies typically include promotion of free trade, privatisation, reduced government spending on social programs, subsidies and tax exemptions for business, deregulation of financial sector and foreign investments, low taxes on the wealthy and corporations, flexible labour and weak environmental protection.
Refers to systemic and institutionalized male domination embedded in and perpetuated by cultural, political, economic and social structures and ideologies. Hetero-patriarchy in addition, is a patriarchal system that is also based on the belief that heterosexuality is the only normal and acceptable sexual orientation.
avec Naike Ledan et Fédorah Pierre-Louis
Le thème du Forum − S'élever ensemble − est une invitation à nous engager avec tout notre être, à nous connecter les un.e.s aux autres de manière ciblée, bienveillante et courageuse, afin que nous puissions sentir le battement de cœur des mouvements mondiaux et nous élever ensemble pour relever les défis de notre époque.
Les mouvements féministes, de défense des droits des femmes, de justice basée sur le genre, LBTQI+ et autres mouvements apparentés du monde entier se trouvent à un tournant décisif, confrontés à un puissant revers/recul sur les droits et libertés précédemment acquis. Ces dernières années ont été marquées par la montée rapide des autoritarismes, la répression violente de la société civile et la criminalisation des femmes et des défenseuses.eurs des droits humains, l'escalade des guerres et des conflits dans de nombreuses régions du monde, la perpétuation des injustices économiques et les crises sanitaires, écologiques et climatiques qui s'entrecroisent.
Nos mouvements sont ébranlés et, en même temps, ils cherchent à construire et à maintenir la force et le courage nécessaires pour le travail à venir. Nous ne pouvons pas faire ce travail seul.e.s, dans nos bulles. La connexion et la guérison sont essentielles pour transformer les déséquilibres de pouvoir persistants et les lignes de faille au sein de nos propres mouvements. Nous devons travailler et élaborer des stratégies de manière interconnectée, afin de pouvoir prospérer ensemble. Le Forum de l'AWID favorise cet ingrédient vital qu'est l'interconnexion dans la pérennité, la croissance et l'influence transformatrice de l'organisation féministe à l'échelle mondiale.
We are witnessing an unprecedented level of engagement of anti-rights actors in international human rights spaces. To bolster their impact and amplify their voices, anti-rights actors increasingly engage in tactical alliance building across sectors, regional and national borders, and faiths.
This “unholy alliance” of traditionalist actors from Catholic, Evangelical, Mormon, Russian Orthodox and Muslim faith backgrounds have found common cause in a number of shared talking points and advocacy efforts attempting to push back against feminist and sexual rights gains at the international level.
Key activities: As the government of the Roman Catholic Church, the “Holy See” uses its unique status as Permanent Observer state at the UN to lobby for conservative, patriarchal, and heteronormative notions of womanhood, gender identities and “the family”, and to propagate policies that are anti-abortion and -contraception
Based in: Vatican City, Rome, Italy.
Religious affiliations: Catholic
Connections to other anti-rights actors: US Christian Right groups; interfaith orthodox alliances; Catholic CSOs
Key activities: Self-described as the “collective voice of the Muslim world”, the OIC acts as a bloc of states in UN spaces. The OIC attempts to create loopholes in human rights protection through references to religion, culture, or national sovereignty; propagates the concept of the “traditional family”; and contributes to a parallel but restrictive human rights regime (e.g. the 1990 Cairo Declaration on Human Rights in Islam).
Based in: Jeddah, Saudi Arabia
Religious affiliations: Muslim
Connections to other anti-rights actors: Ultra conservative State missions to the UN, such as Russia
Key activities: International and regional conferences; research and knowledge-production and dissemination; lobbying at the United Nations “to defend life, faith and family”
Based in: Rockford, Illinois, U.S.
Religious affiliation: Predominantly Catholic and Christian Evangelical
Connections to other anti-rights actors: Sutherland Institute, a conservative think-tank; the Church of Latter-Day Saints; the Russian Orthodox Church’s Department of Family and Life; the anti-abortion Catholic Priests for Life; the Foundation for African Culture and Heritage; the Polish Federation of Pro-Life Movements; the European Federation of Catholic Family Associations; the UN NGO Committee on the Family; and the Political Network for Values; the Georgian Demographic Society; parliamentarians from Poland and Moldova, etc; FamilyPolicy; the Russian Institute for Strategic Studies; and HatzeOir; C-Fam; among others
Key activities: Lobbying at the United Nations, particularly the Commission of the Status of Women to “defend life and family”; media and information-dissemination (Friday Fax newsletter); movement building; trainings for conservative activists
Based in: New York and Washington D.C., U.S.
Religious affiliations: Catholic
Connections to other anti-rights actors: International Youth Coalition; World Youth Alliance; Human Life International; the Holy See; coordinates the Civil Society for the Family; the Family Research Council (U.S.) and other Christian/Catholic anti-rights CSOs; United States CSW delegation
Key activities: Lobbying in international human rights spaces for “the family” and anti-LGBTQ and anti-CSE policies; training of civil society and state delegates (for example, ‘The Resource Guide to UN Consensus Language on Family Issues’); information dissemination; knowledge production and analysis; online campaigns
Based in: Gilbert, Arizona, U.S.
Religious affiliations: Mormon
Connections to other anti-rights actors: leader of the UN Family Rights Caucus; C-Fam; Jews Offering New Alternatives to Homosexuality (JONAH); the National Association for Research and Therapy of Homosexuality (NARTH); World Congress of Families; CitizenGo; Magdalen Institute; Asociación La Familia Importa; Group of Friends of the Family (25 state bloc)
Key activities: Advocacy in international policy spaces including the United Nations, the European Union, and the Organization of American States for “the family”, against sexual and reproductive rights; training youth members in the use of diplomacy and negotiation, international relations, grassroots activities and message development; internship program to encourage youth participation in its work; regular Emerging Leaders Conference; knowledge production and dissemination
Based in: New York City (U.S.) with regional chapter offices in Nairobi (Kenya), Quezon City (The Philippines), Brussels (Belgium), Mexico City (Mexico), and Beirut (Lebanon)
Religious affiliations: primarily Catholic but aims for interfaith membership
Connections to other anti-rights actors: C-Fam; Human Life International; the Holy See; Campaign Life coalition
Key Activities: The Russian Orthodox Church (ROC), capitalizing on its close links to the Russian state, has operated as a “norm entrepreneur” in human rights debates. Russia and the ROC have co-opted rights language to push for a focus on “morality” and “traditional values” as supposed key sources of human rights. Russia led a series of “traditional values” resolutions at the Human Rights Council and has been at the forefront of putting forward hostile amendments to progressive resolutions in areas including maternal mortality, protection of civil society space, and the right to peaceful protest.
Connections to other anti-rights actors: Organization of Islamic Cooperation; Eastern European and Caucasus Orthodox churches, e.g. Georgian Orthodox Church; U.S. Christian Right including U.S. Evangelicals; World Congress of Families; Group of Friends of the Family (state bloc)
Le 2 septembre 2021, les géniales féministes et activistes pour la justice sociale du festival de l’AWID Crear | Résister | Transform se sont retrouvées, non seulement pour mettre en commun leurs stratégies de résistance, cocréer et transformer le monde, mais également pour parler crûment sur Twitter.
Nana Darkoa Sekyiamah, cofondatrice du blog Adventures From The Bedrooms of African Women et autrice de The Sex Lives of African Women, menait l’exercice, épaulée par la plateforme numérique panafricaine womanist queer AfroFemHub, pour poser la question suivante : Comment pouvons-nous, de manière sûre et consensuelle, explorer notre plaisir, nos désirs et nos fantasmes par textos?
Je pense que c’est une question de très haute importance, parce qu’elle porte sur la question plus large de la navigation en ligne selon un point de vue féministe. Avec le capitalisme, le langage autour des corps et du sexe peut être déshumanisant et perturbant, et aborder le plaisir sexuel sur le numérique peut sembler devoir prendre une tournure performative. Donc, trouver des manières d’examiner comment nous faisons part de notre désir, qu’elles soient à la fois affirmatives et enthousiastes, peut repousser les modèles dominants de présentation et de consommation, et se réapproprier ces espaces comme autant de lieux d’un engagement authentique, prouvant que les sextos devraient tous être justement ça : féministes.
En outre, permettre aux conversations féministes d’incarner leur côté ludique dans les conversations en ligne contribue à recadrer le récit populaire selon lequel les interventions féministes sont tristes et austères. Mais nous le savons bien : s’amuser fait partie de notre politique, et est inhérent à ce qu’être féministe veut dire.
À l’aide du mot-dièse #SextLikeAFeminist des universitaires et des activistes du monde entier se sont donné rendez-vous pour partager leurs tweets féministes les plus affamés, et voici mes dix favoris.
Comme ces tweets le montrent, sextoter comme une féministe est à la fois sexy, drôle – et chaud. Mais sans jamais perdre de vue son engagement en faveur de l’équité et de la justice.
يمكنك أن تتوقع جميع المواد الأساسية لورش العمل والعروض التقديمية: اللوحات الورقية، والأقلام والملاحظات اللاصقة، بالإضافة إلى أجهزة العرض والمعدات السمعية والبصرية. أي مواد إضافية تقع على عاتق منظمي/ات النشاط. سيكون الفريق اللوجستي التابع لجمعية حقوق المرأة في التنمية متاحًا للإجابة على الأسئلة وتقديم المشورة.
Ressources en soutien aux mouvements féministes, aux décideur·euse·s et aux allié·e·s pour résister aux tendances antidroits.
Este modelo económico explota desenfrenadamente la naturaleza e intensifica las desigualdades norte, donde sus grandes corporaciones se benefician y sur, de donde extraen los recursos.
Lee nuestro reporte de INDUSTRIAS EXTRACTIVAS
Hay alternativas sostenibles para el medioambiente y los derechos humanos de la mujer.
As these tweets show, it turns out that sexting like a feminist is sexy, funny – and horny. Yet, it never loses sight of its commitment to equity and justice.