Women Human Rights Defenders
WHRDs are self-identified women and lesbian, bisexual, transgender, queer and intersex (LBTQI) people and others who defend rights and are subject to gender-specific risks and threats due to their human rights work and/or as a direct consequence of their gender identity or sexual orientation.
WHRDs are subject to systematic violence and discrimination due to their identities and unyielding struggles for rights, equality and justice.
The WHRD Program collaborates with international and regional partners as well as the AWID membership to raise awareness about these risks and threats, advocate for feminist and holistic measures of protection and safety, and actively promote a culture of self-care and collective well being in our movements.
Risks and threats targeting WHRDs
WHRDs are exposed to the same types of risks that all other defenders who defend human rights, communities, and the environment face. However, they are also exposed to gender-based violence and gender-specific risks because they challenge existing gender norms within their communities and societies.
By defending rights, WHRDs are at risk of:
- Physical assault and death
- Intimidation and harassment, including in online spaces
- Judicial harassment and criminalization
- Burnout
A collaborative, holistic approach to safety
We work collaboratively with international and regional networks and our membership
- to raise awareness about human rights abuses and violations against WHRDs and the systemic violence and discrimination they experience
- to strengthen protection mechanisms and ensure more effective and timely responses to WHRDs at risk
We work to promote a holistic approach to protection which includes:
- emphasizing the importance of self-care and collective well being, and recognizing that what care and wellbeing mean may differ across cultures
- documenting the violations targeting WHRDs using a feminist intersectional perspective;
- promoting the social recognition and celebration of the work and resilience of WHRDs ; and
- building civic spaces that are conducive to dismantling structural inequalities without restrictions or obstacles
Our Actions
We aim to contribute to a safer world for WHRDs, their families and communities. We believe that action for rights and justice should not put WHRDs at risk; it should be appreciated and celebrated.
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Promoting collaboration and coordination among human rights and women’s rights organizations at the international level to strengthen responses concerning safety and wellbeing of WHRDs.
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Supporting regional networks of WHRDs and their organizations, such as the Mesoamerican Initiative for WHRDs and the WHRD Middle East and North Africa Coalition, in promoting and strengthening collective action for protection - emphasizing the establishment of solidarity and protection networks, the promotion of self-care, and advocacy and mobilization for the safety of WHRDs;
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Increasing the visibility and recognition of WHRDs and their struggles, as well as the risks that they encounter by documenting the attacks that they face, and researching, producing, and disseminating information on their struggles, strategies, and challenges:
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Mobilizing urgent responses of international solidarity for WHRDs at risk through our international and regional networks, and our active membership.
Related Content
Snippet FEA Union Otras (ES)
SINDICATO OTRAS
La Organización Sindical de Trabajadoras del Sexo (OTRAS) es el primer sindicato de trabajadoras del sexo de la historia de España. Nació de la necesidad de garantizar los derechos sociales, legales y políticos de las trabajadoras sexuales en un país donde los movimientos de extrema derecha están cada vez más fuertes.
Después de años de luchas contra el sistema legal español y los grupos abolicionistas del trabajo sexual que solicitaron su cierre, OTRAS finalmente obtuvo su estatus legal como sindicato en 2021.
¿Su objetivo? Despenalizar el trabajo sexual y garantizar condiciones y entornos de trabajo dignos para todxs lxs trabajadorxs sexuales.
El sindicato representa a más de 600 trabajadorxs sexualxs, muchxs de lxs cuales son inmigrantes, racializadxs y sexo/genero disidentes.
Our values - bodily autonomy
Autonomía corporal, integridad y libertades
Celebramos el derecho de todas las personas a elegir sus identidades, relaciones, metas, trabajos, sueños y placeres, y lo que hacen con su mente, cuerpo y espíritu. Trabajamos por el acceso a los recursos, a la información, y a ambientes seguros y habilitantes que permitan que esto suceda.
كيف ستعرضون وتعالجون المعطيات التي ستجمعونها في الاستطلاع؟
سيتم جمع المعطيات لأهداف إحصائية لتسليط الضوء على وضع التمويل للحركات النسوية العالمية وسيتم عرضها فقط بشكل إجمالي. لن تنشر AWID المعلومات عن اي منظمة محددة ولن تعرض أي من المعلومات التي ستمكّن من التعرّف على منظمة عن طريق موقعها أو صفاتها دون موافقة المنظمة.
Yelena Grigoriyeva
Yelena Grigoriyeva, que ses ami·e·s appelaient souvent Lena, était une défenseure connue des droits des personnes LGBT en Russie.
Membre de mouvements démocratiques, pacifistes et LGBT, Yelena était une féroce opposante au président Vladimir Poutine et son administration. Elle a notamment exprimé son opposition à l’annexion de la péninsule ukrainienne de la Crimée par la Russie ainsi que critiqué les mauvais traitements infligés aux détenu·e·s.
Yelena a fait part de sa bisexualité en 2019.
« Sa déclaration m’a surprise et je ne l’approuvais pas. Je lui ai dit : « Écoute, Lena, tu portes déjà une cible sur la poitrine du fait de ton activisme politique. Tu viens de t’en peindre une autre dans le dos », Olga Smirnova, compagne de lutte politique et amie.
Yelena a effectivement reçu plusieurs menaces de mort, et des proches ont déclaré que son nom figurait sur un site Web homophobe qui incitait ses visiteur·euse·s à tuer les personnes LGBT. Elle a fait part de ces menaces à la police, mais l’État russe ne l’a pas protégée.
Mais même dans une société où l’opposition politique, les activistes et les membres de la communauté LGBT, qui se battent pour leurs droits, font face à une violence croissante, Yelena continuait à défendre la justice sociale et l’égalité.
« Elle ne manquait pas une seule action militante. Et ils l’ont arrêtée plus de fois que je n’ai pu en compter », Olga Smirnova.
Yelena a été assassinée le 21 juillet 2019, à proximité de chez elle. Un suspect a été arrêté, mais certaines sources et plusieurs de ses ami·e·s et compagnes et compagnons de lutte pensent que ce suspect sert de bouc émissaire, et qu’en fait, il s’agit d’un assassinat politique ciblé.
Pour la famille et les ami·e·s de Yelena, son assassinat demeure irrésolu, bien que le suspect ait avoué.
En 2013, la Russie a passé une loi interdisant la propagation de ce qu’elle a appelé la « propagande gay ». En 2014, Human Rights Watch a publié un rapport à ce propos (en anglais et en russe).
Why did AWID choose Taipei as the location for the Forum?
AWID spent close to two years working to identify a Forum location in the Asia Pacific region (the Forum location rotates regions).
Building on initial desk research and consultations with allies that led us to rule out many other options in the region, we organized a thorough round of site visits to Nepal, Malaysia, Sri Lanka, Thailand, Indonesia and (later) Taiwan.
Each site visit included not just scoping the logistical infrastructure but meeting with local feminist groups and activists to better understand the context, and their sense of potential opportunities and risks of an AWID forum in their context.
In our site visits, we found incredibly vibrant, diverse local feminist movements.
They often expressed conflicted feelings about the opportunities and risk that the visibility of an event like the Forum could bring to them. In one, during the first 30 minutes of our meeting we heard unanimously from the activists gathered that an AWID Forum would be subject to huge backlash, that LGBTQ rights were a particular political hot-button and that fundamentalist groups would turn out in full force to interrupt the event. When our response was “ok, then you don’t feel it’s a good idea”, again the unanimous response was “of course it is, we want to change the narrative!”.
It was difficult to hear and see in some of these places how many feminist activists wanted to leverage the opportunity of a visible big event and were prepared to face the local risks; but our considerations as hosts of close to 2,000 people from around the world impose a different calculation of risk and feasibility.
We also grappled with questions of what it means to organize a feminist forum that is aligned to principles around inclusion, reciprocity and self-determination, when state policy and practice is usually directly counter to that (although officials in the ministries of Tourism work very hard to smooth that over).
We weighed considerations of infrastructure, with potential opportunity to tip momentum on some national level feminist agendas, and national political context.
In many of these places, monitoring the context felt like an exercise on a pendulum that could swing from open and safe for feminist debates in one moment to stark repression and xenophobia the next, sacrificing feminist priorities as political bargaining chips to pacify right wing, anti-rights forces.
The process has been a sobering reflection on the incredibly challenging context for women’s rights and gender justice activism globally.
Our challenges in Asia Pacific led us to consider: would it be easier if we moved the Forum to a different region? Yet today, we would not be able to organize an AWID Forum in Istanbul as we did in 2012; nor would we be able to do one in Brazil as we did in 2016.
With all of this complexity, AWID selected Taipei as the Forum location because:
- It offers a moderate degree of stability and safety for the diversity of Forum participants we will convene.
- it also has strong logistical capacities, and is accessible for many travellers (with a facilitated e-visa process for international conferences).
- The local feminist movement is welcoming of the Forum and keen to engage with feminists from across the globe.
In organizing the AWID Forum, we are trying to build and hold space as best we can for the diverse expressions of solidarity, outrage, hope and inspiration that are at the core of feminist movements.
At this moment, we see Taipei as the location in the Asia Pacific region that will best allow us to build that safe and rebelious space for our global feminist community.
The fact is, there is no ideal location in today’s world for a Forum that centers Feminist Realities. Wherever we go, we must build that space together!
Snippet FEA Union Otras Photo 4 (FR)

Membership why page - Angelina Mootoo quote
En rejoignant l’AWID, j’espère pouvoir contribuer à la mobilisation du mouvement féministe. Pas seulement pour les femmes privilégiées, mais pour TOUTES les femmes et activistes féministes..- Angelina Mootoo, féministe intersectionnelle et caribéenne, Guyane/USA
Catherine Han Montoya
Сколько ответов на опрос вы хотели бы получить?
Мы стремимся в общей сложности получить 2000 ответов, что почти вдвое больше, чем в последнем опросе, проведенном в 2011 году.
Nadyn Jouny
The personal is political - and fiery and courageous Nadyn Jouny personified this feminist mantra. Nadyn experienced firsthand the pain of structural violence in legal systems that strip women of their rights.
When she decided to file for divorce, the religious Shitte courts under the Lebanese Personal Status laws, denied her custody of her young son Karam. Nadyn, like so many other women across Lebanon and other countries, was caught in the impossible pain of leaving an unwanted and abusive relationship and also losing the rights to her child. But Nadyn fought back, as she would until her last day.
She used her media savvy to become an outspoken voice to women fighting discriminatory family laws in Lebanon and internationally. Nadyn co-founded the self-funded group, “Protecting Lebanese Women” (PLW) and banded with many other Lebanese mothers facing similar custody issues. Together, they advocated to raise awareness of the injustices they were facing, protesting in front of the religious courts for their rights and bringing international media attention to extreme injustices they were facing.
Nadyn also worked with ABAAD - Resource Center for Gender Equality, another women’s rights organization in Lebanon, to campaign for women’s rights, equality in family law and custody and against forced and early marriages.
For many of her colleagues, she came to “symbolize a Lebanese mother’s fight against suppression and misogyny of all sorts," using “her personal experiences and her individual journey of empowerment to give hope to others that they can be a catalyst for positive change.”- ABAAD - Resource Centre for Gender Equality, Lebanon
On October 6, 2019 Nadyn was tragically killed in a car accident on her way to protest unfair tax increases in a country already facing spiralling financial crisis. Nadyn Jouny was only 29 years old at the time of her death.
Вместе под Зонтом: Феминизм и Права Секс-Работниц/ков
Ассоциация «Права женщин в развитии» и Фонд «Красный зонт» приглашают Вас принять участие в диспуте-семинаре на тему феминизма и секс-работы.
Вместе под Зонтом: Феминизм и Права Секс-Работниц/ков

10 ноября 2020г. в 14:00 по UTC (сверьтесь с вашим местным временем)
В рамках данной сессии, сотрудницы (-ки) Ассоциации «Права женщин в развитии» будут делиться своими знаниями и опытом работы в условиях виртуального общения. Мы поговорим об основных сложностях и интерсекциональности в работе секс-работниц (-ков) и феминисток (-ов).
Подумайте над своими вопросами!
Для участниц (-ков) будет предоставлен перевод на испанский, французский и русский языки.
Спикеры

Кей Тхи Вин
Кей Тхи является секс-работницей и с 2007 года лоббирует вопросы здоровья и прав секс-работниц (-ков). За последние девять лет она участвовала в программе по предупреждению ВИЧ среди женщин, работающих в секс-индустрии, и мужчин, имеющих половые связи с мужчинами, в Мьянме. В настоящее время Кей Тхи является региональной координаторкой Азиатско-Тихоокеанской сети секс-работниц (-ков) (АТССР) и работает с партнерами по всему Азиатско-Тихоокеанскому региону.

Гитанджали Мишра
Гитанджали является соосновательницей и исполнительной директоркой организации CREA (Нью-Дели). Она феминистка и любительница кино, работала по вопросам сексуальности, репродуктивного здоровья, гендера, прав человека и насилия в отношении женщин на различных уровнях - в качестве активистки, грантодательницы и на директивном уровне.
Вера Родригез

Вера присоединилась к фонду «Красный зонт» в августе 2017 года в качестве сотрудницы по программам. Вера родилась в Испании, где окончила факультет журналистики Университета Сан Пабло в Валенсии. Последние 7 лет она является активной участницей организации «X-talk», очень вовлечена в работу Коллектива Стриптизерш (-ров) Восточного Лондона, а также является участницей съемочной группы «Опера секс-работниц (-ков)».
Заинтересованы в том, чтобы вскоре стать частью этого диспут-семинарa и других обучения?!
Snippet FEA Principles of Work S4 (EN)

HORIZONTALITY
“Where is the Money for Women’s Rights?" AWID’s WITM Toolkit (landing page intro)
A new edition of the Where is the Money? research is underway.
Learn more.A Do-it-Yourself Research Methodology
AWID offers the WITM Toolkit to support individuals and organizations who want to conduct their own research on funding trends for a particular region, issue or population by adapting AWID’s research methodology.
AWID’s WITM Toolkit builds on 10 years research experience. AWID’s WITM research and WITM Toolkit is a political and practical demonstration of the resources and steps it takes to conduct solid action-research.
Learn more about the context around the WITM research methodology
The Resourcing Feminist Movements team also offers technical and political support before and during the research process. Review the toolkit and contact us at fundher@awid.org if you need more information.
Grace Mann
Snippet - WITM Our objectives - PT
Os nossos objetivos da pesquisa WITM:
1 |
Fornecer a membres da AWID, parceires do movimento e financiadores uma análise atualizada, robusta, baseada em fatos e orientada para a ação das realidades do financiamento de movimentos feministas e do estado atual do ecossistema do financiamento feminista. |
2 |
Identificar e demonstrar oportunidades para transferir mais recursos de maior qualidade para a organização feminista, expor soluções falsas e interromper tendências que fazem com que o financiamento não seja bem-sucedido e/ou se mova contra a justiça de género e objetivos feministas interseccionais. |
3 |
Articular visões, propostas e objetivos feministas para a justiça no financiamento. |
Doris Valenzuela Angulo
Doris Valenzuela Angulo fue una activista social afrodescendiente, líder y defensora de los derechos humanos, de Buenaventura, Colombia. Fue parte de Comunidades Construyendo Paz en los Territorios (CONPAZ), una red nacional de organizaciones de comunidades afectadas por el conflicto armado que propugnan la no violencia y la justicia socioambiental.
Doris desafiaba la constante violencia paramilitar y las presiones de los megaproyectos para desplazar a su comunidad, así como la complicidad del Estado. Enfrentando uno de los contextos más difíciles de su país, tuvo un rol de liderazgo en una iniciativa de resistencia no violenta sin precedentes llamado «Espacio Humanitario Puente Nayero», una zona urbana para la cohesión comunitaria, la seguridad, la creatividad y la acción colectiva.
Esta singular lucha no violenta de las familias que pertenecían al «Espacio Humanitario Puente Nayero» atrajo la atención y el apoyo de organismos locales e internacionales. Hacia septiembre de 2014, la Comisión Interamericana de Derechos Humanos había establecido medidas cautelares de protección para la comunidad, y había ordenado al Estado colombiano hacer lo necesario para preservar sus vidas y su integridad personal. Sin embargo, las amenazas y la violencia de los paramilitares continuaron. Doris centró sus energías en evitar el reclutamiento forzoso de niñxs y jóvenes por parte de los neo-paramilitares, y siguió haciéndolo a pesar del asesinato de su hijo Cristian Dainer Aragón Valenzuela en julio de 2015. Doris también se convirtió en blanco de ataques, y recibía amenazas por su activismo y el trabajo que realizaba continuamente.
Las persistentes agresiones y amenazas contra su vida forzaron a Doris a abandonar Colombia. Residió en España desde febrero de 2017 hasta febrero de 2018, e integró el Programa de Protección Temporal de Defensores y Defensoras de los Derechos Humanos de Amnistía Internacional para activistas cuyas vidas están en riesgo.
En abril de 2018, Doris fue asesinada por su ex-marido en Murcia, España. Tenía solamente 39 años.
Tributos:
«Doris, pasar un año entero contigo nos ha enseñado cómo una persona puede tener la capacidad de transformar y generar esperanza ante hechos profundamente negativos y devastadores sucedidos durante tu vida...Seguimos con nuestro compromiso en la defensa de todos los derechos humanos. Siempre nos guiará tu valentía y tu luz.» Montserrat Román, Amnistía Internacional Grupo La Palma
Fragmento de «Palabras para Doris Valenzuela Angulo» por Elsa López
«Tú lo sabías. Siempre lo supiste. Y a pesar de todo te levantaste firme contra tantas injusticias, tantas miserias, tanta persecución.Te alzaste, altiva y feroz, contra aquellos que querían hacerte de nuevo abandonar tus esperanzas, humillarte y rendirte. Puesta en pie clamaste por tu libertad y la nuestra que era la tuya. Nada ni nadie paralizó tus esfuerzos por cambiar el mundo y hacerlo más generoso y habitable. Tú, viva entre nosotras, más viva hoy que nunca entre nosotras a pesar de la muerte. Viva siempre por tus gestos, tu valor, tu grandeza al clamar por una tierra prometida que llegaste a invocar con cada uno de tus gritos por todos los desiertos que habitaste. Tú. Siempre viva. Doris Valenzuela Angulo.
Son sólo palabras. Lo sé. Yo también lo sé. Pero las palabras nos unen, nos protegen, nos dan fuerza y aliento para seguir caminando hacia la luz que tanto defendías.»