Maria Margarita Che Chub
Protection of the Family
The Issue
Over the past few years, a troubling new trend at the international human rights level is being observed, where discourses on ‘protecting the family’ are being employed to defend violations committed against family members, to bolster and justify impunity, and to restrict equal rights within and to family life.
The campaign to "Protect the Family" is driven by ultra-conservative efforts to impose "traditional" and patriarchal interpretations of the family, and to move rights out of the hands of family members and into the institution of ‘the family’.
“Protection of the Family” efforts stem from:
- rising traditionalism,
- rising cultural, social and religious conservatism and
- sentiment hostile to women’s human rights, sexual rights, child rights and the rights of persons with non-normative gender identities and sexual orientations.
Since 2014, a group of states have been operating as a bloc in human rights spaces under the name “Group of Friends of the Family”, and resolutions on “Protection of the Family” have been successfully passed every year since 2014.
This agenda has spread beyond the Human Rights Council. We have seen regressive language on “the family” being introduced at the Commission on the Status of Women, and attempts made to introduce it in negotiations on the Sustainable Development Goals.
Our Approach
AWID works with partners and allies to jointly resist “Protection of the Family” and other regressive agendas, and to uphold the universality of human rights.
In response to the increased influence of regressive actors in human rights spaces, AWID joined allies to form the Observatory on the Universality of Rights (OURs). OURs is a collaborative project that monitors, analyzes, and shares information on anti-rights initiatives like “Protection of the Family”.
Rights at Risk, the first OURs report, charts a map of the actors making up the global anti-rights lobby, identifies their key discourses and strategies, and the effect they are having on our human rights.
The report outlines “Protection of the Family” as an agenda that has fostered collaboration across a broad range of regressive actors at the UN. It describes it as: “a strategic framework that houses “multiple patriarchal and anti-rights positions, where the framework, in turn, aims to justify and institutionalize these positions.”
Related Content
Patience Chabururuka
Biography
Patience is a global human resources professional with over a decade of experience in human resources (HR) management in the not-for-profit sector. Patience previously worked at Mercy Corps as the Global HR Officer for Africa supporting the full employee life cycle for expatriates in the Eastern and Southern African region and provided HR technical guidance to Human Resources leaders in country offices within the African region. Before joining the global people team, she was the Country Human Resources and Safeguarding Focal Point, she was part of the senior management team leading on all human resources and safeguarding matters. Prior to Mercy Corps she led the HR and Operations department at SNV Netherlands Development Organization and was a member of the country management team. She also has HR Consultancy experience which she gained while she was still studying for her BSc Honors degree in Human Resource Management. She has a passion for HR, loves working with people and she takes wellbeing and safeguarding as her core values and in her professional work. As someone who loves sports, you can also find Patience at the basketball court, the tennis court or on the soccer field.
Position
Human Resources Coordinator
Add to stories
Off
Key opposition discourses
Ultra conservative actors have developed a number of discourses at the international human rights level that call on arguments manipulating religion, culture, tradition, and national sovereignty in order to undermine rights related to gender and sexuality.
Anti-rights actors have increasingly moved away from explicitly religious language. Increasingly, we see regressive actors - who may previously have derided human rights concepts - instead manipulating and co-opting these very concepts to further their objectives.
Protection of the family
This emerging and successful discourse appears innocuous, but it functions as a useful umbrella theme to house multiple patriarchal and anti-rights positions. The ‘protection of the family’ theme is thus a key example of regressive actors’ move towards holistic and integrated advocacy.
The language of ‘protection of the family’ works to shift the subject of human rights from the individual and onto already powerful institutions.
It also affirms a unitary, hierarchical, and patriarchal conception of the family that discriminates against family forms outside of these rigid boundaries. It also attempts to change the focus from recognition and protection of the rights of vulnerable family members to non-discrimination, autonomy, and freedom from violence in the context of family relations.
The Right to Life
The Holy See and a number of Christian Right groups seek to appropriate the right to life in service of an anti-abortion mission. Infusing human rights language with conservative religious doctrine, they argue that the right to life, as set out in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, applies at the moment of conception.
The discourse has no support in any universal human rights instrument. Yet this is an appealing tactic for anti-rights actors, because the right to life cannot be violated under any circumstances and is a binding legal standard.
Sexual rights
Anti-rights actors use a number of rhetorical devices in their campaign to undermine sexual rights: they argue that sexual rights do not exist or are ‘new rights,’ that they cause harm to children and society, and/or that these rights stand in opposition to culture, tradition or national laws.
Conservative actors engaged in advocacy at the UN attack the right to comprehensive sexuality education from several directions. They claim that CSE violates ‘parental rights’, harms children, and that it is not education but ideological indoctrination. They also claim that comprehensive sexuality education is pushed on children, parents, and the United Nations by powerful lobbyists seeking to profit from services they provide to children and youth.
Attempts to invalidate rights related to sexual orientation and gender identity have proliferated. Ultra conservative actors argue that application of long-standing human rights principles and law on this issue constitutes the creation of ‘new rights’; and that the meaning of rights should vary radically because they should be interpreted through the lens of ‘culture’ or ‘national particularities.’
Reproductive Rights
Christian Right organizations have been mobilizing against reproductive rights alongside the Holy See and other anti-rights allies for several years. They often argue that reproductive rights are at heart a form of Western-imposed population control over countries in the global South. Ironically, this claim often originates from U.S. and Western Europe-affiliated actors, many of whom actively work to export their fundamentalist discourses and policies.
Regressive actors also cite to ‘scientific’ arguments from ultra-conservative think tanks, and from sources that rely on unsound research methodologies, to suggest that abortion causes an array of psychological, sexual, physical, and relational side effects.
Protection of children and parental rights
Just as anti-rights actors aim to construct a new category of ‘protection of the family,’ they are attempting to construct a new category of ‘parental rights,’ which has no support in existing human rights standards.
This discourse paradoxically endeavours to use the rights protections with which children are endowed, as articulated in the Convention on the Rights of the Child, to support the rights of parents to control their children and limit their rights.
Violence against women
Increasingly, anti-rights actors are attempting to infiltrate and subvert standards and discourses developed by women human rights defenders, such as violence against women (VAW).
At the Commission on the Status of Women and other spaces, one rhetorical move is to treat VAW as a concept in which to embed anti-reproductive rights and patriarchal arguments. Ultra conservative actors, for example, have argued that non-heteronormative or traditional intimate partner relationships are a risk factor for violence, and emphasize that fathers are necessary to protect families from violence.
Gender and ‘gender ideology’
The Holy See has set off a sustained critique of gender, ‘gender ideology’, ‘gender radicals,’ and gender theory, and anti-rights actors often read the term as code for LGBTQ rights. Gender is used by the religious right as a cross-cutting concept that links together many of their discourses. Increasingly, the hysteria on this subject fixates on gender identity and trans rights.
Complementarity and human dignity
Complementarity of the sexes is a discourse employed by a number of ultra-conservative actors today. Its rhetoric is structured around an assumption of difference: men and women are meant to have differing but complementary roles in marriage and family life, and with respect to their engagement in the community and political and economic life.
Reference to ‘natural’ roles is meant to fundamentally reject universal human rights to equality and non-discrimination.
It is also used to justify State and non-State violations of these rights, and non-compliance with respect to State obligations to eliminate prejudices and practices based on stereotyped roles for men or women.
National sovereignty and anti-imperialism
This discourse suggests that national governments are being unjustly targeted by UN bodies, or by other States acting through the UN. This is an attempt to shift the subject of human rights from the individual or marginalized community suffering a rights violation to a powerful and/or regressive institution - i.e. the state, in order to justify national exceptions from universal rights or to support state impunity.
Religious freedom
Anti-rights actors have taken up the discourse of freedom of religion in order to justify violations of human rights. Yet, ultra-conservative actors refer to religious freedom in a way that directly contradicts the purpose of this human right and fundamentally conflicts with the principle of the universality of rights. The inference is that religious liberty is threatened and undermined by the protection of human rights, particularly those related to gender and sexuality.
The central move is to suggest that the right to freedom of religion is intended to protect a religion rather than those who are free to hold or not hold different religious beliefs.
Yet under international human rights law, the right protects believers rather than beliefs, and the right to freedom of religion, thought and conscience includes the right not to profess any religion or belief or to change one’s religion or belief.
Cultural rights and traditional values
The deployment of references to culture and tradition to undermine human rights, including the right to equality, is a common tactic amongst anti-rights actors. Culture is presented as monolithic, static, and immutable, and it is is often presented in opposition to ‘Western norms.’
Allusions to culture by anti-rights actors in international policy debates aim to undermine the universality of rights, arguing for cultural relativism that trumps or limits rights claims. Regressive actors’ use of cultural rights is founded on a purposeful misrepresentation of the human right. States must ensure that traditional or cultural attitudes are not used to justify violations of equality, and human rights law calls for equal access, participation and contribution in all aspects of cultural life for all, including women, religious, and racial minorities, and those with non-conforming genders and sexualities.
Subverting ‘universal’
Anti-rights actors in international policy spaces increasingly manipulate references to universal or fundamental human rights to reverse the meaning of the universality of rights.
Rather than using the term universal to describe the full set of indivisible and interrelated human rights, ultra conservative actors employ this term to instead delineate and describe a subset of human rights as ‘truly fundamental.’ Other rights would thus be subject to State discretion, ‘new’ rights or optional. This discourse is especially powerful as their category of the truly universal remains unarticulated and hence open to shifting interpretation.
Other Chapters
Snippet - Intro WITM - AR
نكمل مشوار بناء الحشد الذي بدأناه قبل 20 عاماً لموارد أفضل وأكبر لحركات التغيير الاجتماعي بقيادة نسوية، تدعوكم/ن جمعية حقوق المرأة في التنمية لاستكمال استطلاعنا
" "أين التمويل للتنظيمات النسوية" (WITM)
الرجاء اختيار اللغة المفضلة للإجابة على الاستطلاع في أقصى يمين الصفحة
Snippet FEA Georgia this is only the beginning (ES)
Georgia
Sindicato Red de Solidaridad
Este es sólo
EL COMIENZO
Peni Moore
Philosophe féministe radicale, Peni était aussi poète, écrivaine, dramaturge et compositrice.
Première coordinatrice du Fiji Women’s Rights Movement (Mouvement pour les droits des femmes aux Fidji), elle a laissé un héritage empreint de sa profonde préoccupation pour les droits fondamentaux des femmes, la justice et la paix. L’engagement de Peni en faveur de la justice sociale, économique et écologique et son travail remarquable lui a valu le respect de la communauté locale et internationale. Au sein des mouvements féministes traditionnels des Fidji, elle a été l’une des premières à travailler avec et aux côtés des personnes LGBTQI et a fourni une assistance concrète au mouvement des travailleurs et des travailleuses du sexe lorsqu’il s’est constitué aux Fidji.
Ses collègues l'ont décrite comme une personne formidable et une leader visionnaire du changement. Elle a inspiré beaucoup de personnes par sa créativité et son courage. Son travail a permis à de nombreuses personnes de se faire entendre, d’acquérir de nouvelles compétences et d’ouvrir de nouvelles voies, tant au niveau personnel que communautaire.
Debbie Stothard
Biography
Durante sus 38 años de carrera, Debbie Stothard ha trabajado con diferentes comunidades y activistas para involucrar en los derechos humanos y la justicia a los Estados, organizaciones intergubernamentales y otras partes interesadas a lo largo de Asia, África, Europa y las Américas. Su trabajo está enfocado en las prioridades temáticas de las empresas y en los derechos humanos, en la prevención de las atrocidades y en el liderazgo de las mujeres. Por ello, ha sido facilitadora o persona de referencia en casi 300 eventos de capacitación durante los últimos 15 años. La mayoría fueron talleres orientados a las bases, desarrollados en el terreno, centrados en la incidencia en derechos humanos, alfabetización económica, en empresas y derechos humanos, y en justicia transicional y prevención de las atrocidades. Su trabajo en justicia transicional y prevención de las atrocidades ha estado enfocado principalmente en Burma/Myanmar, aunque también ha proveído asesoramiento para responder a situaciones de otros países alrededor del mundo.
Entre 1981 y 1996, Debbie trabajó como periodista especializada en crímenes, activista estudiantil, analista política, académica, consejera de gobierno y proveedora de comida en Malasia y Australia, mientras era voluntaria en causas de derechos humanos. En 1996, fundó ALTSEAN-Burma, que encabezó una variedad de programas de innovación y empoderamiento en derechos humanos. Entre ellos, el programa intensivo permanente de liderazgo de ALTSEAN para diferentes mujeres jóvenes de Burma, que, durante los últimos 22 años, ha ayudado a fortalecer y ampliar el liderazgo de las mujeres en las zonas afectadas por el conflicto. Se desempeñó como integrante de la Junta de la Federación Internacional de Derechos Humanos (FIDH) durante 9 años como secretaria general adjunta (2010-2013) y secretaria general (2013-2019), durante los cuales promovió la misión y el perfil de la FIDH en, aproximadamente, 100 reuniones y conferencias por año.
Add to stories
Off
Sonia Pierre
When development initiatives, religious fundamentalisms and the state of women’s rights collide
Nuestro nuevo documento de investigación El diablo se esconde en los detalles aborda la falta de conocimientos sobre los fundamentalismos religiosos en el sector del desarrollo, y se propone comprender mejor de qué manera estos fundamentalismos inhiben el desarrollo y, en particular, los derechos de las mujeres. Propone recomendaciones para que quienes trabajan en temas de desarrollo desafíen la labor de los fundamentalismos y eviten fortalecerlos inadvertidamente. [CTA download link: Leer el documento completo]
Seven pointers to consider
| Graphic1 | 1. Control of women’s bodies, sexuality, and choice are “warning signs” of rising fundamentalisms. |
| 2. Neoliberal economic policies have a particularly negative impact on women, and fuel the growth of religious fundamentalisms. | Graphic2 |
| Graphic3 | 3. Choosing religious organizations as default for partnerships builds their legitimacy and access to resources, and supports their ideology, including gender ideology. |
| 4.Everyone has multiple identities and should be defined by more than just their religion. Foregrounding religious identities tends to reinforce the power of religious fundamentalists. | Graphic4 |
| Graphic5 | 5. Religion, culture, and tradition are constantly changing, being reinterpreted and challenged. What is dominant is always a question of power. |
| 6. Racism, exclusion, and marginalization all add to the appeal of fundamentalists’ offer of a sense of belonging and a “cause”. | Graphic6 |
| Graphic7 | 7. There is strong evidence that the single most important factor in promoting women’s rights and gender equality is an autonomous women’s movement. |
Auge global de los fundamentalismos religiosos.
El Diablo se esconde en los detalles proporciona detalles de las graves violaciones a los derechos humanos y, en particular, de las violaciones a los derechos de las mujeres, causados por los fundamentalismos auspiciados por los Estados, así como por actores fundamentalistas no estatales como milicias, organizaciones comunitarias confesionales e individuos. La profundización fundamentalista de normas sociales atávicas y patriarcales está provocando el aumento de la violencia contra las mujeres, las niñas y las defensoras de derechos humanos (WHRDs). El informe propuesta estas ideas clave para abordar el problema:
- [icon] Fundamentalismos religiosos están ganando terreno en el seno de las comunidades
- [icon] Sistemas políticos
- [icon] Escenarios internacionales, con efectos devastadores para la gente común y para las mujeres en particular.
Los agentes de desarrollo deben actuar urgentemente.
Quienes trabajan en el desarrollo están de capacidad de asumir una posición más firme. Su capacidad colectiva para reconocer y enfrentar conjuntamente a los fundamentalismos religiosos resulta crucial para promover la justicia social, económica y de género y los derechos humanos de todas las personas en el marco del desarrollo sostenible. Resulta fundamental promover que el poder y los privilegios se entiendan desde la óptica del feminismo interseccional y aplicar esta comprensión a los interrogantes sobre religión y cultura. Las organizaciones de mujeres ya poseen conocimientos y estrategias para oponerse a los fundamentalismos. Quienes trabajan en el desarrollo deberían apoyarse en estos e invertir en coaliciones enfocadas en múltiples temáticas. Lo anterior, les ayudará a alcanzar nuevos horizontes.
Snippet - WITM To make - RU
Сделать видимой сложность обеспечения ресурсами различных феминистских организаций
Snippet FEA Workers demonstrations in Georgia 1 (FR)
Samira Khalil
Samira was a Syrian activist under Bashar al-Asad's regime.
From a young age Samira opposed all forms of despotism, particularly vis-a-vis the authoritarian regime in which she lived.
Samira was kidnapped in 2013 along with three other prominent activists. She is believed to have been taken from the Center for the Documentation of Violations in Duma, in rural Damascus.
The main suspect associated with her disappearance is the Army of Islam (which denies its involvement). There has been no formal investigation of Samira’s disappearance and she has not been heard from since. Samira was committed to her country and refused to leave Syria until she felt her role in empowering women and documenting crimes was no longer necessary.
Simone Jagger
Biography
Simone has 20 years’ experience working in management support and administration in non-profit organizations, in particular post-graduate medical education and ICT training. She has qualifications in Management Support and Paralegal studies. She is based in South Africa, enjoys traveling and is an amateur Genealogist.
Position
Executive Assistant
Add to stories
Off
Rhonda Copelon
Here is your Feminist Realities Toolkit
Thank you for taking the first steps to Co-create Feminist Realities!
Learn more about Feminist Realities
Any questions? Please do not hesitate to contact us
Snippet - WITM Survey will remain open - AR
سيبقى الاستطلاع مفتوحاً حتى 31 يوليو (تموز) 2024
الرجاء اختيار لغتك في الزاوية اليمنى الرجاء اختيار اللغة المفضلة للإجابة على الاستطلاع في أقصى يمين الصفحة
ذا كنت ترغب في معرفة المزيد، انضم إلى لقاء للأعضاء/ العضوات: أين المال؟ يوم الاثنين 27 مايو (أيار) الساعة 9:00 بالتوقيت العالمي - مع ترجمة
فورية باللغتين الفرنسية والإنجليزية.
14:00 بالتوقيت العالمي - مع ترجمة فورية باللغتين الإسبانية والإنجليزية
سنستمع إلى فريق الحركات النسوية لتوفير الموارد التابع لجمعية حقوق المرأة في التنمية (جمعية حقوق المرأة في التنمية) حول خصوصيات وعموميات تمويل التنظيمات النسوية.
انضم/ي إلينا كعضو/ة في وكن/وني جزءًا من جلسة التواصل هذه.
الرد على الدعوة هنا
(Registration only available in English)
Snippet FEA Workers demonstrations in Georgia 2 (EN)
Dora Nkem Akunyili
Dora nació en el estado de Benue, Nigeria. Fue una farmacéutica, tecnócrata, investigadora erudita y líder comunitaria reconocida mundialmente.
El trabajo revolucionario de Dora produjo un cambio de paradigma en el servicio público nigeriano cuando se desempeñó como Directora General de la Agencia Nacional para la Administración y Control de Alimentos y Medicamentos, entre 2001 y 2008. Encabezó reformas en la aplicación de políticas y regulaciones que redujeron drásticamente la cantidad de drogas falsas que asolaban el sector farmacéutico nigeriano cuando asumió su cargo.
Se convirtió en un ícono del empoderamiento de las mujeres, porque fue un ejemplo real de mujer valiente y competente que desafió los males de una sociedad predominantemente patriarcal. Fue nombrada Ministra de Información y Comunicación entre 2008 y 2010.
Murió luego de una batalla contra el cáncer, y le sobreviven su esposo, seis hijxs y tres nietxs.
Khaoula Ksiksi
Biography
Khaoula Ksiksi es una apasionada defensora de la justicia, la equidad y la liberación. Como asesora de género, igualdad, diversidad e inclusión, trabaja en diferentes programas humanitarios y contextos de crisis para que la inclusión sea una realidad, no una mera política. Colabora con diferentes equipos para luchar contra la opresión estructural mediante herramientas audaces y transformadoras basadas en experiencias reales.
Su activismo comenzó al frente del movimiento antirracista de Túnez. Con Mnemty, contribuyó a impulsar la primera ley antidiscriminación del país, lo que forzó un examen de conciencia nacional sobre la injusticia racial. Más tarde fue cofundadora de Voices of Black Tunisian Women (Voces de las Mujeres Negras de Túnez), que tiene por objetivo ampliar el liderazgo de las mujeres negras, construir redes de solidaridad y exigir su visibilidad en una sociedad que a menudo las silencia.
Khaoula es también miembro fundadora de Falgatna, un movimiento queer-feminista radical que lucha por los derechos relativos a la orientación sexual, la identidad y la expresión de género y las características sexuales (SOGIESC, por sus siglas en inglés) y apoya a las comunidades LGBTQI+ mediante acciones directas, la resistencia digital y una militancia enfocada en las personas sobrevivientes.
Anteriormente, lideró proyectos feministas y de justicia climática regionales de la Fundación Rosa Luxemburgo en África del Norte y África occidental.
El corazón de su trabajo abriga una convicción bien arraigada: nadie es libre hasta que todes seamos libres. Su activismo es tanto una lucha como una carta de amor a su gente, a sus comunidades y al mundo que merecemos.
Add to stories
Off
Betu Singh
