Protection of the Family
The Issue
Over the past few years, a troubling new trend at the international human rights level is being observed, where discourses on ‘protecting the family’ are being employed to defend violations committed against family members, to bolster and justify impunity, and to restrict equal rights within and to family life.
The campaign to "Protect the Family" is driven by ultra-conservative efforts to impose "traditional" and patriarchal interpretations of the family, and to move rights out of the hands of family members and into the institution of ‘the family’.
“Protection of the Family” efforts stem from:
- rising traditionalism,
- rising cultural, social and religious conservatism and
- sentiment hostile to women’s human rights, sexual rights, child rights and the rights of persons with non-normative gender identities and sexual orientations.
Since 2014, a group of states have been operating as a bloc in human rights spaces under the name “Group of Friends of the Family”, and resolutions on “Protection of the Family” have been successfully passed every year since 2014.
This agenda has spread beyond the Human Rights Council. We have seen regressive language on “the family” being introduced at the Commission on the Status of Women, and attempts made to introduce it in negotiations on the Sustainable Development Goals.
Our Approach
AWID works with partners and allies to jointly resist “Protection of the Family” and other regressive agendas, and to uphold the universality of human rights.
In response to the increased influence of regressive actors in human rights spaces, AWID joined allies to form the Observatory on the Universality of Rights (OURs). OURs is a collaborative project that monitors, analyzes, and shares information on anti-rights initiatives like “Protection of the Family”.
Rights at Risk, the first OURs report, charts a map of the actors making up the global anti-rights lobby, identifies their key discourses and strategies, and the effect they are having on our human rights.
The report outlines “Protection of the Family” as an agenda that has fostered collaboration across a broad range of regressive actors at the UN. It describes it as: “a strategic framework that houses “multiple patriarchal and anti-rights positions, where the framework, in turn, aims to justify and institutionalize these positions.”

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Sarah Maldoror
«No adhiero al concepto de “Tercer Mundo”. Hago películas para que las personas (no importa de qué raza o color sean) puedan entenderlas. Para mí, solamente existen explotadores y explotadxs, eso es todo. Hacer una película significa tomar una posición.» - Sarah Maldoror
La innovadora Sambizanga (1972), su «película revolucionaria», sigue la lucha de liberación anticolonial de lxs militantes de Angola y capta la perspectiva de una mujer en el momento histórico en que se encuentra.
«Para muchxs cineastas africanxs, el cine es una herramienta revolucionaria, una educación política para crear consciencia. Se inscribe en la evolución de un Tercer Cine, que se orienta a descolonizar el pensamiento y promover cambios radicales en la sociedad.» - Sarah Maldoror
A lo largo de su carrera, Sarah (junto con otrxs artistas africanxs y caribeñxs) cofundó, en 1956, la primera troupe de teatro negra de Francia. Realizó alrededor de cuarenta películas, incluidos importantes documentales que difundieron la vida y la obra de artistas negrxs, entre lxs cuales se encuentra su amigo y poeta, Aimé Césaire, quien le escribió:
«A Sarah Maldo
que, cámara en mano,
lucha contra la opresión, la alienación
y se planta de cara
frente a la estupidez humana.»
Sarah estaba también dedicada a lograr que las mujeres africanas se apropiaran más del proceso de filmación. En una entrevista, señaló:
«Las mujeres africanas deben estar en todos lados. Deben estar en las imágenes, detrás de la cámara, en la sala de edición, y participar en todas las etapas de la realización de una película. Ellas deben ser quienes hablen sobre sus problemas.»
Sarah dejó un legado formidable para que sea continuado.
Nacida el 19 de julio de 1929, Sarah falleció el 13 de abril de 2020 debido a complicaciones por el coronavirus.
Mira Sambizanga y lee una reseña de la película en un artículo del New York Times de 1973 (solo en ingles)
Why did AWID choose Taipei as the location for the Forum?
AWID spent close to two years working to identify a Forum location in the Asia Pacific region (the Forum location rotates regions).
Building on initial desk research and consultations with allies that led us to rule out many other options in the region, we organized a thorough round of site visits to Nepal, Malaysia, Sri Lanka, Thailand, Indonesia and (later) Taiwan.
Each site visit included not just scoping the logistical infrastructure but meeting with local feminist groups and activists to better understand the context, and their sense of potential opportunities and risks of an AWID forum in their context.
In our site visits, we found incredibly vibrant, diverse local feminist movements.
They often expressed conflicted feelings about the opportunities and risk that the visibility of an event like the Forum could bring to them. In one, during the first 30 minutes of our meeting we heard unanimously from the activists gathered that an AWID Forum would be subject to huge backlash, that LGBTQ rights were a particular political hot-button and that fundamentalist groups would turn out in full force to interrupt the event. When our response was “ok, then you don’t feel it’s a good idea”, again the unanimous response was “of course it is, we want to change the narrative!”.
It was difficult to hear and see in some of these places how many feminist activists wanted to leverage the opportunity of a visible big event and were prepared to face the local risks; but our considerations as hosts of close to 2,000 people from around the world impose a different calculation of risk and feasibility.
We also grappled with questions of what it means to organize a feminist forum that is aligned to principles around inclusion, reciprocity and self-determination, when state policy and practice is usually directly counter to that (although officials in the ministries of Tourism work very hard to smooth that over).
We weighed considerations of infrastructure, with potential opportunity to tip momentum on some national level feminist agendas, and national political context.
In many of these places, monitoring the context felt like an exercise on a pendulum that could swing from open and safe for feminist debates in one moment to stark repression and xenophobia the next, sacrificing feminist priorities as political bargaining chips to pacify right wing, anti-rights forces.
The process has been a sobering reflection on the incredibly challenging context for women’s rights and gender justice activism globally.
Our challenges in Asia Pacific led us to consider: would it be easier if we moved the Forum to a different region? Yet today, we would not be able to organize an AWID Forum in Istanbul as we did in 2012; nor would we be able to do one in Brazil as we did in 2016.
With all of this complexity, AWID selected Taipei as the Forum location because:
- It offers a moderate degree of stability and safety for the diversity of Forum participants we will convene.
- it also has strong logistical capacities, and is accessible for many travellers (with a facilitated e-visa process for international conferences).
- The local feminist movement is welcoming of the Forum and keen to engage with feminists from across the globe.
In organizing the AWID Forum, we are trying to build and hold space as best we can for the diverse expressions of solidarity, outrage, hope and inspiration that are at the core of feminist movements.
At this moment, we see Taipei as the location in the Asia Pacific region that will best allow us to build that safe and rebelious space for our global feminist community.
The fact is, there is no ideal location in today’s world for a Forum that centers Feminist Realities. Wherever we go, we must build that space together!
ours chapter 4 es
Capítulo 4
Actores anti-derechos
Una red compleja de actores anti-derechos, en constante evolución, está ejerciendo cada vez más influencia en los espacios internacionales y en las políticas nacionales. Respaldados a menudo por financiaciones poco transparentes, estos actores construyen alianzas tácticas sobre distintos temas y cruzando diferentes regiones y credos para aumentar su impacto.
Maria Elizabeth Macias Castro
What about the visas?
We are acutely aware of the practical hurdles and emotional distress associated with international travel, particularly from the Global South. AWID is working with TCEB (the Thailand Convention and Exhibition Bureau) to support Forum participants with acquiring visas. More information about this visa assistance will be available upon registration, including contact information for where and how to apply.
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María Digna Montero
María Digna Montero était une défenseuse Garifuna (d’origine africaine et autochtone) du droit à la terre et membre de l’Organisation fraternelle noire hondurienne (OFRANEH), une organisation communautaire oeuvrant à protéger les communautés Garifunas, leurs droits, leur culture, leurs ressources et leur territoire ancestraux.
María a également enseigné dans l'école locale et été membre du groupe de travail sur l'éducation bilingue interculturelle de l'OFRANEH.
Le 12 octobre 2019, jour de la Résistance autochtone, des inconnus ont tiré à plusieurs reprises sur María, alors qu’elle se trouvait dans l’arrière-cour de sa maison.
Elle est l'une des six défenseuses Garifunas à avoir été assassinées entre septembre et octobre 2019 et selon OFRANEH, ces crimes n’ont fait l’objet d’aucune enquête de la part des autorités. Dans une déclaration officielle, l'organisation a également souligné le lien entre la violence à l’encontre des dirigeants Garifunas et le développement des industries extractives qui exploitent les ressources naturelles de leurs communautés, affirmant que cette violence s’inscrivait dans une "stratégie d'intimidation et d'expulsion systématique" menée par l'État hondurien.
“La tension accrue et les risques croissants pour la sécurité et les droits humains des dirigeants des communautés et des territoires ancestraux sont le résultat de la dépossession, du déplacement et de la criminalisation des communautés et des mégaprojets d'extraction promus par l'État en collaboration avec les entreprises nationales et internationales". - Communiqué de l'OFRANEH, 12 octobre 2019
Вместе под Зонтом: Феминизм и Права Секс-Работниц/ков
Ассоциация «Права женщин в развитии» и Фонд «Красный зонт» приглашают Вас принять участие в диспуте-семинаре на тему феминизма и секс-работы.
Вместе под Зонтом: Феминизм и Права Секс-Работниц/ков

10 ноября 2020г. в 14:00 по UTC (сверьтесь с вашим местным временем)
В рамках данной сессии, сотрудницы (-ки) Ассоциации «Права женщин в развитии» будут делиться своими знаниями и опытом работы в условиях виртуального общения. Мы поговорим об основных сложностях и интерсекциональности в работе секс-работниц (-ков) и феминисток (-ов).
Подумайте над своими вопросами!
Для участниц (-ков) будет предоставлен перевод на испанский, французский и русский языки.
Спикеры

Кей Тхи Вин
Кей Тхи является секс-работницей и с 2007 года лоббирует вопросы здоровья и прав секс-работниц (-ков). За последние девять лет она участвовала в программе по предупреждению ВИЧ среди женщин, работающих в секс-индустрии, и мужчин, имеющих половые связи с мужчинами, в Мьянме. В настоящее время Кей Тхи является региональной координаторкой Азиатско-Тихоокеанской сети секс-работниц (-ков) (АТССР) и работает с партнерами по всему Азиатско-Тихоокеанскому региону.

Гитанджали Мишра
Гитанджали является соосновательницей и исполнительной директоркой организации CREA (Нью-Дели). Она феминистка и любительница кино, работала по вопросам сексуальности, репродуктивного здоровья, гендера, прав человека и насилия в отношении женщин на различных уровнях - в качестве активистки, грантодательницы и на директивном уровне.
Вера Родригез

Вера присоединилась к фонду «Красный зонт» в августе 2017 года в качестве сотрудницы по программам. Вера родилась в Испании, где окончила факультет журналистики Университета Сан Пабло в Валенсии. Последние 7 лет она является активной участницей организации «X-talk», очень вовлечена в работу Коллектива Стриптизерш (-ров) Восточного Лондона, а также является участницей съемочной группы «Опера секс-работниц (-ков)».
Заинтересованы в том, чтобы вскоре стать частью этого диспут-семинарa и других обучения?!
Nos droits en danger : Il est temps d’agir (Rapport OURS 2021)
Rapport
Nos droits en danger : Il est temps d’agir – Rapport sur les tendances 2021 de l’Observatoire sur l’universalité des droits
Le tout dernier rapport de l’Observatoire sur l’universalité des droits (OURs) détricote les discours de « l’idéologie du genre », du « génocide prénatal » et de « l’impérialisme culturel ». Il creuse également la réalité de CitizenGo, de l’Alliance Defending Freedom et des flux de financement antidroits. Vous y trouverez, en outre, une analyse des systèmes régionaux des droits humains et des stratégies féministes victorieuses !
Karen Brandow
Mi grupo o yo íbamos a participar en el Foro que fue cancelado debido a la pandemia, ¿cómo puedo participar en este Foro?
Volveremos a ponernos en contacto con contrapartes que hayan colaborado en el pasado, para asegurarnos de que se respetan los esfuerzos realizados.Si tus datos de contacto han cambiado desde el último proceso del Foro, por favor, actualízalos para que podamos contactarte.
Clone of Snippet - WITM About the survey - FR
In 2023, feminist and
women's rights organizations
had a median annual budget of $22,000
In contrast, over $1 billion went to three anti-rights groups 2021-2022, with funding for anti-gender networks still rising.1
1 Global Philanthropy Project, 2024
Lorena Borjas
Lorena Borjas, a trans Latina woman and activist, lived and worked in the Jackson Heights neighborhood of Queens, New York City. In those streets, she looked after her community for years, advocating for trans and immigrant rights, supporting survivors of human trafficking and abuse, campaigning for sex workers’ rights and those of people living with HIV and AIDS.
Lorena was strong and tireless in her fight to support, defend, and have the back of those most marginalized and discriminated by transphobia, misogyny and racism.
“She pushed us to shine authentically, to become a scream of subversion that says, ‘I am here, and I deserve happiness, too.’” - Cecilia Gentili, a trans activist and Lorena’s friend
Having faced numerous traumas and hardships herself, as a trans immigrant woman and victim of human trafficking, Lorena pulled knowledge and emotional memory from the well of her experiences in order to help build and strengthen the community she was part of and which was part of her. Some of the ways she did this was to organize and mobilize support ranging from providing condoms and connecting trans women to different services, to setting up an HIV testing clinic in her own home.
"She was such a beautiful soul who helped others when her journey was difficult and painful as an immigrant, as a trans immigrant. She believed the trans community needed love, acceptance, and compassion, and she gave it all.” - Luchia Dragosh, QPTV Supervising producer of a documentary about Lorena
In more than 25 years of activism, she also founded the Lorena Borjas Community Fund together with Chase Strangio (lawyer and trans rights activist). The Fund helps the many different members of her community (and especially trans persons) dealing with immigration challenges to avoid the cycle of arrest-jail-deportation.
Lorena passed away in March 2020 of complications from COVID-19.
Her enormous and beautiful legacy will be taken forward through the streets of Queens by the network and community she co-created.
“We will pick up her work where she left it, work that is essential to the well-being of “mis pajaras” as she called the trans girls of Queens under her wing.” - Cecilia Gentili
Tributes:
"Lorena brought light to us when we were living through a very dark time here in New York. She brought us light when we were dealing with the crack epidemic, when we were dealing with the AIDS crisis, dealing with changes in immigration policies." - Cristina Herrera, founder and CEO of Translatina Network and Lorena’s friend
"Lorena has done more than anyone else I know to shine a light on the epidemic of trafficking in transgender communities and to help other trans women escape exploitation." - Lynly Egyes (represented Borjas on behalf of the Transgender Law Center)
Watch a documentary about Lorena Borjas
Read a postscript in The New Yorker about Lorena Borjas
Read an opinion piece in the New York Times by Cecilia Gentilin