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Special Focus

AWID is an international, feminist, membership organisation committed to achieving gender equality, sustainable development and women’s human rights

Protection of the Family

The Issue

Over the past few years, a troubling new trend at the international human rights level is being observed, where discourses on ‘protecting the family’ are being employed to defend violations committed against family members, to bolster and justify impunity, and to restrict equal rights within and to family life.

The campaign to "Protect the Family" is driven by ultra-conservative efforts to impose "traditional" and patriarchal interpretations of the family, and to move rights out of the hands of family members and into the institution of ‘the family’.

“Protection of the Family” efforts stem from:

  • rising traditionalism,
  • rising cultural, social and religious conservatism and
  • sentiment hostile to women’s human rights, sexual rights, child rights and the rights of persons with non-normative gender identities and sexual orientations.

Since 2014, a group of states have been operating as a bloc in human rights spaces under the name “Group of Friends of the Family”, and resolutions on “Protection of the Family” have been successfully passed every year since 2014.

This agenda has spread beyond the Human Rights Council. We have seen regressive language on “the family” being introduced at the Commission on the Status of Women, and attempts made to introduce it in negotiations on the Sustainable Development Goals.


Our Approach

AWID works with partners and allies to jointly resist “Protection of the Family” and other regressive agendas, and to uphold the universality of human rights.

In response to the increased influence of regressive actors in human rights spaces, AWID joined allies to form the Observatory on the Universality of Rights (OURs).  OURs is a collaborative project that monitors, analyzes, and shares information on anti-rights initiatives like  “Protection of the Family”.

Rights at Risk, the first OURs report, charts a map of the actors making up the global anti-rights lobby, identifies their key discourses and strategies, and the effect they are having on our human rights.   

The report outlines “Protection of the Family” as an agenda that has fostered collaboration across a broad range of regressive actors at the UN.  It describes it as: “a strategic framework that houses “multiple patriarchal and anti-rights positions, where the framework, in turn, aims to justify and institutionalize these positions.”

 

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 (#BloquerLesFascismes) !

Alors que nous affrontons de multiples crises dans le monde entier, nos mouvements œuvrent sans relâche à construire une influence qui dépasse les structures de pouvoir traditionnelles. La vague de décrets présidentiels américains vise à nous intimider, mais aucune idéologie fasciste, quelle que soit son ampleur, ne peut effacer notre existence et notre résistance.

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Maria Olivo

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Maria is a graphic designer and visual communicator. Maria has worked with NGOs and Human Rights like Profamilia and OXFAM. As a woman of the Global South, she feels especially called to use her skills to work with organizations that help protect the wellbeing, as well the rights of millions of girls and women in Latin America.

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Snippet FEA We are living in a world right (FR)

Nous vivons dans un monde où la destruction de la Nature alimente notre économie mondiale actuelle. Même en période de crise climatique, les gouvernements continuent d'encourager les industries agricoles à grande échelle à se développer. Ces activités empoisonnent la terre, menacent la biodiversité et détruisent la production alimentaire et les moyens de subsistance locaux. Pendant ce temps, alors que les femmes produisent la majorité de la nourriture dans le monde, elles ne possèdent presque aucune terre.

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illustration : « Entretejidas » (« Entrelacées »), par Surmercé > 

Dorothy Masuka

“Je n’avais pas prévu d’être chanteuse; c’est le chant qui avait prévu de m’habiter”  - Dorothy Masuka (interview avec Mail & Guardian)

Dorothy Masuka, née en 1935 à Bulawayo (alors en Rhodésie du Sud, aujourd’hui le Zimbabwe), a grandi en Afrique du Sud. Elle est devenue une auteure, compositrice, chanteuse de jazz et activiste renommée, et fervente partisane de la lutte contre l’apartheid. Qualifiée d’“architecte du discours de la musique populaire de libération africaine”, Dorothy a souvent chanté la politique dans des langues africaines autochtones et tout au long de son oeuvre, et s’est opposée aux politiques racistes du gouvernement sud-africain. 

L’une de ses chansons, intitulée "Dr Malan" (du nom de l'homme politique pro-apartheid D.F. Malan) a été censurée. Elle a poursuivi avec l’enregistrement de "Lumumba" (1961), une chanson sur l'assassinat du leader anticolonialiste Patrice Lumumba. Le travail et l'activisme de Dorothy ont alors attiré l'attention de la section spéciale de la police sud-africaine, ce qui la contraignit à un exil politique qui s’étendit sur plus de 3 décennies. Tout au long de cette période, elle travailla avec des groupes pro-indépendantistes, dont le Congrès national africain. En 1992, alors que l'apartheid commençait à s'effondrer et que Nelson Mandela fut libéré de prison, elle retourna en Afrique du Sud. 

Parmi ses autres œuvres, on peut citer sa première chanson, enregistrée en 1953 et intitulée "Hamba Notsokolo", qui fut un tube des années 1950 et un grand classique. Elle composa également "El Yow Phata Phata", une chanson adaptée par Miriam Makeba qui contribua à offrir une popularité internationale à "Pata, Pata"

Ancrés dans la résistance, la musique et l’activisme de Dorothy étaient entrelacés et laissent un merveilleux héritage inspirant. Elle était également très connue sous le nom de “Auntie Dot”.   

Le 23 février 2019, Dorothy s’est éteinte à Johannesburg à 83 ans des suites d’une maladie.


Regardez l'interview de Dorothy Masuka pour Mail & Guardian (seulement en anglais)

Écoutez sa musique :

Hamba Nontsokolo
El Yow Phata Phata

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Rencontre féministe : speed dating pour féministes !

✉️ Sur inscription uniquementInscrivez-vous ici

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Leila Hessini

Biography

Leila es una líder, defensora y consultora feminista transnacional, con más de veinticinco años de experiencia en la promoción de los derechos humanos, la igualdad de género y la justicia sexual y reproductiva en salud, derechos y justicia a nivel local y global. Leila nació en Argelia y se educó en Estados Unidos, Francia y Marruecos; a lo largo de su carrera profesional, ha vivido y trabajado en África, Europa y Estados Unidos.

Durante más de cinco años fue Vicepresidenta de Programas en el Fondo Global de Mujeres (GFW), supervisando el otorgamiento estratégico de subvenciones, el fortalecimiento de los movimientos, la incidencia global y las colaboraciones filantrópicas. En GFW duplicó las subvenciones otorgadas a más de 17 millones USD, inauguró el trabajo sobre movimientos feministas y de género en las crisis, creó un programa para niñas adolescentes liderado por un consejo asesor de niñas, y dirigió su trabajo de incidencia filantrópica. Antes de eso, entre 2002 y 2016 se desempeñó en el equipo de dirección de Ipas, donde publicó extensamente sobre derecho al aborto y justicia, lideró tareas de incidencia globales, y se asoció con grupos feministas que trabajan sobre gestión autónoma, movilización comunitaria y reducción de estigmas respecto de la integridad corporal y de los derechos sexuales y reproductivos. Mientras vivió en África del Norte, cofundó una empresa consultora feminista interseccional, Strategic Analysis for Gender Equality (SAGE), que trabajaba en las intersecciones de los derechos económicos, de género y sexuales y reproductivos, y dirigió el trabajo nacional, regional y mundial sobre género de la oficina de El Cairo de la Fundación Ford durante cinco años.

Leila tiene una vasta experiencia en educación popular, incidencia, organizaciones sin fines de lucro, juntas de desarrollo, filantropía, y monitoreo y evaluación. Es una hábil comunicadora comprometida con la utilización del enfoque interseccional para priorizar y difundir las voces y las experiencias de las personas más marginadas. Ha recibido la beca «Op-ed Public Voices» de la Fundación Ford, y fue becaria Fulbright en Marruecos. Sus publicaciones cubren una amplia gama de tópicos, incluyendo enfoques feministas y decoloniales a la filantropía, la promoción de los derechos humanos de las mujeres en contextos mayoritariamente musulmanes, estrategias feministas para impulsar la justicia reproductiva, el fomento de los abortos autogestionados, y la lucha contra los estigmas y la discriminación.

Actualmente Leila se desempeña como Copresidenta de la Junta Directiva del Centro por los Derechos Constitucionales (CCR), e integra la Junta Directiva del Highlander Research and Education Center. Es también funcionaria del consejo de rendición de cuentas del Numun Feminist Technology Fund y del comité asesor de la African Women’s Human Rights Defenders Platform. Anteriormente ha integrado las Juntas de la SisterSong Women of Color Reproductive Justice Collective, de la Red Mundial de Mujeres por los Derechos Reproductivos (WGNRR), del Fondo Global de Mujeres (GFW), del Fondo de Acción para el Aborto Seguro (SAAF), y del Proyecto de Tecnologías para la Salud Reproductiva (RHTP). Fue elegida Tesorera e integrante del Comité Ejecutivo de la Junta Directiva de Prospera, y del Comité de Dirección de Fenomenal Funds por cuatro años. Leila tiene una Maestría en Salud Pública, y una Maestría en Estudios de Medio Oriente y Norte de África; ha estudiado derecho islámico en Marruecos, y cursó estudios doctorales en sociología en Francia. Ha estudiado árabe y alemán, habla francés e inglés en forma fluida.

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La inversión con impacto de género y el auge de las falsas soluciones.

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La inversión con impacto de género (IIG) se ha convertido en tendencia como una solución a la desigualdad de género. Sin embargo, como lo demuestra nuestro informe, en realidad es parte del problema. Las instituciones públicas y privadas que fomentan la IIG la equiparan con la promoción de la igualdad de género y con mayores recursos para mujeres y niñas.

Ninguna de estas aseveraciones tiene una base empírica.

Por el contrario, la IIG es otra expresión de la subordinación de nuestras vidas y nuestras sociedades a la misma lógica financiera que ha configurado, y sigue configurando, las profundas desigualdades de nuestro mundo.

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Leah Tumbalang

Leah Tumbalang was a Lumad woman of Mindanao in the Philippines. The story of Lumad Indigenous peoples encompasses generations of resistance to large-scale corporate mining, protection of ancestral domains, resources, culture, and the fight for the right to self-determination. 

Leah was a Lumad  leader as well as a leader of Kaugalingong Sistema Igpasasindog to Lumadnong Ogpaan (Kasilo), a Lumad and peasant organization advocating against the arrival of mining corporations in Bukidnon, Mindanao province. She was unwavering in her anti-mining activism, fervently campaigning against the devastating effects of mineral extraction on the environment and Indigenous peoples’ lands. Leah was also an organizer of the Bayan Muna party-list, a member of the leftist political party Makabayan.

For almost a decade, Leah (along with other members of Kasilo) had been receiving threats for co-leading opposition against the deployment of paramilitary groups believed to be supported by mining interests. 

“Being a Lumad leader in their community, she is at the forefront in fighting for their rights to ancestral land and self-determination.” - Kalumbay Regional Lumad Organization

Being at the forefront of resistance also often means being a target of violence and impunity and Leah not only received numerous death threats, but was murdered on 23 August 2019 in Valencia City, Bukidnon. 

According to a Global Witness report, “the Philippines was the worst-affected country in sheer numbers” when it comes to murdered environmental activists in 2018. 


Read the Global Witness report, published July 2019

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A Joy to the World: Six Questions with Naike Ledan

Interviewed by Chinelo Onwualu

Decorative Element


Naike Ledan Portrait

Naike Ledan is a social justice defendant, a committed feminist that brings forward 20 years of experience in human rights and health justice advocacy, women’s empowerment, the fight for universal access to basic services and social inclusion, as well as civil society capacity building. She has built extensive work in Canada, West and southern Africa, as well as in Haiti, in civil rights advocacy, capacity building for CSOs, while emphasising the social determinants of structural exclusion. She values the principles of shared leadership, anticolonial, anti-oppressive, and anti-patriarchal spaces. 

Article Cover for A Joy to the World: Six Questions with Naike Ledan

Chinelo You’re billed as a trans rights activist; I’m curious about how you made that journey.

Naike So, I grew up in Haiti until I was 18, then I lived in Montreal for 19 years. Coming back to Haiti in 2016, I thought I would be coming back home, but the place had changed and I had to readjust. I did not necessarily reconnect in the way that I’d expected to with childhood family and friends. I came back as an expat with a comfortable work situation, and I felt very much like a foreigner for a very long time. And at the same time, I felt very much at home because of the language, the understood silence, the not having to explain when we start singing a commercial – you know, that thing we share, that energy, that space, that spirit.

My return to self-love – I would call “rebirth” – coinciding with giving birth to my first child, giving birth to myself, and falling in love with my queerness or same-gender lovingness. (Photo credit: Naike Ledan)

What helped me was, I loved the work of going into the country and documenting people’s knowledge. So I left the comfort. I became a country director of a regional organisation that was queer as fuck! Most of my work was to find resources and build the capacity of civil society. My strategy was to go into the countryside, look for all these little organizations, help build their capacity, and fund them. I was not interested in politicians and shaking hands and taking pictures . I had a very good ally, Charlot Jeudy – the [queer] activist that got killed three years ago in his house. We got very close after an Afro-queer film festival we were planning got banned in Haiti. But it made a lot of noise and sparked conversations about queerness everywhere, so Charlot introduced me to every little CSO in every little corner of the country. And I would just be there to help organisation[s] with registering legally or building their strategic plan. So it’s been a lot of these kinds of work that made me a queer activist and by extension, a trans activist. Although I don’t call myself that – an activist. It’s such a loaded word, you know? And it’s something people call you. I think I’m just a lover and a fighter .

Chinelo Tell me about the workshop you conducted with AWID for the festival. What was it about and what was the context?

My deep self awareness during my childhood years and my engagement in questioning inequalities and injustice at a very very young age (+/- 4 years old). (Photo credit: Naike Ledan)

Naike International media doesn’t really talk about Haiti, but with a political environment that is as bad as ours, the economic environment is even more catastrophic. Being a more middle class Haitian, speaking different languages, having different passports, I was initially hesitant to take the space. But I often see myself as a bridge more than someone that would talk about themself. That is how I came to invite Semi, who is a brilliant young trans woman from outside Port-au-Prince, to take the space to talk for herself and walk us through the ecosystem of the realities for trans women in Haiti. We ended up building a session about uninclusive feminism – or, I would say, formal feminist spaces – and how trans girls in Haiti do not have spaces where they can contribute to women’s knowledge and sharing of women’s realities. So the AWID festival was the opportunity for me to give the space to the women who should have it. We had a wonderful time; we had wine online while hosting the conversation. My co-facilitator, Semi, shared what it is like to be a trans child/girl/woman at different stages of her life. She also shared the dangers of the street, of poverty, of exclusion, of “not passing,” and her victories as well.

Chinelo What is the relationship of trans women to feminist organizations in Haiti? What has been your experience with that?

Naike It’s been really hard – heartbreaking, actually – the experience of trans women in Haiti. From not existing at all to just being extremely sexualized. The other thing that’s been happening is how they’re being killed, and how those killings have gone unreported in the media. This is how non-existent, how erased trans women are. They’re everywhere but not in job settings, not in feminist settings, not in organizational settings. Not even in LGBT organizations. It’s only recently, and because of a lot of advocacy push, that some of these organization are kind of readjusting, but in feminist spaces, this is still out of the question. We are still having to deal with the old exclusionary discourse of “They’re not women. Of course, if they can pass…” The culture of passing, it’s a risk management conversation – how much you pass and how much you don’t pass and what it means for your body and the violence it inflicts. In the trans-exclusionary realities we live in, which are reproduced in a lot of feminist spaces, those that pass completely may be considered girls, but only to a certain extent. But how about falling in love, how about having a conversation, how about being in the closet, how about wanting a certain aesthetic, or a career? So really, the conversation about hormone therapy becomes about risk reduction, as Semi herself shared at the workshop. But we don’t have the option of hormone therapy, we don’t have the medical framework nor the system to support those who would like to pursue that option.

Chinelo When you talk about the way that trans people and queer people are thought of in society, it sounds like it might be similar to Nigeria, which can be a deeply homophobic environment.

Naike Haiti is a very complex country in a very beautiful way. Nothing is simple, you know, nothing is ever one way. Haitians are very tolerant – and they’re also very homophobic. You’re going to find regions in the countryside where people aren’t that homophobic at all because all the Vodou temples there, and this is a religion that respects life. One basic principle of the Vodou religion is that all children are children. So, there is no right or wrong in the religion. For the longest time, people thought of Haiti as a haven, a place where people are tolerant – we’re talking 70s, 80s, pre-HIV, 90s even. Then you had the earthquake [in 2010] where around 300,000 people died. And then all this money came from the south of the US through the Evangelicals to rebuild the country and find Jesus. So, the homophobia in Haiti is very recent. In the depth, in the heart of the soul of the culture, I cannot really say that it is homophobic. But in the everyday life, it surely lands on the skin of queer people, that violence. And that of women, of poor women, of dark women as well, because colorism runs deep in the Caribbean.

Chinelo How have you managed this? What’s been your strategy for survival?

My return to Haiti as part of my decolonizing process, and choosing to physically position my senses and my family’s senses to magic and blackness uncompromisingly. (Photo credit: Naike Ledan)

Naike I’m really in love with my work. I love working. When I first arrived, I was working with this horrible NGO but I was doing amazing work. I was always in the countryside, conversing and learning from people, from women. And that filled my heart for so long because I’m very much in love with my culture, with black people, with black women – old black women, black babies. It just fills me up in a spiritual way. When we were in Canada my kids were in these all-white schools and tokenized. They did not speak Creole nor French. And now, they’re running free in the yard and starting to fight in Creole. I also found hubs of survival with the people I met. I created bonds with the queers and others who were weirdos like me and it’s been really wonderful. But now I’m struggling because I don’t feel safe in Haiti anymore. We have about 40 kidnappings per week in Port-Au-Prince – and it’s been like that since 2018. I’ve developed anxiety and panic attacks. So It’s time to go, and I’ve been asking myself, “where is home?” I spent 19 years in Montreal but I never felt at home there. When I left, I never missed it so I don’t want to go back. I’ve been crying a lot lately because it feels like entering a second exile.

Chinelo What’s your relationship to pleasure, leisure, and rest?

Naike My relationship with pleasure, leisure, and rest are for me one and the same. It is the lived moment when I indulge in the heat of the sun on my face for example. It is pleasure, leisure, and rest at the same time.

Pleasure: My go-to space, most solely a haven of celebration of myself. I reserve myself the power and the right to be loud or quiet in the enjoyment of the pleasure I experience. All the pleasure I viciously and abundantly indulge in, including and not limited to the pleasure of solitude and silence.

Leisure: biking, music festivals, eating, wine discoveries, dancing in Haitian traditional Vodou dances are amongst many that occur at the moment.

Rest: is what I live for. As an overachiever and a person that is literally in love with work, it is a paradox how lazy I am. No one knows that because all of what the world sees is this: an accomplished overworker. They do not know how I can just, uncompromisingly and profoundly indulge in idleness.

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This journal edition in partnership with Kohl: a Journal for Body and Gender Research, will explore feminist solutions, proposals and realities for transforming our current world, our bodies and our sexualities.

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التجسيدات العابرة للحدود

نصدر النسخة هذه من المجلة بالشراكة مع «كحل: مجلة لأبحاث الجسد والجندر»، وسنستكشف عبرها الحلول والاقتراحات وأنواع الواقع النسوية لتغيير عالمنا الحالي وكذلك أجسادنا وجنسانياتنا.

استكشف المجلة

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On autonomous resourcing alternatives

Fatima Qureshi

Biography

A nomad of cultures, born in Hong Kong, rooted in Turkish-Pakistani heritage, Fatima’s love for narratives - both in reading and co-creating them - fueled her passion for communications activism. Supported by her education in journalism, Fatima has worked for 7 years in digital and media communications fields with NGOs that provide education opportunities and legal aid to refugee and asylum seekers, as well as with the Muslim feminist movement which applies feminist and rights-based lenses in understanding and searching for equality and justice within Muslim legal tradition. She is a regular op-ed writer on feminist issues in the Global South.

Through storytelling in this hyper-digital age of social media, Fatima continues to collaborate with community organizers and grassroots activists to create audiovisual content with the aim to cultivate bridges of understanding towards collective liberation and decolonization. On days when she’s not working, she intently watches independent feminist films coming from Iran, Morocco and Pakistan and on other days, she performs spoken word poetry with her comrades in Kuala Lumpur.

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ICM Digital Communications and Partnerships Lead
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Stories of Change: AWID Forums

FRMag - Ghosts Of Girlhood

Fantasmas de niña

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Delante mío hay una foto vieja, borrosa. En ella, estoy toda vestida de blanco, desde las perlas sujetas en mi cabello y apretadas contra mis orejas, hasta las que rodean holgadamente mis pequeñas muñecas. (...)

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arte: «Cultura Negra», Astrid Milena González Quintero >

Sara Hegazy

Sarah Hegazy, una audaz activista egipcia por los derechos LGBTQI+, vivía en una sociedad en la que lxs integrantes de su comunidad, sus cuerpos y sus vidas, enfrentan prejuicios letales a menudo. La resistencia de Sarah estaba arraigada en la deconstrucción del sistema dominante, opresor y patriarcal, y de sus actores antiderechos.

«[En Egipto], toda persona que no sea varón, musulmán, suní, heterosexual y partidario del sistema, es rechazada, reprimida, estigmatizada, arrestada, exiliada o asesinada. Este problema se relaciona con el sistema patriarcal en su conjunto, ya que el Estado no podría ejercer su represión contra lxs ciudadanxs, si no hubiera una opresión preexistente desde la infancia», escribió Sarah Hegazy el 6 de marzo de 2020

La supresión de la voz de Sarah por parte del gobierno egipcio alcanzó su pico más violento en 2017, cuando fue arrestada por alzar una bandera arcoíris en el recital de Mashrou’ Leila (una banda libanesa cuyo cantante principal es abiertamente gay) en El Cairo. Fue acusada de pertenecer a un grupo ilegal, y de «promover la desviación sexual y el libertinaje».

«Fue un acto de apoyo y solidaridad, no solamente con el cantante [de Mashrou’ Leila] sino con todas las personas oprimidas... Nos enorgulleció alzar la bandera. Nunca nos imaginamos la reacción de la sociedad y del Estado egipcio. Para ellos, yo era una criminal: alguien que buscaba destruir la estructura moral de la sociedad.» - Sarah Hegazy

Sarah estuvo encarcelada por tres meses, durante los cuales fue torturada y agredida sexualmente. En enero de 2018, después de ser liberada bajo fianza, pidió asilo en Canadá, donde estaba segura, pero seguía prisionera de los recuerdos del abuso y la violencia que su cuerpo y su alma habían sufrido.

«Salí de esta experiencia después de tres meses con un caso muy intenso y serio de TEPT [trastorno por estrés postraumático]. La prisión me mató. Me destruyó», dijo Sarah Hegazy a NPR.

Sarah se quitó la vida el 14 de junio de 2020, luego de dejar una nota escrita a mano en árabe:

«A mis hermanxs: traté de encontrar redención y fallé, perdónenme.
A mis amigxs: la experiencia [el viaje] fue muy dura y soy demasiado débil como para resistir, perdónenme.
Al mundo: has sido tremendamente cruel, pero perdono.»

Su legado y su coraje continuarán, llevados adelante por quienes la aman y creen en aquello por lo que Sarah luchó.

Tributos:

«A Sarah: Descansa, solo descansa, libre de esta violencia implacable, de este patriarcado letal impulsado por el Estado. Con rabia, con dolor, con extenuación, resistimos.» - Rasha Younes, investigadora sobre derechos LGBT de Human Rights Watch. Lee el texto completo

El vocalista de Mashrou’ Leila canta un tributo a Sarah Hegazy

Tributos en Twitter

Documental sobre la vida de Sarah Hegazy

Sitio web dedicado a Sarah Hegazy y a quienes (en especial voces LGBTQI) no pueden hacer su duelo en público