Norma Angelica Bruno Roman
Protection of the Family
The Issue
Over the past few years, a troubling new trend at the international human rights level is being observed, where discourses on ‘protecting the family’ are being employed to defend violations committed against family members, to bolster and justify impunity, and to restrict equal rights within and to family life.
The campaign to "Protect the Family" is driven by ultra-conservative efforts to impose "traditional" and patriarchal interpretations of the family, and to move rights out of the hands of family members and into the institution of ‘the family’.
“Protection of the Family” efforts stem from:
- rising traditionalism,
- rising cultural, social and religious conservatism and
- sentiment hostile to women’s human rights, sexual rights, child rights and the rights of persons with non-normative gender identities and sexual orientations.
Since 2014, a group of states have been operating as a bloc in human rights spaces under the name “Group of Friends of the Family”, and resolutions on “Protection of the Family” have been successfully passed every year since 2014.
This agenda has spread beyond the Human Rights Council. We have seen regressive language on “the family” being introduced at the Commission on the Status of Women, and attempts made to introduce it in negotiations on the Sustainable Development Goals.
Our Approach
AWID works with partners and allies to jointly resist “Protection of the Family” and other regressive agendas, and to uphold the universality of human rights.
In response to the increased influence of regressive actors in human rights spaces, AWID joined allies to form the Observatory on the Universality of Rights (OURs). OURs is a collaborative project that monitors, analyzes, and shares information on anti-rights initiatives like “Protection of the Family”.
Rights at Risk, the first OURs report, charts a map of the actors making up the global anti-rights lobby, identifies their key discourses and strategies, and the effect they are having on our human rights.
The report outlines “Protection of the Family” as an agenda that has fostered collaboration across a broad range of regressive actors at the UN. It describes it as: “a strategic framework that houses “multiple patriarchal and anti-rights positions, where the framework, in turn, aims to justify and institutionalize these positions.”
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Our values - esponsibility, Accountability, and Integrity
Responsibility, Accountability, and Integrity
We strive for transparency, responsible use of our resources, fairness in our collaborations and accountability and integrity with our members, partners, funders and the movements with(in) which we work. We are committed to reflecting on our experiences, sharing our learnings openly, and striving to change our practices accordingly.
2002: Discussions on the Financing for Development agenda begin
The Monterrey Conference on Financing for Development marked the beginning of discussions on the Financing for Development agenda.
- The Monterrey Consensus was adopted at this first international conference on Financing for Development. It was the first United Nations hosted summit-level meeting to address key financial and related issues on global development.
- The Conference and its preparatory process saw unprecedented cooperation between the United Nations and the World Bank (WB), the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the World Trade Organization (WTO) as part of efforts to promote greater coherence and consistency among the international monetary, trade and financial systems and institutions.
- Monterrey also marked the first time that financing for development debates took place between governments, representatives of civil society and the business sector. These actors moved the discussion beyond a ‘technical’ focus, to look at how to mobilize and channel financial resources to fulfill the internationally agreed development goals of previous UN conferences and summits of the 1990s, including the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs).
- The Women’s Caucus noted the historical significance of the conference stating that it had the potential to address structural challenges that continue to hamper development but also raised concern over the effects of increased militarisation and fundamentalism on women, despite the fact that the Monterrey Consensus assumed that the global economic and financial system worked for all.
- Learn more about the six Monterrey themes and the conference follow up mechanisms: Gender Issues and Concerns in Financing for Development by Maria Floro, Nilufer Çagatay, John Willoughby and Korkut Ertürk (INSTRAW, 2004)
كم من الوقت تستغرق تعبئة الاستطلاع؟
الوقت المقدّر لتعبئة الاستطلاع هو 30 دقيقة.
Snippet FEA Union Otras Photo 5 (ES)
Nadyn Jouny
« Le privé est politique » - tel est le mantra féministe que personnifiait la fougueuse et courageuse Nadyn Jouny. Nadyn avait personnellement vécu la douleur de la violence structurelle des systèmes juridiques qui refusent aux femmes de jouir de leurs droits.
Lorsqu’elle décide de demander le divorce, les tribunaux religieux chiites – conformément aux lois relatives au statut personnel du Liban – lui refusent la garde de son jeune fils Karam. Comme tant d’autres femmes au Liban et d’autres pays, Nadyn s’est retrouvée dans la situation douloureuse et insoutenable de devoir abandonner ses droits sur son enfant pour pouvoir quitter une relation abusive et non voulue. Mais Nadyn s’est battue, jusqu’au dernier jour.
Elle s’est servie de ses compétences médiatiques pour devenir la voix de celles qui n’en ont pas dans leur combat contre un droit de la famille discriminant, tant au Liban qu’à l’étranger. Nadyn a cofondé le groupe autofinancé « Protecting Lebanese Women » (PLW) et s’est alliée à d’autres mères libanaises vivant des situations similaires. Ensemble, elles ont cherché à sensibiliser la société en manifestant pour leurs droits devant les tribunaux religieux et attirant l’attention des médias sur les très grandes injustices qu’elles subissaient.
Nadyn a également collaboré avec ABAAD – Resource Center for Gender Equality, une autre organisation libanaise pour les droits des femmes, à l’occasion de campagnes pour la défense des droits des femmes, l’égalité dans le droit de la famille et la garde des enfants, et contre le mariage forcé et précoce.
Pour nombre de ses collègues, elle « symbolisait le combat d’une mère libanaise contre toutes les formes de répression et de misogynie » (en anglais), utilisant « son expérience personnelle et sa propre trajectoire d’autonomisation pour donner aux autres l’espoir qu’elles peuvent être des catalyseuses de changement positif ». - ABAAD – Resource Center for Gender Equality, Liban
Nadyn a tragiquement perdu la vie dans un accident de voiture le 6 octobre 2019, alors qu’elle se rendait à une manifestation contre les augmentations de taxes injustifiées, dans un pays qui connaît déjà une crise financière croissante. Nadyn Jouny n’avait que 29 ans au moment de son décès.
Our arepa: Resistance from the Kitchen
by Alejandra Laprea, Caracas, Venezuela (@alejalaprea)
I live in a country of the impossible, where there are no bombs yet we are living in a war.
A war that exists only for those of us living in this territory.
I live in a country no one understands, which few can really see, where various realities co-exist, and where the truth is murdered time and again.
I live in a country where one has to pay for the audacity of thinking for oneself, for taking on the challenge of seeing life another way.
I live in a country of women who have had to invent and reinvent, time and again, how they live and how to get by.
I live in Venezuela, in a time of an unusual and extraordinary threat.
Since 2012 my country has been subjected to an unconventional war. There are no defined armies or fire power. Their objective is to dislocate and distort the economy, affecting all households, daily life, the capacity of a people to dream and build a different kind of politics, an alternative to the patriarchal, bourgeois, capitalist democracy.
Venezuelan women are the primary victims of this economic war. Women who historically and culturally are responsible for providing care, are the most affected and in demand. However, in these years of economic and financial embargo, Venezuelan women have gone from being victims to the protagonists on the front lines defending our territory.
Battles are fought from the barrios, kitchens, and small gardens. We defend the right of girls and boys to go to school, and to be given something so simple as some arepas for breakfast.
Arepas are a kind of corn cake that can be fried, roasted or baked and served sweet or savoury as a side or main dish. It is a staple in the diet of all Venezuelans.
In Venezuela, arepas mean culture, family, food sovereignty, childhood nostalgia, the expert hands of grandmothers molding little balls, the warmth that comforts you when recovering from illness.
Arepas connect us as a people with the pre-Colombian cultures of corn, a resistance that has endured for more than five centuries. They are the Caribbean expressed differently on firm ground.
They are an act of resistance.
When my mother was a girl, they would start grinding the dry corn early in the morning to make arepas. The women would get up and put the kernels of corn in wooden mortars and pound it with heavy mallets to separate the shells. Then they would boil, soak, and grind the corn to make dough, and finally they would mold it into round arepas. The process would take hours and demand a lot of physical effort.
In the mid-20th century a Venezuelan company industrialized the production of corn meal. For an entire generation that seemed like an act of liberation, since there was now a flour that you could simply add water to and have hot arepas in 45 minutes time.
But that also meant that the same generation would lose the traditional knowledge on how to make them from scratch. My grandmother was an expert arepa maker, my mother saw it as a girl, and for me the corn meal came pre-packaged.
In the war with no military, the pre-cooked corn meal came to be wielded as an instrument of war by the same company that invented it, which was not so Venezuelan anymore: today the Polar group of companies is transnational.
We women began to recuperate our knowledge by talking with the eldest among us. We searched in the back of the closets for our grandmothers’ grinders, the ones we hadn’t thrown away out of affection. Some families still prepared the corn in the traditional way for important occasions. In some towns there were still communal grinding stations which had been preserved as part of local history or because small family businesses refused to die. All of these forms of cultural resistance were activated, and we even went so far as to invent new arepas.
Today we know that in order to resist we cannot depend on one food staple. Although corn arepas continue to be everyone’s favourite, we have invented recipes for arepas made of sweet potato, cassava, squash, and celery root.
We have learned that we can use almost any root vegetable to make arepas. Cooperative businesses have developed semi-industrial processes to make pre-cooked corn meal. In other words, we have recuperated our arepas and their preparation as a cultural good that belongs to all.
“Entretejidas” [Interwoven women]
by Surmercé, Santa Marta (@surmerce)
My artivism aims to decolonize our senses in everyday life. I like to create spaces that communicate how we weave together our different struggles, and that render visible dissident (re)existences, other possible worlds, and living bodies here in the SOUTH.
“We carry one another towards the future”
by Marga RH, Chile, UK (@Marga.RH)
Let's take care of one another
As we continue to fight in our struggles, let us remember how essential it is that we support each other, believe each other, and love ourselves and our sisters. When this system fucks us over, we must take time to look after our (physical and mental) health, that of our sisters, and to understand that each one of us carries unique stories, making us fighters in resist
Until dignity becomes a habit
These portraits are inspired by the voices of resistance and protest movements in Latin America, especially by the key role that feminised bodies play in these struggles. It is a tribute to the grassroots feminist movements in resistance.
14th AWID international Forum is cancelled (forum page)
El 14°Foro Internacional de AWID ha sido cancelado
Dada la situación global, nuestra Junta Directiva tomó la difícil decisión de cancelar el Foro que estaba programado en 2021, enTaipei.
2009: la ONU celebra una Conferencia sobre el impacto de la crisis económica
- Esta conferencia de 2009 fue un producto de la Conferencia de Doha realizada en 2008. La Declaración de Doha le había encargado a la ONU que el Presidente de su Asamblea General organizara una conferencia sobre la crisis financiera y económica mundial y su impacto sobre el desarrollo.
- En esta conferencia los grupos de mujeres, a través del WWG, destacaron el impacto de la crisis financiera mundial sobre los grupos en situación de vulnerabilidad. En su declaración ante los Estados Miembros, el WWG les propuso acciones que consideraba necesarias para remediar los efectos de la crisis sobre las mujeres. También observó que otros grupos sociales afectados por la crisis son clave para una respuesta que esté en consonancia con los estándares y compromisos internacionales en materia de igualdad de género, derechos de las mujeres, derechos humanos y empoderamiento.
Barbara Bergmann
Я прошла(-шел) опрос, но передумала(-л) и хочу отозвать ответы – что мне делать?
Если по какой-либо причине вы хотите, чтобы ваш ответ был отозван и удален, вы имеете на это право. Пожалуйста, свяжитесь с нами через форму здесь, указав «Опрос «Где деньги?»» в качестве заголовка вашего сообщения, и мы удалим ваш ответ.
Snippet FEA Principles of Work S4 (FR)
HORIZONTALITÉ
Hevrin Khalaf
Hevrin Khalaf was a prominent Syrian Kurdish political leader in the autonomous region of Rojava where Kurdish women are risking their lives to resist the Turkish offensive and build a feminist system.
She was Secretary-General of the Future Syria Party (FSP), a group that aimed to build bridges, reconcile different ethnic groups and work towards a “democratic, pluralistic, and decentralized Syria.”
Hevrin was a symbol of this reconciliation effort. She also worked to promote equality between women and men and was a representative for visiting journalists, aid workers, and diplomats.
Hevrin was also a civil engineer from Derik, and was one of the founders of the Foundation for Science and Free Thought in 2012.
On 12 October 2019 she was tortured and murdered by the Turkish-backed militia, Ahrar al-Sharqiya during a military operation against Syrian Democratic Forces in Rojava.
“The killing of Khalaf is a turning point in Syria’s modern history. It once again demonstrated the old Kurdish proverb “no friends but the mountains.” I will always be a friend of Khalaf and her vision of a better world.” - Ahed Al Hendi
Exposición en el Jardín de los Placeres
Estas obras son un trabajo colaborativo de fotografías e ilustraciones realizadas por Siphumeze y Katia durante el confinamiento. Muestran narrativas negras queer de sexo y placer, bondage, sexo seguro, juguetes, salud mental y sexo, y mucho más. Fueron creadas para acompañar la antología Touch.
About the Artists:
Siphumeze Khundayi es una creadora de arte, fotógrafa y facilitadora interesada en las formas creativas de unir el diálogo y la práctica artística en relación con la identidad queer africana.
Es directora creativa de HOLAAfrica!, una colectiva en línea mujerista panafricanista.
Sus trabajos de performance individual y en colaboración han sido presentados en numerosos festivales y espacios teatrales, tales como el Ricca Ricca Festival de Japón.
En 2017 y 2018 dirigió dos producciones que fueron nominadas a los Naledi Theatre Awards y, en 2020, obtuvo un premio Standard Bank Ovation.
Como fotógrafa, participó en Italia en una exposición grupal titulada Flowers of my Soul, organizada por The Misfit Project. Produjo tres publicaciones para HOLAAfrica!, y sus trabajos fueron publicados dentro y como tapa del Volume Two: As You Like de las Gerald Kraak Anthologies.
Es directora creativa de HOLAAfrica!, una colectiva en línea mujerista panafricanista.
Sus trabajos de performance individual y en colaboración han sido presentados en numerosos festivales y espacios teatrales, tales como el Ricca Ricca Festival de Japón.
En 2017 y 2018 dirigió dos producciones que fueron nominadas a los Naledi Theatre Awards y, en 2020, obtuvo un premio Standard Bank Ovation.
Como fotógrafa, participó en Italia en una exposición grupal titulada Flowers of my Soul, organizada por The Misfit Project. Produjo tres publicaciones para HOLAAfrica!, y sus trabajos fueron publicados dentro y como tapa del Volume Two: As You Like de las Gerald Kraak Anthologies.
Katia Herrera es una artista visual digital de 21 años, de la ruidosa ciudad de Santo Domingo, en la República Dominicana. A pesar de que se autodefine como introvertida, su obra es notablemente estruendosa en un mundo que intenta acallar las voces negras. Con títulos como “Black Woman” [«Mujer Negra»], “You Own the Moon” [«La Luna es Tuya»], “Earth Goddess” [«Diosa de la Tierra»], “Forever” [«Por Siempre»] y “Universe Protector” [«Protectora del Universo»], el legado de Herrera estará marcado por su pasión por poner de manifiesto la resistencia y la perseverancia de las personas negras del pasado y del presente, en contraposición a la narrativa de que la piel negra debería solamente ser asociada con la esclavitud.
Una de sus obras más hermosas y vivazmente tituladas, “Universe Protector”, representa al alma negra como una entidad divina plena de fortaleza, poder y grandeza. En su juventud, su amor por el diseño gráfico se vio estimulado por el talento artístico de su madre y su padre, y por el programa Photoshop que habían descargado en su computadora para su trabajo profesional de fotografía.
Una de sus obras más hermosas y vivazmente tituladas, “Universe Protector”, representa al alma negra como una entidad divina plena de fortaleza, poder y grandeza. En su juventud, su amor por el diseño gráfico se vio estimulado por el talento artístico de su madre y su padre, y por el programa Photoshop que habían descargado en su computadora para su trabajo profesional de fotografía.
“Where is the Money for Women’s Rights?" AWID’s WITM Toolkit (landing page intro) FR
Une nouvelle édition de la recherche Où est l'argent ? est en cours.
En savoir plusUne méthodologie de recherche autogérée
© UN Women/Ashutosh Negi (CC BY-NC-ND 2.0) [https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/2.0/]
L’AWID propose la Boîte à outils « Où est l’argent pour les droits des femmes? » (« Where Is The Money for Women's Rights? », WITM) pour soutenir les individus et les organisations qui souhaitent mener leur propre recherche sur les tendances de financement en adaptant la méthodologie de recherche de l’AWID à une région, une question ou une population spécifique.
La Boîte à outils WITM de l’AWID est le produit de dix ans de recherches. La rméthologie WITM de l’AWID proposent une démonstration politique et pratique des ressources et des étapes qu’exige une solide recherche-action.
L’équipe 'Ressources des mouvements féministes' offre également un soutien technique et politique, avant et pendant le processus de recherche. Parcourez la boîte à outils et contactez fundher@awid.org si vous souhaitez plus de renseignements.
Janvier 2015: 1ère session de rédaction du document final de la 3ème Conférence sur le FdD
La première session de rédaction du document final de la troisième Conférence sur le financement du développement
- À partir de janvier 2015, les sessions de rédaction du document final se sont succédé au siège de l’ONU à New York.
- Avant la première de ces sessions, les co-facilitateurs du processus préparatoire de la Conférence d’Addis Abeba ont présenté un document récapitulatif (en anglais) en vue de la rédaction de la dite « version zéro » du document final. Ce document avait vocation à servir de base aux négociations intergouvernementales relatives au contenu du document final.
- Pendant les sessions, des organisations de défense des droits des femmes ont mis l’accent sur la nécessité, au cours des processus relatifs à l’après-2015, d’aborder séparément le FdD et les modalités de mise en œuvre. À leurs yeux, le FdD offre une occasion unique aux États de s’attaquer aux causes structurelles des inégalités.
Angiza Shinwari
Posso compartilhar o inquérito com outras pessoas?
Claro que sim! Encorajamo-lo a compartilhar a ligação do nosso inquérito com as suas redes. Quanto mais perspetivas diversas recolhermos, melhor será a nossa compreensão do cenário financeiro para a organização feminista.
Diana Isabel Hernández Juárez
Diana Isabel Hernández Juárez fue una maestra guatemalteca, defensora de los derechos humanos y activista comunitaria y del medioambiente. Fue la coordinadora del programa ambiental de la parroquia de Nuestra Señora de Guadalupe, en la costa sur del país.
Diana dedicó su vida a co-crear conciencia ambiental, y trabajó de modo particularmente estrecho con comunidades locales para abordar problemas ambientales y proteger los recursos naturales. Inició proyectos tales como viveros forestales, granjas municipales, huertas familiares y campañas de limpieza. Participó activamente en programas de reforestación, tratando de recuperar especies nativas y paliar la falta de agua, en más de 32 comunidades rurales.
El 7 de septiembre de 2019, Diana recibió disparos y fue asesinada por dos hombres armados desconocidos mientras se encontraba participando de una procesión en su comunidad. Diana tenía solamente 35 años en el momento de su muerte.