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Priority Areas

Supporting feminist, women’s rights and gender justice movements to thrive, to be a driving force in challenging systems of oppression, and to co-create feminist realities.

Resourcing Feminist Movements

Banner image announcing that WITM Survey is live.

 

 

 

 

The “Where is the Money?” #WITM survey is now live! Dive in and share your experience with funding your organizing with feminists around the world.

Learn more and take the survey


Around the world, feminist, women’s rights, and allied movements are confronting power and reimagining a politics of liberation. The contributions that fuel this work come in many forms, from financial and political resources to daily acts of resistance and survival.


AWID’s Resourcing Feminist Movements (RFM) Initiative shines a light on the current funding ecosystem, which range from self-generated models of resourcing to more formal funding streams.

Through our research and analysis, we examine how funding practices can better serve our movements. We critically explore the contradictions in “funding” social transformation, especially in the face of increasing political repression, anti-rights agendas, and rising corporate power. Above all, we build collective strategies that support thriving, robust, and resilient movements.


Our Actions

Recognizing the richness of our movements and responding to the current moment, we:

  • Create and amplify alternatives: We amplify funding practices that center activists’ own priorities and engage a diverse range of funders and activists in crafting new, dynamic models  for resourcing feminist movements, particularly in the context of closing civil society space.

  • Build knowledge: We explore, exchange, and strengthen knowledge about how movements are attracting, organizing, and using the resources they need to accomplish meaningful change.

  • Advocate: We work in partnerships, such as the Count Me In! Consortium, to influence funding agendas and open space for feminist movements to be in direct dialogue to shift power and money.

Related Content

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Я прошла(-шел) опрос, но передумала(-л) и хочу отозвать ответы – что мне делать?

Если по какой-либо причине вы хотите, чтобы ваш ответ был отозван и удален, вы имеете на это право. Пожалуйста, свяжитесь с нами через форму здесь, указав «Опрос «Где деньги?»» в качестве заголовка вашего сообщения, и мы удалим ваш ответ.

Body

Posso compartilhar o inquérito com outras pessoas?

Claro que sim! Encorajamo-lo a compartilhar a ligação do nosso inquérito com as suas redes. Quanto mais perspetivas diversas recolhermos, melhor será a nossa compreensão do cenário financeiro para a organização feminista.

Courageous WHRDs in the Media

These 21 Women Human Rights Defenders (WHRDs) worked as journalists and more widely in the media sector in Mexico, Colombia, Fiji, Libya, Nepal, United States, Nicaragua, Philippines, Russia, Germany, France, Afghanistan, and the United Kingdom. 17 of them were murdered and in one case the cause of death is still unclear. On this World Press Freedom Day, please join us in commemorating the life and work of these women by sharing the images below with your colleagues, friends and networks using the hashtags #WPFD2016 and #WHRDs.

The contributions of these women were celebrated and honoured in our Tribute to Women Human Rights Defenders (WHRDs) Who Are No Longer With Us.


Please click on each image below to see a larger version and download as a file

 

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#FreezeFascisms

In the 30 years since the adoption of the Beijing Declaration & Platform for Action, a rising tide of fascisms is exerting significant power and influence within multilateral spaces, backpedalling gender justice gains and human rights protections globally.

Around CSW69, we're co-organizing horizontal, brave spaces on-ground and online, to share strategies and build feminist power beyond Beijing+30. Our collective presence disrupts institutional practices of exclusion in such spaces while supporting movements to organize around feminist alternatives to systems of oppression.

Join the conversations from March 10-21, 2025, as we collectively transform CSW69 into spaces for and about resistance and solidarity.

Research methology

Over eight years, we did four global surveys and built a research methodology.

In 2013, we published three global reports. These reports confirm that women’s rights organizations are doing the heavy lifting to advance women’s rights and gender equality by using diverse, creative and long-term strategies, all while being underfunded.

Our 2010 global survey showed that the collective income of 740 women’s organizations around the world totaled only USD 104 million. Compare this with Greenpeace International, one organization with a 2010 budget of USD 310 million1. Imagine the impact these groups could have if they were able to access all the financial resources they need and more?

AWID’s WITM research has catalyzed increased funding for women’s rights organizing. WITM research was a driving force behind the Catapult crowdfunding platform, which has raised USD 6.5 million for women’s rights. The Dutch Government cited WITM research as a reason for its unprecedented MDG 3 Fund of EU 82 million. WITM research has also led to the creation of several new funds: FRIDA – The Young Feminist Fund, the Indigenous Women’s Fund, Fundo Elas, the Mediterranean Women’s Fund and the Rita Fund.

Funding trends analyses

While the WITM research has shed important light on the global funding landscape, AWID and partners have identified the need to dig deeper, to analyze funding trends by region, population and issue. In response, organizations are now using AWID’s WITM research methodology to do their own funding trends analyses. For example, in November 2013, Kosova Women’s Network and Alter Habitus – Institute for Studies in Society and Culture published Where is the Money for Women’s Rights? A Kosovo Case Study.

At the same time, AWID continues to collaborate with partners in Where is the Money for Indigenous Women’s Rights (with International Indigenous Women’s Forum and International Funders for Indigenous Peoples) and our upcoming Where is the Money for Women’s Rights in Brazil? (with Fundo Elas).

Several organizations have also conducted their own independent funding trends research, deepening their understanding of the funding landscape and politics behind it. For example, the South Asian Women’s Fund was inspired by AWID’s WITM research to conduct funding trends reports for each country in South Asia, as well as a regional overview. Other examples of research outside of AWID include the collaboration between Open Society Foundations, Mama Cash, and the Red Umbrella Fund to produce the report Funding for Sex Workers Rights, and the first-ever survey on trans* and intersex funding by Global Action for Trans* Equality and American Jewish World Service.


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Snippet - Homepage CSW69_EN

AWID at CSW69 Beijing+30 | #FreezeFascisms

Our collective presence disrupts institutional practices of exclusion in such spaces while supporting movements to organize around feminist alternatives to systems of oppression.

Join the conversations from March 10-21, 2025, as we collectively transform CSW69 into spaces for and about resistance and solidarity.

Learn more

Reclaiming the Commons

Definition

There are varied conceptualizations about the commons notes activist and scholar Soma Kishore Parthasarathy.

Conventionally, they are understood as natural resources intended for use by those who depend on their use. However, the concept of the commons has expanded to include the resources of knowledge, heritage, culture, virtual spaces, and even climate. It pre-dates the individual property regime and provided the basis for organization of society. Definitions given by government entities limit its scope to land and material resources.

The concept of the commons rests on the cultural practice of sharing livelihood spaces and resources as nature’s gift, for the common good, and for the sustainability of the common.

Context

Under increasing threat, nations and market forces continue to colonize, exploit and occupy humanity’s commons.

In some favourable contexts, the ‘commons’ have the potential to enable women, especially economically oppressed women, to have autonomy in how they are able to negotiate their multiple needs and aspirations.

Feminist perspective

Patriarchy is reinforced when women and other oppressed genders are denied access and control of the commons.

Therefore, a feminist economy seeks to restore the legitimate rights of communities to these common resources. This autonomy is enabling them to sustain themselves; while evolving more egalitarian systems of governance and use of such resources. A feminist economy acknowledges women’s roles and provides equal opportunities for decision-making, i.e. women as equal claimants to these resources.

Photo: Ana Abelenda / AWID, 2012

Learn more about this proposition

Part of our series of


  Feminist Propositions for a Just Economy

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2025 Funding Database by ImpactMapper

Explore 150+ regularly updated funding opportunities in this searchable database, created in response to cuts in development aid. Filter by issue, region, funder type, and eligibility.

Subscribe to their database here

When development initiatives, religious fundamentalisms and the state of women’s rights collide

Our new research paper The Devil is in the Details addresses knowledge gaps around religious fundamentalisms within the development sector, and aims to improve understanding of how they constrain development and women’s rights in particular. It provides recommendations for ways development actors can avoid inadvertently strengthening and instead challenge fundamentalisms. [CTA download link: Read the full paper]

 

Seven pointers to consider

 

Graphic1 1. Control of women’s bodies, sexuality, and choice are “warning signs” of rising fundamentalisms.
2. Neoliberal economic policies have a particularly negative impact on women, and fuel the growth of religious fundamentalisms. Graphic2
Graphic3 3. Choosing religious organizations as default for partnerships builds their legitimacy and access to resources, and supports their ideology, including gender ideology.
4.Everyone has multiple identities and should be defined by more than just their religion. Foregrounding religious identities tends to reinforce the power of religious fundamentalists. Graphic4
Graphic5 5. Religion, culture, and tradition are constantly changing, being reinterpreted and challenged. What is dominant is always a question of power.
6. Racism, exclusion, and marginalization all add to the appeal of fundamentalists’ offer of a sense of belonging and a “cause”. Graphic6
Graphic7 7. There is strong evidence that the single most important factor in promoting women’s rights and gender equality is an autonomous women’s movement.

 

There has been a growth in the power and influence of religious fundamentalist actors globally.

The Devil is in the Details details the grave human rights violations, and violations of women’s rights in particular, caused by state-sponsored fundamentalism, as well as by fundamentalist non-state actors such as militias, religious community organizations, and individuals. Fundamentalist reinforcement of regressive, patriarchal social norms are leading to the rise of violence against women, girls, and women human rights defenders (WHRDs). The paper highlights these key insights for addressing the problem:

  • [icon] Religious fundamentalisms are gaining ground within communities
  • [icon] Political systems
  • [icon] International arenas with devastating effects for ordinary people, women in particular.

 

There is an urgent need to act for development actors.

Development actors are in a position to take a strong role in this. The collective capacity of development actors to recognize and collaboratively address religious fundamentalisms is vital for advancing social, economic, and gender justice and the human rights of all people in sustainable development. It is vital to promote intersectional feminist understandings of power and privilege, and to apply these to questions of religion and culture. Women’s organizations already have knowledge and strategies to counter fundamentalisms development actors should build on this, and invest in cross-issue coalitions to help them reach new heights.

Snippet2 - WCFM With smart filtering - EN

With smart filtering for Who Can Fund Me?  Database, you can search for funders based on:

Why did AWID choose Taipei as the location for the Forum?

AWID spent close to two years working to identify a Forum location in the Asia Pacific region (the Forum location rotates regions).

Building on initial desk research and consultations with allies that led us to rule out many other options in the region, we organized a thorough round of site visits to Nepal, Malaysia, Sri Lanka, Thailand, Indonesia and (later) Taiwan. 

Each site visit included not just scoping the logistical infrastructure but meeting with local feminist groups and activists to better understand the context, and their sense of potential opportunities and risks of an AWID forum in their context.

In our site visits, we found incredibly vibrant, diverse local feminist movements.

They often expressed conflicted feelings about the opportunities and risk that the visibility of an event like the Forum could bring to them. In one, during the first 30 minutes of our meeting we heard unanimously from the activists gathered that an AWID Forum would be subject to huge backlash, that LGBTQ rights were a particular political hot-button and that fundamentalist groups would turn out in full force to interrupt the event. When our response was “ok, then you don’t feel it’s a good idea”, again the unanimous response was “of course it is, we want to change the narrative!”.

It was difficult to hear and see in some of these places how many feminist activists wanted to leverage the opportunity of a visible big event and were prepared to face the local risks; but our considerations as hosts of close to 2,000 people from around the world impose a different calculation of risk and feasibility.

We also grappled with questions of what it means to organize a feminist forum that is aligned to principles around inclusion, reciprocity and self-determination, when state policy and practice is usually directly counter to that (although officials in the ministries of Tourism work very hard to smooth that over).

We weighed considerations of infrastructure, with potential opportunity to tip momentum on some national level feminist agendas, and national political context.

In many of these places, monitoring the context felt like an exercise on a pendulum that could swing from open and safe for feminist debates in one moment to stark repression and xenophobia the next, sacrificing feminist priorities as political bargaining chips to pacify right wing, anti-rights forces.

The process has been a sobering reflection on the incredibly challenging context for women’s rights and gender justice activism globally.

Our challenges in Asia Pacific led us to consider: would it be easier if we moved the Forum to a different region? Yet today, we would not be able to organize an AWID Forum in Istanbul as we did in 2012; nor would we be able to do one in Brazil as we did in 2016.

With all of this complexity, AWID selected Taipei as the Forum location because:

  • It offers a moderate degree of stability and safety for the diversity of Forum participants we will convene.
  • it also has strong logistical capacities, and is accessible for many travellers (with a facilitated e-visa process for international conferences).
  • The local feminist movement is welcoming of the Forum and keen to engage with feminists from across the globe.

In organizing the AWID Forum, we are trying to build and hold space as best we can for the diverse expressions of solidarity, outrage, hope and inspiration that are at the core of feminist movements.

At this moment, we see Taipei as the location in the Asia Pacific region that will best allow us to build that safe and rebelious space for our global feminist community.

The fact is, there is no ideal location in today’s world for a Forum that centers Feminist Realities. Wherever we go, we must build that space together!

WITM - Refreshed DATA SNAPSHOTS - EN

Data Snapshots

Our collective power, wisdom, and commitment have no boundaries, but our bank accounts do.

Data snapshots are based on the responses of 1,174 feminist, women’s rights, LGBTQI+, and allied organizations (hereafter referred to as “feminist and women's rights organizations”) from 128 countries to the Where is the Money for Feminist Organizing? survey. These snapshots reflect experiences from 2021–2023, analyzed in the context of defunding trends unfolding in 2024–2025.

Here’s what you need to know about the current state of resourcing for feminist organizing.

Explore Data Snapshots

Leitis in Waiting Watch Party Participation Guide

Snippet - COP30 - Feminist Demands Title

Feminist Demands for COP30

Anti-Rights Discourses

Chapter 3

Anti-rights discourses continue to evolve.  As well as using arguments related to religion, culture, and tradition, anti-rights actors co-opt the language of social justice and human rights to conceal their true agendas and gain legitimacy.

Alison Howard, Alliance Defending Freedom, speaks outside the construction site of the Washington, D.C. Planned Parenthood.
© American Life League/Flickr
Alison Howard, Alliance Defending Freedom, speaks outside the construction site of the Washington, D.C. Planned Parenthood.

Three decades ago, a US television evangelist and Republican candidate famously said that feminism is an “anti-family political movement that encourages women to leave their husbands, kill their children, practice witchcraft, destroy capitalism and become lesbians.” Today, this conspirative notion gains unprecedented grasp and legitimacy in the form of “gender ideology” discourse, a catch-all bogey-man created by anti-rights actors for them to oppose. 

Across a range of discourses employed by anti-rights actors - including notions of “cultural imperialism” and “ideological colonization”, appeals to “conscientious objection” and the idea of a “pre-natal genocide” - a key theme is co-optation. Anti-rights actors take legitimate issues, or select parts of them, and twist them in service of their oppressive agenda.

Table of Contents

  • Gender Ideology
  • Cultural Imperialism and Ideological Colonization
  • Abortion: Conscientious Objection
  • Abortion: Prenatal Genocide
  • Exercise: Let’s Take Back the Narrative
  • Movement Resistance Story: The Nairobi Principles: Cross-Movement Commitments on Disability and SRHR 
     

Read Full Chapter >

Confronting Extractivism & Corporate Power

Women human rights defenders (WHRDs) worldwide defend their lands, livelihoods and communities from extractive industries and corporate power. They stand against powerful economic and political interests driving land theft, displacement of communities, loss of livelihoods, and environmental degradation.


Why resist extractive industries?

Extractivism is an economic and political model of development that commodifies nature and prioritizes profit over human rights and the environment. Rooted in colonial history, it reinforces social and economic inequalities locally and globally. Often, Black, rural and Indigenous women are the most affected by extractivism, and are largely excluded from decision-making. Defying these patriarchal and neo-colonial forces, women rise in defense of rights, lands, people and nature.

Critical risks and gender-specific violence

WHRDs confronting extractive industries experience a range of risks, threats and violations, including criminalization, stigmatization, violence and intimidation.  Their stories reveal a strong aspect of gendered and sexualized violence. Perpetrators include state and local authorities, corporations, police, military, paramilitary and private security forces, and at times their own communities.

Acting together

AWID and the Women Human Rights Defenders International Coalition (WHRD-IC) are pleased to announce “Women Human Rights Defenders Confronting Extractivism and Corporate Power”; a cross-regional research project documenting the lived experiences of WHRDs from Asia, Africa and Latin America.

We encourage activists, members of social movements, organized civil society, donors and policy makers to read and use these products for advocacy, education and inspiration.

Share your experience and questions!

Tell us how you are using the resources on WHRDs Confronting extractivism and corporate power.

◾️ How can these resources support your activism and advocacy?

◾️ What additional information or knowledge do you need to make the best use of these resources?

Share your feedback


Thank you!

AWID acknowledges with gratitude the invaluable input of every Woman Human Rights Defender who participated in this project. This project was made possible thanks to your willingness to generously and openly share your experiences and learnings. Your courage, creativity and resilience is an inspiration for us all. Thank you!

Related Content

Transitions : l’histoire de Tangarr

Transitions : l’histoire de Tangarr

Depuis l’annexion de la Crimée à la Russie en mars 2014, les droits et les communautés des personnes lesbiennes, gaies, bisexuelles, trans*, queers et intersexes (LGBT*QI) de la péninsule sont soumis à la loi discriminatoire et répressive de « propagande anti-gays » (lien en anglais). 


Tangarr est né à Sébastopol, une ville située au bord de la Mer Noire. Mais cet homme trans* aux convictions et aux principes bien ancrés, soutenant le féminisme, les droits LGBT*QI et les droits humains en général, estime que la Crimée est aujourd’hui un lieu dangereux (lien en anglais) et a fui avec son partenaire en Ukraine continentale. 

De l’identité 

Contrairement à la plupart des personnes trans*, Tangarr a découvert un peu plus tard que son identité de genre n’était pas en accord avec le sexe qui lui avait été assigné à la naissance. Il nous a raconté que son enfance avait été relativement heureuse, que ses parents avaient une vision plutôt libérale du comportement que l’on attend d’un enfant. Son frère et lui ont été traités de la même façon, et on ne demandait pas à Tangarr « d’avoir le comportement d’une fille normale » ou de faire des choses que la société considère féminines. 

« Je jouais aux cowboys et aux indiens, j’escaladais des montagnes avec mes parents et mon frère, on voyageait en sac à dos. Je faisais du judo. J’étais moi-même et je me sentais bien. »

Mais avec la puberté, il a vu surgir les difficultés. Il vivait mal les aspirations de sa mère, en particulier l’idée selon laquelle la puberté était la période qui « transforme les filles en de belles femmes », une idée qui est souvent enjolivée. 

Cette métamorphose suscitait en lui des sentiments de frustration et du tourment. Il se souvient : « C’est dur de réaliser que le développement de votre corps prend une direction opposée à celle de votre psyché ». 

La société ne l’a pas toujours traité comme il l’aurait souhaité, les gens voyaient en lui une jeune fille. Cela ne lui inspirait qu’une confusion et une impression d’incongruité, toutes deux liées au fait que leur perception le décevait.

« J’ai cru que j’étais lesbienne (parce que, vous savez, elles sont stéréotypées comme étant des femmes masculines), mais je préférais les hommes. C’est là qu’on se rend compte à quel point il est important d’éclairer les gens sur les questions d’orientation de genre et sexuelle. » 

Tangarr décrit qu’il a cruellement manqué d’informations concernant les personnes trans*, ce qui l’a amené à croire que le plus gros problème venait de son corps. Il s’est mis à s’entraîner, « [est] devenu plus musclé et athlétique, mais quelque chose manquait clairement ». Bien qu’atténuée par un environnement assez libéral et par la compréhension et le soutien de ses ami-e-s, cette impression d’incongruité a continué de persister.

Sa vie a changé lorsque quelqu’un (qu’il connaissait) a cherché à l’insulter en lui disant : « Tu peux t’entraîner autant que tu veux, tu ne seras jamais un homme ». À cet instant, Tangarr a réalisé une chose à laquelle il dit n’avoir jamais pensé auparavant… 

« Je me suis dit que j’étais seul. Une fille qui se sent comme un mec — un mec gay, qui plus est. »

Changements juridiques et obstacles 

Avant de changer légalement de sexe, les renseignements que Tangarr a trouvés sur le net et les gens avec lesquels il a échangé l’ont aidé à s’orienter afin d’obtenir toutes les informations nécessaires au sujet de ce processus en Ukraine. Il a lu des témoignages, des articles médicaux, essentiellement tout ce qu’il pouvait sur les changements au niveau de l’apparence et sur le traitement hormonal de substitution. 

Il a entamé sa thérapie et subi une mastectomie (ablation des seins) à Moscou, en Russie, puisqu’il « n’existe en Ukraine aucun chirurgien de qualité réputé dans ce domaine ». Pour lui, cela reflète aussi « l’ignorance générale de la population sur les questions trans*, et cela même parmi le corps médical ». 

« Au nom de tout ce qui nous tient à cœur, il est impensable de refuser de relever ce défi. » 

Mais l’Ukraine exige qu’une stérilisation irréversible soit pratiquée afin d’effectuer le changement de sexe. Tangarr s’est insurgé contre cette condition, car « la stérilisation forcée est discriminatoire pour mille et une raisons ». Avec l’aide d’un ami, il est parvenu à modifier ses documents légalement, sans avoir à subir d’hystérectomie (ablation de l’utérus). Il est l’une des très rares personnes à avoir procédé ainsi en Ukraine. 

Discrimination/préjugés/violence et adhérer à des mouvements 

 « J’ai toujours trouvé bizarre que personne ne fasse rien pour empêcher que cela n’arrive… Et puis j’ai compris que ‘personne’, c’était moi ». 

Les expériences que Tangarr a faites au cours de sa vie (de femme) l’ont amené à rejoindre le mouvement féministe, « dans la mesure où sa socialisation en tant qu’homme a mis en évidence tous les obstacles que les filles et les femmes ont à surmonter jour après jour ». C’est un activiste de Lavender Menace, un groupe dont les principaux domaines d’intérêt sont la théorie queer, le féminisme et les droits trans*. Il est aussi membre actif de la Trans* Coalition, qui rassemble les personnes trans* et leurs allié-e-s des pays de l’ex Union soviétique. 

En décembre 2015, Tangarr a entamé son travail activiste et participé à un dialogue entre représentant-e-s de la communauté trans* des pays de l'Europe de l'Est et d'Asie centrale (EEAC, en anglais) et de l’Eurasian Coalition on Male Health ou ECOM (Coalition eurasienne sur la santé des hommes), afin de parler des stratégies de prévention et des traitements du VIH et du SIDA au sein de la communauté trans* en tant que groupe socialement vulnérable. Il a présenté un exposé sur « les préjugés cognitifs comme causes de la forte exposition des hommes trans* à l’infection du VIH, les méthodes de prévention et l’amélioration de la situation ».

Il a participé à la création d’un ouvrage d’information sur le genre, rédigé des articles sur le thème trans*, travaillé à une vidéo de soutien à Odessa Pride et s’est exprimé lors d’une émission télévisée au sujet des obstacles juridiques auxquels les personnes trans* sont confrontées lorsqu’elles tentent de changer de sexe. 

Le Centre de la lutte contre le VIH et le SIDA de Kirovohrad (au centre de l'Ukraine) a invité Tangarr à donner une conférence sur les questions trans* à des journalistes, des activistes œuvrant en faveur des droits humains, des travailleur-euse-s de la santé et à la police. 

Tangarr est fermement convaincu que « l’éducation est une panacée capable d’éliminer les préjugés et les idées erronées, la discrimination et la xénophobie ». Il a pour devise : « Optez pour la vérité le plus rapidement possible ». 

« Plus nous savons de choses sur ce qui a trait à l’identité de genre et l’orientation sexuelle, moins nous nourrissons de préjugés. Les idées reçues engendrent de la souffrance. En abolissant l’ignorance, on diminue la détresse qu’elle provoque. » 

Source
AWID

Transitions: Tangarr’s Story

Transitions: Tangarr’s Story

After Russia annexed Crimea from Ukraine in March 2014, Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, Transgender, Queer and Intersex (LGBTQI) rights and communities on the peninsula became subject to the discriminatory and repressive ‘anti-gay propaganda’ law


Tangarr was born in Sevastopol, a city on the Black Sea. But as a gay transman, with strong views and principles supporting feminism, LGBTQI rights and human rights in general, he now considers Crimea a dangerous place and has fled with his partner to the continental part of Ukraine.

About Identity

Unlike most transgender people, Tangarr discovered somewhat later in life that his gender identity didn't match his sex assigned at birth. He told us about his childhood being relatively happy and his parents holding fairly liberal views on how a child is supposed to behave. He and his brother were treated equally, and Tangarr wasn’t persuaded to 'act like a normal girl' or do things traditionally considered feminine by society.

"I was playing Cowboys and Indians, climbing mountains with my parents and my brother, we went backpacking. I practiced Judo. I had no problem with being myself."

The coming of puberty, though, brought challenges for him. He wasn’t happy about everything his mother cherished, particularly the notion that this was the time that ‘turns girls into beautiful women’, an idea often romanticized.

His feelings about those changes were based on worry and frustration, he remembers, “it's hard to realize that your body develops in a way contradictory to your psyche”. 

Society didn’t treat him the way he wanted to be treated, people saw in him a young girl, and all he felt was a sense of wrongness and confusion related to the fact that their perception disappointed him.

“I thought I was lesbian (because they're, you know, stereotypically portrayed as masculine women), but I preferred men. It’s one of the moments when you realize how important enlightenment on issues of gender and sexual orientation is.”

Tangarr describes how he lacked information about transgender people, so he thought that the main problem was his body. He worked out, “became more muscular and athletic, yet something was definitely missing”. The sense of wrongness still persisted even if it was diminished by a quite liberal environment, including the understanding and support of friends.

His life was changed by someone (he used to know) attempting to insult him by saying “no matter how hard you work out, you’ll never be a man”. At this point, Tangarr realized something he said he never thought about before...

“I thought I was alone. A girl who feels like a guy — moreover, a gay guy.”

Legal changes and challenges

Prior to his legal sex change, the information Tangarr found online and the people he talked to helped guide him to learn all he needed to know about this process in Ukraine. He read stories, medical articles, basically everything about appearance changes and hormone replacement therapy.

He started the therapy and went through mastectomy (removal of breasts) procedure in Moscow, Russia as there “are no surgeons in Ukraine who are famed for quality in this matter”. For him this also reflects general “ignorance among the population on transgender issues, even among medical workers”. 

“For everything we hold dear, it’s unthinkable to refuse facing the challenge.”

However, to complete the legal sex change in Ukraine, irreversible sterilization is mandatory. Tangarr protested against this because, “forced sterilization is discriminatory for too many reasons to count”. With support of a friend, he was able to change documents legally, without undergoing hysterectomy (removal of the uterus). He is one of the very few people who has done so in Ukraine. 

Discrimination/Bias/Violence and joining movement(s)

 “I always found it weird that nobody does anything to stop it from happening… But then I understood that this nobody is me”

Tangarr’s experiences during his life (as a woman) moved him to join the feminist movement, “as further male socialization highlighted all the challenges girls and women must overcome on a daily basis”. He is an activist in "Lavender Menace", a group whose main fields of interest are queer theory, feminism and transgender rights, and is an active member of the Trans* Coalition, which unites transgender people and their allies in countries of the former Soviet Union. 

In December 2015, Tangarr began his work as an activist by participating in a dialogue between representatives of the transgender community from countries of Eastern  Europe and Central Asia (EECA) and the Eurasian Coalition on Male Health (ECOM), to discuss  prevention and treatment of HIV and AIDS among transgender people as a socially vulnerable group. He made a presentation on "Cognitive biases as reasons for transmen being at a high risk of HIV infection, methods of prevention and improvement of the situation".

He has participated in creating an information booklet about gender, has authored articles on transgender issues, has worked on a video to support Odessa Pride, and has spoken on a television show about challenges transgender people face when trying to change legal sex.

In the Kirovograd (central Ukraine) Centre for Fight against HIV and AIDS, Tangarr has been invited to lecture journalists, human rights activists, medical workers and the police on transgender issues.

Tangarr firmly believes that “education is a panacea for biases and misconceptions, discrimination and xenophobia”. His motto: “surrender to the truth as fast as you can”.

“The more we know about gender identity and sexual orientation issues, the less biased we become. With prejudice comes suffering, and to dispel ignorance is to diminish distress caused by it.”

Topics
LGBTQI Rights
Source
AWID

Transiciones: La historia de Tangarr

Transiciones: La historia de Tangarr

Después de que Rusia le quitara Crimea a Ucrania y la anexara en marzo de 2014, las comunidades de personas lesbianas, gay, bisexuales, trans, queer e intersex (LGBTQI) de la península y sus derechos quedaron sujetos a una ley discriminatoria y represiva conocida como ley de «propaganda anti-gay»


Tangarr nació en Sebastopol, una ciudad sobre el Mar Negro. Como hombre trans y gay con firmes convicciones y principios que apoyan el feminismo, los derechos LGBTQI y los derechos humanos en general, considera que Crimea se ha tornado un lugar peligroso y por eso huyó con su pareja a la parte continental de Ucrania. 

Sobre la identidad 

A diferencia de la mayoría de las personas trans, Tangarr descubrió relativamente tarde que su identidad de género no coincidía con el sexo que le habían asignado al nacer. Nos contó que su infancia fue relativamente feliz y que su madre y su padre tenían una visión bastante liberal de cómo se supone que lxs niñxs deben comportarse. Los trataban a él y a su hermano de igual manera y nunca intentaron persuadir a Tangarr de que «actuara como una niña normal» o que hiciera cosas que la sociedad tradicionalmente considera como femeninas. 

«Jugaba a indios y vaqueros, escalaba montañas con mis padres y mi hermano, íbamos de mochileros. Practicaba judo. No tenía ningún problema en ser yo mismo.»


Pero la llegada de la pubertad implicó desafíos para él. No estaba contento con nada lo que su madre valoraba, sobre todo la idea a menudo idealizada de que ese es el momento en que «las chicas se convierten en bellas mujeres».

Sus sentimientos en relación a esos cambios tenían que ver más con la preocupación y la frustración, y recuerda lo «difícil que es darse cuenta que tu cuerpo se desarrolla de una forma que contradice a tu alma».

La sociedad no lo trataba de la forma en que él quería ser tratado; la gente veía en él a una joven y lo único que él sentía era que algo no estaba bien. Su confusión estaba relacionada con el hecho de que la percepción que la gente tenía de él lo decepcionaba. 

«Pensé que era lesbiana (porque, como ya saben, el estereotipo las muestra como mujeres masculinas), pero prefería a los hombres. Es uno de los momentos en los que te das cuenta de lo importante que es entender las cuestiones del género y la orientación sexual». 

Tangarr relata que como carecía de información acerca de las personas transgénero, pensó que el problema principal era su cuerpo. Hizo ejercicio y logró «volverse más musculoso y atlético, pero definitivamente algo estaba faltando». Sin embargo, la sensación persistente de que algo no estaba bien se veía atenuada por un entorno bastante liberal en el que contaba con la comprensión y el apoyo de sus amigxs.

Fue una persona (que él conocía) quien cambió su vida cuando intentó insultarle diciendo «No importa cuánto ejercicio hagas, nunca serás un hombre». En ese momento Tangarr se dio cuenta de algo que nunca se le había ocurrido antes... 

«Pensé que estaba solx. Una chica que se sentía como un chico — lo que es más, un chico gay».

Cambios legales y desafíos 

Antes de su cambio de sexo legal, Tangarr encontró información en línea y habló con gente que le ayudó y le guió mientras aprendía todo lo que necesitaba saber acerca de este proceso en Ucrania. Leyó historias, artículos médicos, básicamente todo lo relacionado con los cambios en la apariencia y la terapia de reemplazo hormonal. 

Tangarr comenzó la terapia y se hizo una mastectomía (extirpación de los senos) en Moscú, Rusia, ya que «no hay cirujanos en Ucrania que sean conocidos por su pericia en este tema». Para él, esta situación también refleja el estado general de «ignorancia sobre los temas trans que existe entre la población, incluso entre lxs trabajadorxs de la salud». 

«Por todo aquello que atesoramos, es impensable negarse a enfrentar el desafío.» 

Sin embargo, en Ucrania, para completar el cambio de sexo legal es obligatoria la esterilización irreversible. Tangarr protestó contra eso porque «las razones por las que la esterilización forzada es discriminatoria son demasiadas para ser enumeradas». Con el apoyo de una persona amiga pudo cambiar sus documentos legalmente, sin someterse a una histerectomía (extracción del útero). Tangarr es una de las pocas personas que lo ha hecho en Ucrania.

Discriminación/Prejuicios/Violencia y la afiliación al/los movimiento(s)  

«Siempre me pareció raro que nadie hiciera nada para evitar que eso sucediera... Pero luego entendí que ese nadie era yo.» 

Las experiencias de Tangarr durante su vida (como mujer) le llevaron a unirse al movimiento feminista, «ya que el proceso adicional de socialización masculina puso de relieve todos los desafíos que las niñas y mujeres deben superar día a día». Desde entonces es activista en la «Amenaza Violeta», un grupo cuyas principales áreas de interés son la teoría queer, el feminismo y los derechos trans y miembro activo de la Trans* Coalition [Coalición Trans*], grupo que une a las personas trans y sus aliadxs en los países de la antigua Unión Soviética. 

En diciembre de 2015 Tangarr comenzó su trabajo como activista participando en un coloquio entre representantes de la comunidad trans de los países de Europa Oriental y Asia Central (EECA, por sus siglas en inglés) y la Eurasian Coalition on Male Health (ECOM) [Coalición Euroasiática sobre Salud Masculina], para discutir sobre prevención y tratamiento de VIH y SIDA entre las personas trans como grupo socialmente vulnerable. Allí hizo una presentación sobre los «Los sesgos cognitivos como razones por las cuales los hombres trans corren un alto riesgo de infección por VIH, métodos de prevención y cómo mejorar la situación».

Tangarr ha colaborado en la creación de un folleto informativo sobre género, ha escrito artículos sobre temas trans, ha trabajado en un video que apoya al grupo Odessa Pride [Orgullo Odesa] y ha hablado en un programa de televisión acerca de los desafíos que enfrentan las personas trans cuando intentan hacer un cambio de sexo legalmente

En el Centro de Lucha contra el VIH y el SIDA de Kirovogrado (Ucrania central), Tangarr ha sido invitado a dar una conferencia para periodistas, activistas de derechos humanos, trabajadorxs de la salud y policías sobre temas trans. 

Tangarr cree firmemente que «la educación es una panacea contra los prejuicios y conceptos erróneos, la discriminación y la xenofobia». Su lema es: «Ríndete a la verdad tan rápido como puedas».

«Cuanto más sepamos sobre identidad de género y orientación sexual, menos prejuicios tendremos. El prejuicio trae aparejado sufrimiento, por eso barrer con la ignorancia es reducir el dolor que ella causa».

Source
AWID