Sabriya Simon
Marcha da Mulheres Negras 2016
Marcha da Mulheres Negras 2016
Marcha da Mulheres Negras 2016

Priority Areas

Supporting feminist, women’s rights and gender justice movements to thrive, to be a driving force in challenging systems of oppression, and to co-create feminist realities.

Co-Creating Feminist Realities

While we dream of a feminist world, there are those who are already building and living it. These are our Feminist Realities!

What are Feminist Realities?

Feminist Realities are the living, breathing examples of the just world we are co-creating. They exist now, in the many ways we live, struggle and build our lives.

Feminist Realities go beyond resisting oppressive systems to show us what a world without domination, exploitation and supremacy look like.

These are the narratives we want to unearth, share and amplify throughout this Feminist Realities journey.

Transforming Visions into Lived Experiences

Through this initiative, we:

  • Create and amplify alternatives: We co-create art and creative expressions that center and celebrate the hope, optimism, healing and radical imagination that feminist realities inspire.

  • Build knowledge: We document, demonstrate & disseminate methodologies that will help identify the feminist realities in our diverse communities.

  • Advance feminist agendas: We expand and deepen our collective thinking and organizing to advance just solutions and systems that embody feminist values and visions.

  • Mobilize solidarity actions: We engage feminist, women’s rights and gender justice movements and allies in sharing, exchanging and jointly creating feminist realities, narratives and proposals at the 14th AWID International Forum.


The AWID International Forum

As much as we emphasize the process leading up to, and beyond, the four-day Forum, the event itself is an important part of where the magic happens, thanks to the unique energy and opportunity that comes with bringing people together.

We expect the next Forum to:

  • Build the power of Feminist Realities, by naming, celebrating, amplifying and contributing to build momentum around experiences and propositions that shine light on what is possible and feed our collective imaginations

  • Replenish wells of hope and energy as much needed fuel for rights and justice activism and resilience

  • Strengthen connectivity, reciprocity and solidarity across the diversity of feminist movements and with other rights and justice-oriented movements

Learn more about the Forum process

We are sorry to announce that the 14th AWID International Forum is cancelled

Given the current world situation, our Board of Directors has taken the difficult decision to cancel Forum scheduled in 2021 in Taipei. 

Read the full announcement

Find out more!

Related Content

WITM - Refreshed DATA SNAPSHOTS - EN

Data Snapshots

Our collective power, wisdom, and commitment have no boundaries, but our bank accounts do.

Data snapshots are based on the responses of 1,174 feminist, women’s rights, LGBTQI+, and allied organizations (hereafter referred to as “feminist and women's rights organizations”) from 128 countries to the Where is the Money for Feminist Organizing? survey. These snapshots reflect experiences from 2021–2023, analyzed in the context of defunding trends unfolding in 2024–2025.

Here’s what you need to know about the current state of resourcing for feminist organizing.

Explore Data Snapshots

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Snippet - COP30 - Feminist Demands Title

Feminist Demands for COP30

Confronting Extractivism & Corporate Power

Women human rights defenders (WHRDs) worldwide defend their lands, livelihoods and communities from extractive industries and corporate power. They stand against powerful economic and political interests driving land theft, displacement of communities, loss of livelihoods, and environmental degradation.


Why resist extractive industries?

Extractivism is an economic and political model of development that commodifies nature and prioritizes profit over human rights and the environment. Rooted in colonial history, it reinforces social and economic inequalities locally and globally. Often, Black, rural and Indigenous women are the most affected by extractivism, and are largely excluded from decision-making. Defying these patriarchal and neo-colonial forces, women rise in defense of rights, lands, people and nature.

Critical risks and gender-specific violence

WHRDs confronting extractive industries experience a range of risks, threats and violations, including criminalization, stigmatization, violence and intimidation.  Their stories reveal a strong aspect of gendered and sexualized violence. Perpetrators include state and local authorities, corporations, police, military, paramilitary and private security forces, and at times their own communities.

Acting together

AWID and the Women Human Rights Defenders International Coalition (WHRD-IC) are pleased to announce “Women Human Rights Defenders Confronting Extractivism and Corporate Power”; a cross-regional research project documenting the lived experiences of WHRDs from Asia, Africa and Latin America.

We encourage activists, members of social movements, organized civil society, donors and policy makers to read and use these products for advocacy, education and inspiration.

Share your experience and questions!

Tell us how you are using the resources on WHRDs Confronting extractivism and corporate power.

◾️ How can these resources support your activism and advocacy?

◾️ What additional information or knowledge do you need to make the best use of these resources?

Share your feedback


Thank you!

AWID acknowledges with gratitude the invaluable input of every Woman Human Rights Defender who participated in this project. This project was made possible thanks to your willingness to generously and openly share your experiences and learnings. Your courage, creativity and resilience is an inspiration for us all. Thank you!

Related Content

نحن نعيد إعطاء المال لشركائنا/شريكاتنا ونعرّف عن أنفسنا كنسويات و\ أو صندوق نسائي. هل علينا تعبئة الاستطلاع؟

كلا. نقدّر عملكم/ن لكننا لا نطلب في هذه المرحلة من الصناديق النسوية والنسائية تعبئة الاستطلاع. نشجعكم/ن على مشاركة الاستطلاع مع شركائكم/ن و شبكاتكم/ن النسوية.

Zita Kavungirwa Kayange

Zita was a women’s rights activist who defended the rights of rural women in Greater Kivu.

She was the first Executive Director of UWAKI - a well known women’s organisation. Through her work with Women's Network for Rights and Peace (RFDP), and the Women's Caucus of South Kivu for Peace, she committed her life to helping to restore peace in the Eastern DRC. She spoke out strongly against the use of sexual violence as a weapon of war.

In 2006, she put herself forward as a candidate in the first democratic elections in the DRC. Although she did not win, she continued to advocate for women’s rights and the South Kivu community remembers her fondly. 


 

Zita Kavungirwa Kayange, Republic Democratic of Congo

Snippet FEA Unfair Policies (ES)

Escalas de justicia rosa

POLÍTICAS INJUSTAS

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Become a member - Spanish (homepage block)

Afíliate

Al unirte a AWID, te sumas a un proceso organizativo feminista mundial, un poder colectivo surgido del trabajo entre movimientos y basado en la solidaridad.

Afíliate hoy mismo

Ideas sobre financiamiento

En esta página les ofrecemos ideas e inspiración para financiar su participación en el 14° Foro de AWID. 

Cuando planifiquen la actividad que les gustaría presentar en el Foro, por favor también tengan en cuenta cómo podrían financiar su participación. Los costos a tener en cuenta son: alojamiento, viaje, visa, inscripción al Foro, y otros.

Es importante señalar que este Foro tendrá muchos ‘espacios abiertos’ y momentos para que los distintos movimientos puedan intercambiar entre sí y aprender, pero menos sesiones formales. (Consulten la sección sobre “Cómo describir el Foro para movilizar recursos” debajo).

Trabajar con sus donantes actuales:

Antes que nada, hablen con sus donantes actuales. 

Asegúrense de hacerlo con anticipación. (Les recomendamos contactarlxs como máximo durante los primeros meses de 2020). Muchxs donantes que apoyan a organizaciones feministas han asignado recursos para que sus copartes puedan viajar al Foro. Otrxs podrían asignarles esos recursos cuando les renueven su apoyo o como parte de un fondo para viajes.

Si su organización/grupo tiene donantes, podrían contarles que quieren asistir al Foro AWID para aprender, vivenciar, compartir y contactarse con otrxs, aun si su actividad no resulta seleccionada para el programa final. Para poder apoyar su participación, lxs donantes tendrán que saber que ustedes quieren asistir al Foro cuanto antes (ya deben estar decidiendo cómo van a repartir sus fondos en 2020).

Buscar nuevos donantes:

Si no tienen donantes que les apoyen o lxs que tienen no pueden asignarles fondos para viajar al Foro, tal vez podrían buscar nuevos donantes. 

Los plazos y requisitos varían de un donante a otro, y los procesos para aprobar una donación pueden llevar meses. Si piensan solicitar fondos a un donante nuevo, por favor háganlo cuanto antes.

Inspiración creativa:

Desde siempre los movimientos feministas hemos desplegado nuestra creatividad para financiar nuestro activismo. A continuación encontrarán algunas ideas que podrían inspirarlxs para pensar formas alternativas de movilizar recursos:

  • Movilicen a su comunidad para que apoye su participación en el Foro: sumen pequeños aportes de su membresía y de otras personas organizando cenas, bailes, espectáculos, eventos o viajes guiados
  • Organicen círculos de donantes y utilicen el financiamiento comunitario a través de herramientas en línea como gofundmeindiegogoplumfund ou kickstarter (enlaces en inglés).
  • Otras fuentes de financiamiento local pueden ser donantes individuales o cuotas que paguen las personas de su asociación
  • También pueden aliarse estratégicamente con otros grupos comunitarios o que luchan por la justicia social y movilizar recursos juntxs.

Podrán encontrar más ideas en la serie de publicaciones de AWID sobre feministas que se autofinancian, que incluye ideas específicas para  movilizar fondos y participar en eventos

Fondo acceso:

AWID intenta hacer del Foro un evento verdaderamente global con participación de una variedad de movimientos, regiones y generaciones. Con este fin, movilizamos recursos para un Fondo Acceso (FA) limitado que asistirá a lxs participantes a cubrir los costos que implica asistir al Foro.

El Fondo Acceso de AWID podrá apoyar a un número limitado de participantes del Foro y personas que faciliten sesiones/actividades. Este apoyo no está garantizado y lxs alentamos a buscar formas alternativas de financiar su participación en el Foro, incluyendo sus gastos de viaje.

En su formulario de aplicación pueden indicar que les gustaría ser tenidxs en cuenta para el Fondo Acceso de AWID. Por favor tengan presente que estos recursos son muy limitados y que no vamos a poder apoyar a todxs. Aun si indican que les gustaría ser tenidxs en cuenta para el Fondo Acceso, les alentamos a continuar explorando otras opciones para financiar su participación en el Foro. A fines de junio de 2020 confirmaremos las decisiones acerca del Fondo Acceso. 


Cómo describir el Foro para movilizar recursos: 

A continuación encontrarán algunos mensajes simples que pueden utilizar cuando hablen con sus donantes o con personas de su comunidad. Por favor no duden en adaptarlos como les pueda resultar más útil.

El Foro AWID es un espacio que los movimientos feministas crean juntos y que permite a lxs participantes renovar energía para su activismo, fortaleciendo sus vínculos con muchos movimientos por los derechos y la justicia. Lxs participantes pueden encontrar allí esperanza, energía e imaginación radical, al mismo tiempo que profundizan análisis compartidos, aprenden y desarrollan la solidaridad entre movimientos que permite agendas más integradas y estrategias conjuntas.

Nuestra organización está buscando fondos para asistir al Foro y poder vincularnos con otrxs activistas y movimientos de todo el mundo, fortalecer nuestras estrategias y compartir el trabajo que hacemos. Nos inspira la experiencia de otrxs que han participado en el Foro y que describieron la fuerza de esta convocatoria feminista global:

“Durante cuatro días … las voces se entretejieron para articular una perspectiva global sobre el estado de la igualdad de género. Y cuando digo ‘global’ quiero decir por ejemplo que había traducción simultánea en siete idiomas…”

“Nos recordó que no estamos solas. El Foro nos permitió traducir lo colectivo a nuestros movimientos. Con diferencias en cuanto a ideologías, identidades o fronteras, nuestra fortaleza yace en nuestra visión y en cómo nos apoyamos unas a otras”.

Es importante señalar que este Foro tendrá muchos ‘espacios abiertos’ y momentos para que los movimientos puedan aprender e intercambiar entre sí, pero menos sesiones formales. Si bien muchxs participantes no podrán facilitar sesiones formales, para ellxs también será un espacio valioso en el que aprender, pensar estrategias y vivenciar el poder colectivo de los movimientos feministas en acción.

Qué tener en cuenta para el presupuesto: 

Para calcular los costos y saber cuánto dinero necesitarán recaudar, es importante que tengan en cuenta que su participación podrá requerir todos o algunos de los siguientes gastos:

  • Pasajes aéreos
  • Inscripción (por favor tengan en cuenta que aun si AWID lxs incluye en el Fondo Acceso ustedes tendrán que cubrir el pago de la inscripción)
  • Visas
  • Seguro de salud para viajerxs
  • Traslados hasta y desde el aeropuerto (en taxi u otro medio de transporte)
  • Si tienen que hacer una escala prolongada, tal vez necesiten calcular el costo de alojamiento y comidas
  • Alojamiento. Si viajan desde lejos hasta la sede del Foro, consideren la posibilidad de llegar un día antes para descansar y recuperarse.
  • Tecnología, incluyendo acceso a wifi o tarifas para comunicaciones internacionales durante el viaje (AWID proveerá acceso a wifi durante el Foro)
  • El costo de producir (y transportar) lo que quieran llevar, compartir o intercambiar en el Foro (informes, materiales artísticos o visuales)
  • Gastos imprevistos y/o viáticos para cubrir sus comidas (durante los días del Foro, AWID cubrirá los almuerzos, refrigerios y una de las cenas)
  • Accesibilidad: cualquier apoyo adicional que puedan necesitar y que sea importante para que puedan viajar más cómodxs y segurxs

¡Esperamos verlxs en el Foro!

 


El Foro es un proceso colaborativo

El 14o Foro de AWID tendrá lugar del 11 al 14 de enero de 2021 en Taipéi, Taiwán.

El Foro es más que una reunión de cuatro días. Es una estación en un recorrido más largo para fortalecer nuestros movimientos en torno a la noción de Realidades Feministas que ya ha comenzado y que continuará más allá de las fechas del Foro.

Únete al Viaje

На каких языках проводится опрос?

На данный момент опрос в KOBO доступен на арабском, английском, французском, португальском, русском и испанском языках. В начале опроса у вас будет возможность выбрать нужный вам язык.

Bessy Ferrera

Bessy Ferrera was a lifelong defender of the human rights of trans people, sex workers and HIV positive people in Honduras.

Bessy was also a member of Arcoíris, an organisation which supports the LGBTI+ community. She was also a focal point person for the Right Here, Right Now (Derechos aquí y Ahora) Platform of Honduras, and advocated strongly for full citizenship of trans people, and the passing of a gender identity law that would allow trans people to change their gender identity legally.

"Since the beginning of the year [2019] the trans community has been suffering a series of attacks, for defending, for demanding rights." - Rihanna Ferrera (Bessy’s sister)

Bessy was a sex worker, and in early July 2019, was shot to death by two men while working in the streets of Comayagüela. Her assailants were subsequently arrested. 

Bessy is one of many LGBTI+ rights defenders in Honduras, who were murdered because of their identities and work. Other companeras include: Cynthia Nicole, Angy Ferreira, Estefania "Nia" Zuniga, Gloria Carolina Hernandez Vasquez, Paola Barraza, Violeta Rivas, and Sherly Montoya.

Bessy’s case is emblematic of injustice and a much larger problem of the systematic violence the LGBTI+ community faces in Honduras as the state fails to guarantee rights offer and fails to offer protection. This has created a culture of impunity.

Despite the risks LGBTI+ defenders in Honduras face, they continue their work to challenge and resist violence, and fight stigma and discrimination on a daily basis. 

“If I die, let it be for something good not for something futile. I don’t want to die running away, being a coward. If I die, I want people to say that I died fighting for what is mine.” - member of Arcoíris 

Snippet FEA Sopo Japaridze (FR)

Nous avons le plaisir de vous présenter Sopo Japaridze, féministe féroce, dirigeante syndicale et présidente du syndicat de service indépendant Réseau de Solidarité.

Elle a quitté le pays très jeune pour les États-Unis, où elle est devenue politiquement active en tant qu'organisatrice syndicale. Elle a toujours gardé la Géorgie à l'esprit pendant tout ce temps, jusqu'au jour où, 20 ans plus tard, elle a décidé de revenir.

La confédération syndicale géorgienne existante à cette époque était loin d'être idéale. C’est pourquoi, armée de ses compétences, de ses connaissances et de son expérience en matière de syndicalisation, Sopo est retournée en Géorgie et a formé son propre syndicat.

Elle est aussi une chercheuse passionnée et une écrivaine. Elle étudie les relations de travail et les relations sociales, écrit pour diverses publications et est co-éditrice de Left East, une plate-forme analytique d'Europe de l'Est. Elle a également cofondé l'initiative et le podcast d'histoire politique, Réimaginer la Géorgie Soviétique, où elle explore les complexités et les nuances des expériences du pays sous l'Union soviétique, pour mieux comprendre son passé et construire un avenir meilleur.

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Reason to join 4

Voyez grand ! Notre rayonnement international nous permet de combiner notre travail analytique avec des outils politiques et pratiques de plaidoyer et de transformation afin de faire avancer la cause des mouvements féministes à tous les niveaux.

Pourquoi l’AWID a-t-elle choisi de tenir le Forum à Taipei ?

Les recherches à distance et les consultations menées auprès de nos allié·e·s nous ont permis d’éliminer plusieurs options de la région.

Nous avons ensuite organisé une série complète de visites au Népal, en Malaisie, au Sri Lanka, en Thaïlande, en Indonésie et (plus tard) à Taïwan. Sur place, chaque visite comprenait non seulement un examen de l’infrastructure logistique, mais aussi des réunions avec des activistes et des groupes féministes locales·aux afin de mieux comprendre la situation et leur analyse des risques et opportunités potentielles quant à un Forum de l’AWID dans leur contexte.     

Durant nos visites sur place, nous avons rencontré de formidables mouvements féministes locaux, divers et dynamiques. 

Ils ont souvent exprimé des sentiments partagés entre risques et opportunités liées à la visibilité apportée par un événement comme le Forum. Durant l’une des réunions,  les activistes présent·e·s soulignèrent à l'unanimité, au cours des 30 premières minutes, que le Forum de l’AWID pouvait entraîner de nombreux contrecoups, que les droits LGBTQ étaient un sujet politique particulièrement sensible et que les groupes fondamentalistes chercheraient de toutes leurs forces à interrompre l’événement. Lorsque nous répliquâmes  « ok, donc vous ne pensez pas que ce soit une bonne idée », leur réponse également unanime  fut « bien sûr que si, nous voulons changer les récits !».

Il était difficile d’entendre et de voir dans certains endroits le nombre d’activistes féministes qui voulaient utiliser l’opportunité de visibilité d’un tel événement comme levier, prêt·e·s à faire face aux risques locaux ; mais l’accueil de près de 2000 personnes venues du monde entier nécessitait de prendre en compte d’autres calculs de risque et de faisabilité. 

Nous avons également débattu de questions sur ce qu’implique l’organisation d’un forum féministe en cohérence avec les principes d’inclusion, de réciprocité et d’autodétermination, là où les politiques et les pratiques étatiques vont généralement à leur encontre (même si les représentant·e·s des Ministères du Tourisme ont tenté  ardemment de concilier ce point). 

Nous avons pris en considération l’infrastructure au regard des opportunités éventuelles permettant d’insuffler un élan pour certaines priorités féministes nationales, ainsi que le contexte politique du pays.   

Dans beaucoup d’endroits, suivre le contexte donnait des impressions de balancier pouvant pencher vers l’ouverture et la sécurité des débats féministes à un moment donné, et vers la répression totale et la xénophobie l’instant d’après, sacrifiant les priorités féministes dans les négociations politiques cherchant à apaiser l’extrême droite ou les forces anti-droits.  

Ce processus a donné lieu à des réflexions sur le contexte extrêmement difficile pour l’activisme des droits des femmes et de la justice de genre au niveau mondial. 

Les défis de la région Asie-Pacifique nous ont amené à nous demander : ne serait-ce pas plus simple de tenir le Forum dans une autre région ? 

Pour autant, nous ne pourrions aujourd’hui organiser un Forum de l’AWID à Istanbul comme nous l’avions fait en 2012, ou au Brésil comme en 2016.  

Malgré toute cette complexité, l’AWID a finalement choisi Taipei comme lieu de Forum car :

  • La ville offre un certain degré de stabilité et de sécurité aux divers·e·s participant·e·s du Forum que nous voulons rassembler.
  • Elle dispose aussi de capacités logistiques importantes, en plus d’être accessible pour beaucoup de voyageurs·ses (avec une facilitation de procédure de visa électronique pour les conférences internationales). 
  • Le mouvement féministe sur place est accueillant vis-à-vis du Forum et désire s’engager avec des féministes du monde entier.

L’organisation du Forum de l’AWID implique pour nous la création et la disposition d’un espace qui s’ajuste au mieux à une diversité de formes d’expression de solidarité, d’indignation, d’espoir et d’inspiration. Celles-ci sont au cœur de nos mouvements féministes.

Actuellement, Taipei nous semble donc être l’emplacement de la région Asie-Pacifique qui nous permet au mieux de bâtir un espace sécurisé et désobéissant pour notre communauté féministe mondiale.

Le fait est qu’il n’existe pas d’emplacement idéal dans le monde actuel pour tenir un Forum qui se concentre sur les Réalités féministes. Peu importe où nous irons, nous devrons construire cet espace ensemble !

Devo fazer alguma preparação para responder ao inquérito?

Tendo em conta que o inquérito WITM foca-se nas realidades do financiamento de organizações feministas, a maioria das perguntas aborda o tópico do financiamento do seu grupo entre 2021-2023. Será preciso ter essas informações facilmente acessíveis para preencher o inquérito (por exemplo, os seus orçamentos anuais e as principais fontes de financiamento).

Yelena Grigoriyeva

Yelena Grigoriyeva, a menudo conocida entre sus amigxs como Lena, fue una destacada defensora de los derechos LGBT en Rusia.

Formó parte de movimientos democráticos, anti-guerra y LGBT. En su activismo, fue una crítica feroz del Presidente Vladimir Putin y su administración, y expresó su oposición a la anexión por parte de Rusia de la península de Crimea de Ucrania y al maltrato de prisionerxs.

Yelena se declaró bisexual a principios de 2019. "Su salida del armario fue una sorpresa para mí, y no la aprobé. Le dije: ‘Escucha, Lena, ya estás en la mira por tu actividad política. Te acabas de clavar otro blanco en el pecho’". - Olga Smirnova

Yelena, de hecho, recibió múltiples amenazas de muerte y, según algunxs de sus conocidxs, figuraba en un sitio web homofóbico que instaba a sus visitantes a que persiguieran a las personas LGBT. Yelena denunció las amenazas a la policía, pero el Estado ruso no le proporcionó ningún tipo de protección.

Sin embargo, Yelena, a pesar de vivir en una sociedad en la que la oposición política, así como lxs integrantes de la comunidad LGBT y lxs defensores de sus derechos, se enfrentan a una violencia continua y creciente, siguió haciendo campaña por la justicia social y la igualdad.

"No se perdió ni una sola acción. Y la detuvieron tantas veces que hasta perdí la cuenta", Olga Smirnova (compañera activista de la oposición y amiga).

Yelena fue asesinada el 21 de julio de 2019, cerca de su casa. Las autoridades detuvieron a una persona sospechosa pero, según algunas fuentes, muchxs amigxs y compañerxs activistas creen que es un chivo expiatorio y que, en realidad, se trata de un asesinato político deliberado.

Para los familiares y amigxs de Yelena, su caso sigue sin resolverse aunque la persona sospechosa haya confesado.

En 2013, Rusia aprobó una ley que prohíbe la difusión de lo que describió como "propaganda gay". En 2014, Human Rights Watch publicó un informe al respecto.

Snippet FEA Union Otras (EN)

UNION OTRAS

The Sex Workers' Trade Union Organisation (Organización de Trabajo Sexual, OTRAS) is the first union of sex workers in the history of Spain. It was born out of the need to ensure social, legal and political rights for sex workers in a country where far-right movements are on the rise.

After years of struggles against the Spanish legal system and anti-sex workers groups who petitioned to shut it down, OTRAS finally obtained its legal status as a union in 2021.

Its goal? To decriminalize sex work and to ensure decent working conditions and environments for all sex workers.

The union represents over 600 professional sex workers, many of whom are migrant, trans, queer and gender-diverse.

Our values - bodily autonomy

Bodily autonomy, integrity and freedoms<

We celebrate everyone's right to choose their identities, relationships, goals, work, dreams and pleasures, and what they do with their mind, body and spirit. We believe in working towards access to resources, information and safe and enabling environments that allow this to happen.

Courageous WHRDs in the Media

These 21 Women Human Rights Defenders (WHRDs) worked as journalists and more widely in the media sector in Mexico, Colombia, Fiji, Libya, Nepal, United States, Nicaragua, Philippines, Russia, Germany, France, Afghanistan, and the United Kingdom. 17 of them were murdered and in one case the cause of death is still unclear. On this World Press Freedom Day, please join us in commemorating the life and work of these women by sharing the images below with your colleagues, friends and networks using the hashtags #WPFD2016 and #WHRDs.

The contributions of these women were celebrated and honoured in our Tribute to Women Human Rights Defenders (WHRDs) Who Are No Longer With Us.


Please click on each image below to see a larger version and download as a file

 

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Research methology

Over eight years, we did four global surveys and built a research methodology.

In 2013, we published three global reports. These reports confirm that women’s rights organizations are doing the heavy lifting to advance women’s rights and gender equality by using diverse, creative and long-term strategies, all while being underfunded.

Our 2010 global survey showed that the collective income of 740 women’s organizations around the world totaled only USD 104 million. Compare this with Greenpeace International, one organization with a 2010 budget of USD 310 million1. Imagine the impact these groups could have if they were able to access all the financial resources they need and more?

AWID’s WITM research has catalyzed increased funding for women’s rights organizing. WITM research was a driving force behind the Catapult crowdfunding platform, which has raised USD 6.5 million for women’s rights. The Dutch Government cited WITM research as a reason for its unprecedented MDG 3 Fund of EU 82 million. WITM research has also led to the creation of several new funds: FRIDA – The Young Feminist Fund, the Indigenous Women’s Fund, Fundo Elas, the Mediterranean Women’s Fund and the Rita Fund.

Funding trends analyses

While the WITM research has shed important light on the global funding landscape, AWID and partners have identified the need to dig deeper, to analyze funding trends by region, population and issue. In response, organizations are now using AWID’s WITM research methodology to do their own funding trends analyses. For example, in November 2013, Kosova Women’s Network and Alter Habitus – Institute for Studies in Society and Culture published Where is the Money for Women’s Rights? A Kosovo Case Study.

At the same time, AWID continues to collaborate with partners in Where is the Money for Indigenous Women’s Rights (with International Indigenous Women’s Forum and International Funders for Indigenous Peoples) and our upcoming Where is the Money for Women’s Rights in Brazil? (with Fundo Elas).

Several organizations have also conducted their own independent funding trends research, deepening their understanding of the funding landscape and politics behind it. For example, the South Asian Women’s Fund was inspired by AWID’s WITM research to conduct funding trends reports for each country in South Asia, as well as a regional overview. Other examples of research outside of AWID include the collaboration between Open Society Foundations, Mama Cash, and the Red Umbrella Fund to produce the report Funding for Sex Workers Rights, and the first-ever survey on trans* and intersex funding by Global Action for Trans* Equality and American Jewish World Service.


Reclaiming the Commons

Definition

There are varied conceptualizations about the commons notes activist and scholar Soma Kishore Parthasarathy.

Conventionally, they are understood as natural resources intended for use by those who depend on their use. However, the concept of the commons has expanded to include the resources of knowledge, heritage, culture, virtual spaces, and even climate. It pre-dates the individual property regime and provided the basis for organization of society. Definitions given by government entities limit its scope to land and material resources.

The concept of the commons rests on the cultural practice of sharing livelihood spaces and resources as nature’s gift, for the common good, and for the sustainability of the common.

Context

Under increasing threat, nations and market forces continue to colonize, exploit and occupy humanity’s commons.

In some favourable contexts, the ‘commons’ have the potential to enable women, especially economically oppressed women, to have autonomy in how they are able to negotiate their multiple needs and aspirations.

Feminist perspective

Patriarchy is reinforced when women and other oppressed genders are denied access and control of the commons.

Therefore, a feminist economy seeks to restore the legitimate rights of communities to these common resources. This autonomy is enabling them to sustain themselves; while evolving more egalitarian systems of governance and use of such resources. A feminist economy acknowledges women’s roles and provides equal opportunities for decision-making, i.e. women as equal claimants to these resources.

Photo: Ana Abelenda / AWID, 2012

Learn more about this proposition

Part of our series of


  Feminist Propositions for a Just Economy

When development initiatives, religious fundamentalisms and the state of women’s rights collide

Our new research paper The Devil is in the Details addresses knowledge gaps around religious fundamentalisms within the development sector, and aims to improve understanding of how they constrain development and women’s rights in particular. It provides recommendations for ways development actors can avoid inadvertently strengthening and instead challenge fundamentalisms. [CTA download link: Read the full paper]

 

Seven pointers to consider

 

Graphic1 1. Control of women’s bodies, sexuality, and choice are “warning signs” of rising fundamentalisms.
2. Neoliberal economic policies have a particularly negative impact on women, and fuel the growth of religious fundamentalisms. Graphic2
Graphic3 3. Choosing religious organizations as default for partnerships builds their legitimacy and access to resources, and supports their ideology, including gender ideology.
4.Everyone has multiple identities and should be defined by more than just their religion. Foregrounding religious identities tends to reinforce the power of religious fundamentalists. Graphic4
Graphic5 5. Religion, culture, and tradition are constantly changing, being reinterpreted and challenged. What is dominant is always a question of power.
6. Racism, exclusion, and marginalization all add to the appeal of fundamentalists’ offer of a sense of belonging and a “cause”. Graphic6
Graphic7 7. There is strong evidence that the single most important factor in promoting women’s rights and gender equality is an autonomous women’s movement.

 

There has been a growth in the power and influence of religious fundamentalist actors globally.

The Devil is in the Details details the grave human rights violations, and violations of women’s rights in particular, caused by state-sponsored fundamentalism, as well as by fundamentalist non-state actors such as militias, religious community organizations, and individuals. Fundamentalist reinforcement of regressive, patriarchal social norms are leading to the rise of violence against women, girls, and women human rights defenders (WHRDs). The paper highlights these key insights for addressing the problem:

  • [icon] Religious fundamentalisms are gaining ground within communities
  • [icon] Political systems
  • [icon] International arenas with devastating effects for ordinary people, women in particular.

 

There is an urgent need to act for development actors.

Development actors are in a position to take a strong role in this. The collective capacity of development actors to recognize and collaboratively address religious fundamentalisms is vital for advancing social, economic, and gender justice and the human rights of all people in sustainable development. It is vital to promote intersectional feminist understandings of power and privilege, and to apply these to questions of religion and culture. Women’s organizations already have knowledge and strategies to counter fundamentalisms development actors should build on this, and invest in cross-issue coalitions to help them reach new heights.

Why did AWID choose Taipei as the location for the Forum?

AWID spent close to two years working to identify a Forum location in the Asia Pacific region (the Forum location rotates regions).

Building on initial desk research and consultations with allies that led us to rule out many other options in the region, we organized a thorough round of site visits to Nepal, Malaysia, Sri Lanka, Thailand, Indonesia and (later) Taiwan. 

Each site visit included not just scoping the logistical infrastructure but meeting with local feminist groups and activists to better understand the context, and their sense of potential opportunities and risks of an AWID forum in their context.

In our site visits, we found incredibly vibrant, diverse local feminist movements.

They often expressed conflicted feelings about the opportunities and risk that the visibility of an event like the Forum could bring to them. In one, during the first 30 minutes of our meeting we heard unanimously from the activists gathered that an AWID Forum would be subject to huge backlash, that LGBTQ rights were a particular political hot-button and that fundamentalist groups would turn out in full force to interrupt the event. When our response was “ok, then you don’t feel it’s a good idea”, again the unanimous response was “of course it is, we want to change the narrative!”.

It was difficult to hear and see in some of these places how many feminist activists wanted to leverage the opportunity of a visible big event and were prepared to face the local risks; but our considerations as hosts of close to 2,000 people from around the world impose a different calculation of risk and feasibility.

We also grappled with questions of what it means to organize a feminist forum that is aligned to principles around inclusion, reciprocity and self-determination, when state policy and practice is usually directly counter to that (although officials in the ministries of Tourism work very hard to smooth that over).

We weighed considerations of infrastructure, with potential opportunity to tip momentum on some national level feminist agendas, and national political context.

In many of these places, monitoring the context felt like an exercise on a pendulum that could swing from open and safe for feminist debates in one moment to stark repression and xenophobia the next, sacrificing feminist priorities as political bargaining chips to pacify right wing, anti-rights forces.

The process has been a sobering reflection on the incredibly challenging context for women’s rights and gender justice activism globally.

Our challenges in Asia Pacific led us to consider: would it be easier if we moved the Forum to a different region? Yet today, we would not be able to organize an AWID Forum in Istanbul as we did in 2012; nor would we be able to do one in Brazil as we did in 2016.

With all of this complexity, AWID selected Taipei as the Forum location because:

  • It offers a moderate degree of stability and safety for the diversity of Forum participants we will convene.
  • it also has strong logistical capacities, and is accessible for many travellers (with a facilitated e-visa process for international conferences).
  • The local feminist movement is welcoming of the Forum and keen to engage with feminists from across the globe.

In organizing the AWID Forum, we are trying to build and hold space as best we can for the diverse expressions of solidarity, outrage, hope and inspiration that are at the core of feminist movements.

At this moment, we see Taipei as the location in the Asia Pacific region that will best allow us to build that safe and rebelious space for our global feminist community.

The fact is, there is no ideal location in today’s world for a Forum that centers Feminist Realities. Wherever we go, we must build that space together!

Leitis in Waiting Watch Party Participation Guide