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Sexual Violence In War Hauled Out Of The Shadows

On Jun. 19, 2008, the U.N. Security Council passed Resolution 1820, expressly addressing the problems of sexual violence in conflict situations. One year later, three experts in the field gathered to speak at the United States Institute of Peace to evaluate the implementation of 1820 and consider how it might better prevent this widespread crime.

The resolution marked a major step forward for the U.N. in addressing the problems of sexual violence in conflict zones. Anne-Marie Goetz, a chief advisor at the U.N. Development Fund for Women (UNIFEM), presents it as a groundbreaking resolution, linking sexual violence to broader peace and security concerns.
"For the very first time, the U.N. Security Council recognises that systematic sexual violence can be a tactic of warfare. And because it's a tactic of warfare, it requires a security and policy response," said Goetz, speaking at the USIP on Thursday.
Goetz was joined by Neil Boothby, a professor of clinical population and family health at Columbia University, and Dara Kay Cohen, a Ph.D. candidate in the department of political science at Stanford University, to mark the one-year anniversary of Resolution 1820.
The resolution acknowledges that sexual violence is often widespread in conflict zones, and that this violence is not just a social problem. Rather, the resolution says that sexual violence "can significantly exacerbate situations of armed conflict and may impede the restoration of international peace and security."
Boothby, Goetz and Cohen addressed the unique challenges of studying and ameliorating the sexual and gender-based violence situations in conflict zones. They also presented new findings about data-collection and perpetrators' motives that promise to help reverse the trend of sexual violence within conflict zones.
All three experts emphasised the extent to which sexual violence in conflict zones is misunderstood. The prevalence of the problem is particularly difficult to estimate.
Knowing the frequency of sexual violence in any conflict zone is difficult because being the victim of sexual violence often carries with it a heavy stigma. Thus, it is often not reported to officials, U.N. observers, or researchers.
Furthermore, rape in conflict zones is not always stranger rape; it may be performed by a partner or spouse. Domestic sexual violence is not often reported because the victims fear retribution from their partners.
However, the victims share stories with each other, and with this in mind, Boothby advocates the "neighbourhood method" of gathering information. This method, according to Boothby, "operates on the assumption that people know when their female neighbours have been raped or beaten."
"We need methods capable of tapping into these informal information networks," continued Boothby. He added that although the victims don't report their stories officially, they consider sexual violence a major problem. In one study performed in northern Uganda of gender-based violence, the women in the study "ranked gender-based violence the number-one problem in their lives."
Resolution 1820 states that "women and girls are particularly targeted by the use of sexual violence, including as a tactic of war", but it is notable that gender-based violence in conflict situations is not always perpetrated by males upon female victims.
Cohen found that in Sierra Leone's civil war, the RUF rebel group was about one-quarter women, some of whom were known to participate in gang-rapes. Likewise, though less common, men have been victims of sexual violence in conflict situations as well.
Understanding who is committing this violence is important, but the why is crucial to effectively preventing its widespread, systematic use as a tactic of war. Cohen's research addresses this question of motives.
Cohen hypothesised, "Sexual violence is a phenomenon, used as a socialisation practice, particularly by fighters who need to trust each other but do not know each other." She said that militant groups that partake in regular, systematic gang rape do so to create trust and cohesion between members.
Thus, though the easiest cases to prevent and punish are those that are "commanded, planned, and organised" from the top down, as Goetz has said, such cases are not the norm.
The consequences of widespread gender-based violence are far-reaching. There are, first of all, the immediate consequences of the victims' humiliation and degradation. Sexually transmitted diseases are also a major problem, affecting both the perpetrators and victims. A 2004 WHO study found that the rural prevalence of HIV in Rwanda increased from 1 percent in 1994, at the start of the civil war, to 11 percent in 1997.
Economic difficulties also often accompany sexual violence in conflict zones. Goetz said that sexual violence affects food-crop production and sales in areas where women participate most in those areas. This can be a major hindrance to post-conflict reconstruction efforts. Still, this topic has yet to be studied in detail.
"Very little is known about how sexual violence affects rebuilding and recovery" in conflict zones, said Goetz.
A March 2009 U.N. report on the implementation of Resolution 1820 made several key recommendations for action on the problem of sexual violence in conflict zones.
One major recommendation was to emphasise prevention, rather than coping. Having a better idea of the motives behind such violence is a good way to address prevention.
Cohen posited that militant groups that engage in forced recruitment might undertake drastic measures, such as sexual violence, to create cohesion. These groups, then, might be targeted by U.N. peacekeepers as possible perpetrators of sexual violence.
Still, there is much work to be done. Only six peace deals have even mentioned sexual violence, Goetz pointed out, and "there's often a spike in sexual violence immediately post-conflict."
There is hope that Resolution 1820 will ultimately help to change these trends. Linking sexual violence to international peace and security may help to show that it needs to be addressed in any conflict situation.
Goetz emphasised this point, saying that a war is not really over until sexual violence stops: "A ceasefire that stops the guns but doesn't stop the rape means that sexual violence can continue occurring."

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Prostitution in the Islamic nation of Pakistan, once relegated to dark alleys and small red-light districts, is now seeping into many neighborhoods of country’s urban centers. Reports indicate that since the period of civilian rule ended in 1977, times have changed and now the sex industry is bustling.

Early military governments and religious groups sought to reform areas like the famous “Taxali Gate” district of Lahore by displacing prostitutes and their families in an effort to “reinvent” the neighborhood.

While displacing the prostitutes might have temporarily made the once small red-light district a better neighborhood for a time, it did little to stop the now dispersed prostitutes from plying their trade. Reforming a neighborhood, instead of offering education and alternative opportunities, appears to be at the core of early failures to curb the nascent sex industry. This mistake would become a prophetic error as now the tendrils of the sex trade have become omnipresent in cities like Islamabad, Rawalpindi, Karachi and Lahore, not to mention towns, villages and rural outposts.

An aid worker for an Islamabad-based non-governmental organization (NGO) recently related a story: quickly after his arrival in the capital, he realized the house next to his own was a Chinese brothel. The Chinese ability to “franchise” the commercial sex industry by providing down-trodden Chinese women throughout Asia, North America and Europe would be admirable in a business sense if it were not for the atrocities – human trafficking, sexual slavery and exploitation – which cloud its practice.

Chinese bordellos, often operating as “massage parlors” or beauty salons, are across Pakistan, even spread even to war-torn and restive locations such as the Afghan capital Kabul. Chinese in the sex industry have developed a cunning ability to recognize areas where the demand for sex far outstrips the supply.

The NGO worker said that after months of living adjacent to the brothel things were shaken up – literally. One evening a drunk Pakistani drove his car into the brothel. Later the driver told authorities the ramming was a protest by a devout Muslim against the debauchery of the house and its inhabitants. The NGO worker, however, had seen the same car parked peacefully outside the house the night before.

The local sex industry comprised of Pakistani prostitutes has also grown in recent years. One can easily find videos on YouTube that show unabashed red-light areas of Lahore. The videos display house after house with colorfully lit entranceways always with a mamasan and at least one Pakistani woman in traditional dress. The women are available for in-house services for as little as 400 rupees (US$6) to take-away prices ranging 1,000 to 2,000 rupees. These districts are mostly for locals, but foreigners can indulge at higher prices.

Foreigners in Pakistan have no trouble finding companionship and may receive rates similar to locals in downtrodden districts. More upscale areas like Lahore’s Heera Mundi or “Diamond Market”, cater to well-heeled locals and foreigners. At these places prettier, younger girls push their services for 5,000 to 10,000 rupees for an all-night visit, and the most exceptional can command 20,000 to 40,000 rupees for just short time.

Rumors abound online that female TV stars and actresses can be hired for sex. “You can get film stars for 50,000 to 100,000 rupees but you need good contacts for that,” one blogger wrote after a trip to Lahore.

“The Lahore, Karachi and Rawalpindi sex scenes are totally changing and it’s easier and easier to get a girl for [sex],” another blogger wrote. “Most of the hotels provide you the girls upon request.” Bloggers also reported that it is easy to find girls prowling the streets after 6 pm, and foreigners can find young women hanging out near Western franchises like McDonald’s and KFC. Such women, the bloggers claim, can lead the customer to a nearby short-time accommodation.

Short-time hotels offering hourly rates can be found all over major cities, underscoring the profits being reaped by the sex industry.

Pakistan can also accommodate the gay community with prostitution. Unfortunately, this has also given rise to child prostitution.

A Pakistani blogger wrote, “We [ethnic] Pathans are very fond of boys. [In Pakistan] the wives are only [had sex with] once or twice a year. There are lot of gay brothels in Peshawar – the famous among them is at Ramdas Bazaar. [One can] go to any Afghan restaurant and find young waiters selling sex.”

As in many societies, access to technology, the Internet and mobile phones has only facilitated the sex trade in Pakistan. “Matchmaking” websites serve the male clientele, while providing marketing for prostitutes.

The root causes of prostitution in Pakistan are poverty and a dearth of opportunities. Widows find themselves on the streets with mouths to feed, and for many prostitution offers a quick fix. A local Pakistani prostitute can earn 2,000 to 3,000 rupees per day compared to the average monthly income of 2,500 rupees.

Forced prostitution is not rare. Women in hard times are often exploited and pushed into prostitution. Sandra (not her real name), said that after the death of her father she was left alone; friends and relatives deserted her after the grieving period. As a middle-class, educated woman she was surprised to find herself forced into prostitution from her office job.

“My boss initially spoiled me at first,” she told Khaleej Times. “[But] now I am in [the sex industry].” Sandra first thought her boss was being gracious, but quickly learned he was grooming her for sex for his own pleasure, and then acting as her pimp.

Many of Pakistan’s contemporary sexual mores may have evolved from traditional practices. For example, the polygamy permitted in Muslim society stemmed from the need for larger family units, the better to support familial ties and tend for widows. Until such ancient customs are updated, women such as Sandra will continue to be bought and sold.

It’s time for Pakistan to admit that prostitution is doing a roaring trade within its borders, and will continue to prosper until it is addressed in a modern manner. Let us hope that the people and government of this proud Muslim country will stop pretending the problem simply isn’t there.

mudasir
mudasir_jalal@yahoo.com
00923212145371

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